Women and the Politics of Church Leadership: Action for Change
Oyeronke Olademo
Introduction
Gender classification in Africa before the coming of colonization was characterized by
mutuality and independency. However, the advent of colonial enterprise proffered significant
implications for African people’s ethos generally and gender classification specifically. Worthy
of note is the fact that the culture contact between Africa and Western civilization could be
described as an exchange as evinced by the creation of African Christianity and the influence of
African culture philosophy on practices and biblical interpretations in orthodox Christianity in
Africa. A direct product of this exchange was the distinction made between the private and
public sector, which translated to the disempowerment of the African women. Prior to the
coming of Christianity in Africa, there was no distinct demarcation between the private and
public sector of society as sole venues for either male or female enterprises. In addition, the
monetization of labour was unheard of because needs were met by the exchange of labour,
goods, and services (trade by barter). With the coming of colonization, women’s roles in the
African polity was greatly minimized and eventually eroded whereas the services of men were
encouraged and invested in through Western education. Mark and Engel, who describe
“inequality between sexes as a phenomenon that evolved with the development of private
property” buttresses their observation. The capitalist system of production altered the egalitarian
relations within the household by separating the roles of production and reproduction and by
restricting women from participation in those spheres where they could accumulate property and
compete effectively with men”. In addition, it has been observed that “the contemporary
marginality of women of African descent globally then is largely the result of externally
generated factors…including enslavement and colonialism”. Sequel to the discourse above was
the entrenchment of patriarchy, a system that subjugates and oppresses women in multifaceted
ways. Men were recognized as leaders in and outside the home and this stance was reinforced by
Biblical injunctions. Identify-a sense of who I am-may be defined as a accumulation of lifetime
experiences imposed by many external influences and composed the person through an
irreplaceable progression of growth that may be marked by intense internal tussle. Identify
construction may be described as a fluid process that is historically and discursively constructed.
Identity is characterized by multiplicity at different levels in content and structure and this
explains why an individual could operate many identities at once. Ironically, therefore, one’s
identity may be concurrently stable in some aspects but also very precarious in terms of changing
loyalties evoked in response to changing situations. Freedom of choice is profoundly linked with
identity construction. Women’s identity in the church in Nigeria conform to this prescription, it
is fluid, unstable and undergoing a continuous process of negotiations. Consequences of these
negotiations reflect in the minimal participation of women in the leadership cadre of the Church
in Africa and women’s continuous struggle to improve on opportunities for equity.
Change is the only unchanging thing about life, its therefore expected tat people’s roles
will continue to change; multiple and changing identities attest to this. This dynamism embedded
within change operates with the assumptions of flexibility and continuous reappraisal. In
addition, change requires some level of accommodation and understanding. African women’s lot
within and outside of Christianity illustrate clearly that change is integral to human living
experience. Consequently, a call for change concerning the present position of women in
Christianity in Africa would not be considered outrageous. To facilitate the discourse in this
paper. I intend to examine the role of Nigerian women in politics, politics in the church in
Nigeria, women and politics in the church in Nigeria and some concluding remarks
The Nigerian Women in Politics
The patriarchal nature of the Nigerian polity also reflects in the political structure and practices
of the country. Politics in Nigeria is male dominated and male focused. Women’s issues and
participation are at minimal levels and this could be attributed to a number of factors. These
include gender and cultural patterns, ideology, pre-determined social roles, male dominance, and
control, lack of funds, poverty, unemployment, ignorance, and lack of access to information and
the effect of violence on women. Gender and cultural patens are products of socialization and
regulation. Women are socialized to perceive domestically and motherhood as reasons why they
live. To fall short of either expectation is to lose reasons for living and fulfillment. Consequently,
women who seek fulfillment outside the domestic sheers especially in polities deviate from the
nom and are labeled as rebels and prostitutes.
Further, women’s lives are regulated on diverse planes reproduction; social ambitions and
economically to ensure that compliance to the prescriptions of culture and religion are
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reinforced. These prescription are girded in patriarchy and gender inequality. The prevailing
ideology meted on women in the Nigerian polity is the ideology of control. The co-operation of
religion and culture (post-colonial) in Africa is dedicated to placing glass ceiling on women’s bid
to excel on all fronts but these are getting shattered by the day. Financial constraint is a major
setback to women’s effective participation in polities. It has been observed and rightly so, that
‘’the biggest hardly against the participation of women in politics is the increasing monetization
of political contest and the resort to violence through the use of thugs. ‘’6 Ignorance and lack of
correct political information point to the large percentage of illiterate women population in
Nigeria. Where women lack education or are educated but lack correct information on their
rights in politics, it becomes difficult to advance women’s meaningful participation in politics
because knowledge in power. Another significant deterrent to women’s effective participation in
politics is religion. Both Christianity and Islam, the major religions in Nigeria preach and seek to
entrench the subservience of women to men and the restriction of women to certain disciplines.
The issue of women’s political participation and representation in politics should be
considered from four salient perspectives: access, participation, representation, and
transformation? Women’s access to political institutions is limited and frost with difficulties.
Political parties in Nigeria are corrupt and this translates to low participation and representation
of women’s in public leadership. In addition, political parties continue to ignore international
resolutions that advocate for women’s active participation in politics and the removal of all
forms of discriminations against them8 To participate effectively in politics, women need to
contribute to the control of power on the basis of equity rather than the present situation of
tokenism. The representation of women in politics needs to be both qualitative and quantitative.
Consequently, elite women should make deliberate efforts to participate in politics rather than
reject politics as a dirty game. Transformations social and political are expected results of these
four steps of analysis if dedicatedly pursued. Also, such a transformation would positively
impact the totality of a people’s living experience.
Mention should however be made of the fact that the precepts that democracy would
automatically boost gender equality in political participation has not been validated in the
Nigerian polity. There has been an increase in the number of females occupying leadership
positions in the past five years policies could be reported9. It has been observed that each woman
leader in Nigerian polity operates personal genders fuelled by multifarious levels of social
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networks. It is the bid to satisfy these social networks that informs the prioritized areas of
emphasis and performance by women leaders in the Nigerian polity.
Major challenges inhibiting women’s participation inhibiting women’s participation in
politics in Nigeria include godfatherism, money politics, personality politics, ethnicity, election
rigging, pull him/her down syndrome, and lack of security. These challenges are serious
concerns that threaten the full participation of women by intimidating and prohibiting women
from attaining their potentials in the political realm and beyond. These same challenges emerge
as significant constraint to women’s participation at the leadership cadre of the Church in
Nigeria, and to that, we now turn.
Politics in the Church in Nigeria
Religion as phenomenon displays proclivity towards a social structure that is built on
hierarchy to safeguard any move to cross boundaries. Christianity, and by implication the
Church, operates on a structure that is built on hierarchy.
Consequently, politics is an integral part of the Church in Nigeria as is true of every
social institution in the polity. Again, politics was major characteristic in the church from its
inception. The need for organization compels the requirements for hierarchy and hence
leadership and other church officers. Therefore, politics in the church is biblical and imperative
despite the fact that it is an ecclesiastical body. Consequently, prevalent paradigm in secular
politics often replicates themselves in church politics is true of both the church and the secular
setting holds true for women in the church as well though methodologies for addressing the
challenges may vary. These challenges include ethnicity, godfatherism, finance, and social
networking. Whereas the choices of leaders in biblical accounts were based solely on prayer and
the leading of the Holy Spirit, the same may not be said of the choice of church leaders today.
The contemporary church utilizes other parameters in addition to those mentioned above in
choosing leaders and these other parameters deserve close examination.
Finance constitutes a significant challenge for any aspiring leader in the church not
because money is needed to bribe as may be true of secular politics but because of the social
status that riches bestows on an individual in Nigeria. Cultures in Nigeria operate with the
assumption that being a person of means is a requirement to lead whereas a poor leader would be
considered an aberration or at best an exception. It is also possible that this stance emanates from
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the realization that leaders require money to fulfill their expected roles and functions in the
society. Further, the temptation to embezzle funds should be reduced when the leader is
financially comfortable. Ethnicity continues to rear its head as a serious consideration in the
choice of leaders in the church in Nigeria.
However, this observation is open to contestation, interactions with members and nonmembers of church clergy and hierarchy in Nigeria substantiates this observations. Attempts at
filling any vacant post, the church considered the ethnic affinity of the individual to be chosen.
Examples include the choice of bishops, pastors, and archdeacons. This cognizance to ethnicity
may be an attempt to ensure fairness to all members in a church or it could be to maintain a
status quo of a group over others in the church. The important thing to note is that t is a salient
consideration in the choice of leaders in the church and this proffers serious import for women’s
bid to occupy leadership positions in the church in Nigeria. God-fatherism and social networking
seem to represent two sides of the same coin in political consideration in the church in Nigeria.
God-fatherism is a form of monitoring but with the specific agenda to promote the interest of
specific individuals against all odds. Thus, a godfather would provide all that is required to
install his candidate because of the conviction that such a candidate would in turn protect and
promote his interest always. Networking on the other hand, involves the deliberate attempt by
individuals to sustain social contacts over a long period. This involves visits, phone calls and the
writing of letters to acquaintances, friends, and classmates. These contacts have been known to
prove useful at different times and in diverse situations. Indeed, most inner circle meetings of
political parties are products of such networking. One may observe then that politics is an
integral part of church life in Nigeria. Women need to appreciate this fact if any effective change
will occur concerning women’s role in the relationship cadre of the church in Nigeria.
Women and Politics in the Church in Nigeria
The theories of reification and regulation are inherent in women’s roles and position the
church in Nigeria. Reification is an ideology of integrated system of ideas that is external to and
coercive of people, which functions to alter the thoughts and actions of people (Marx 1988). In
this regard, “women have been exposed to contradictory, dissonant message and practices, filled
with false expectations and aspirations”. This has rendered women vulnerable and receptive to an
ideology tat simplifies reality and promises escape from role conflict and ambiguity. Regulation
on the other hand refers to the degree of external constraints on people (Durkheim 1988.
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Patriarchy biblical interpretations that support the oppression of women in the church could be
perceived as products of these theories. The monopoly of power by men in the church is reified
and to enforce its prescriptions, regulations in form of manmade rules come to the fore.
It is an agreeable fact that women constitute the majority of church membership in
Nigeria. In addition, women have been identified as sustainers of religion because they attend to
the daily requirements of rituals in religion including Christianity. Conversely, however, only
few women could be found at the leadership cadre of the church in Nigeria and this is due to
inadequate appreciation by women that the church is a political entity. Women are socialized
towards a dependency complex, which is built into the women from childhood and this is a
weakness to be corrected. This socialization pattern is further reinforced by the Christian
teaching that women should be subservient to men, inspite of the fact that this prescription was
specifically given for the institution of marriage.
Moreover, the assumption underlying the training of women by missionaries at the
advent of Christianity in Africa was that women were fit only for domesticity and supportive
roles and not leadership as deviants who refuse to conform to prescribed roles by the church
structure. This same situation occurs in the secular setting. Politics is a power cannot be achieved
on a platter of gold. It is the realization of this fact that compelled women to attempt a significant
influence on the founding of churches, co-pastors of churches with their husbands and the
creation of alternative spaces of power. However, the realization that the church is a political
organization as well as a body of faith should aid women’s attempt to change the status quo.
Certain challenges exist for the attempts by women to take serious the political dimension
of Church structure in Nigeria. These challenges represent the structural tools by which
patriarchy continues to perpetuate itself to the detriment of female participation in church
leadership. One of the issues is finance, which one may examine from two main perspectives.
These are the process of economic pursuit and spending in the church. Church life, like every
other aspect of living outside the church, requires services to run smoothly kinds. Oftentimes,
women feature prominently in these enterprises as contractors or purchase officers (formal and
informal) but usually because of the enhanced positions of their husbands or male relatives.
Thus, though some women are in the forefront of spending church funds, they occupy such
positions as stooges who operate on derived identities rather than as representatives of women in
the control of money. The challenge for women’s quest to change the patriarchal status quo is the
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possibility of harnessing the financial control by women for the feminine agenda in the church
structure spite of the power brokers that got these women into positions of influence. This can
only occur with the understanding and cooperation of the female officers and women groups in
the church. Furthermore, there is the imperative need to facilitate an increase in women
membership of church finance committees to aid the process of change towards gender equity in
church spending and disbursement of fund for other services. Women with substantial financial
means should also be encouraged to spend their money with specified agendas, which prioritize
gender equity in project and services sponsorship.
Two is the issue of ethnicity, which continues to elicit diverse controversies in the polity
generally and the church in particular. The selection and election of officers in the church takes
cognizance of ethnicity and sometimes godfatherism. Though the candidate under consideration
may be qualified for the post still, there is the need for some important to put in a word for
him/her. In the case of female candidates aspiring to leadership positions, this important person
would most likely be a man- father, husband, uncle, or friend. Consequently, when such women
get to positions of influence, it is on their own agenda and not as representatives of other women.
The challenge then is the possibility of getting these women to run the feminine agenda in
addition to their individual obligations. This could be facilitated by education, understanding,
and appreciation of such women officers of the general need for women to effect change in
church leadership structure.
Three is the pertinent need for social networking, which is near non-existent among
women in the church in Nigeria for a number of reasons. Networking is the sharing of useful
information about ones’ self with others and vice versa, it is the sharing of experiences and
understanding in an atmosphere of trust and loyalty. Social networking is the ability of
individuals on your network list getting together to assist you in accomplishing your goals while
you are ready and willing to do the same for each them. Social networking provides the
individuals with a list of people(s) he could vouch for to assist in times of crisis anytime such
demands becomes imperative. These individuals represent various types of relationships at
different levels, which were deliberately sustained through the investment of time, money, and
energy. Reasons for the absence or minimal existence of social networking among women in the
church in Nigeria include lack of trust, gossip, wrong socialization, lip service allegiance to the
gospel and intimidation.
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African women are socialized to accept suffering and oppression as their lot in life
especially from their men; the unusual excuse is that after all every woman passes through these
experiences. This sort of attitude shuts women up and discourages open discussion or social
interaction among women. Rather, such women keep quiet and maintain a façade of happiness
that is untrue in order to sustain societal prescriptions. The lack of trust among woman shares her
story only to have it become a topic of gossip erodes confidence in the process of networking,
hence the importance of loyalty cannot be over-emphasized. Sometimes women are intimidated
and blackmailed to discourage them from forgoing friendships with other women by men,
especially in instances where such a coalition threatens the status quo. Women’s reluctance to
open up and share their experiences and hurts with other women in the church may also be
indicative of an improper appreciation of the gospel message. As has been noted, the local
church, which op operates on the injunctions of the Bible, should be regarded as a “family”.
Consequently, trust and openness prevail among supportive family members in any situation.
This philosophy replicates in African oral traditions to buttress the fact that the understanding
that family members remain loyal to each other in all circumstance is a reality. If women in the
church refuse to trust each other, it may be an indication of lack of understanding and
appreciation of the gospel and its provisions for the “family” of God.
Women’s roles in church politics and leadership in Nigeria has improved compared to its
state at the advent of Christianity but there is ample room for improvements. The observations
noted above are possible ingredients for further change in the roles of women in the leadership
cadre of the church in Nigeria.
Concluding Remarks
This paper has been attempt to examine the implication of the church as a political
organization in addition to being an ecclesiastical body for women’s bid for change in the
church. The paper noted the profound alternation effected by colonialism in the psyche and
philosophy of the Nigerian peoples. This was achieved through Westernization and education
and inevitably, culture contact. The position of women in Nigerian politics was highlighted to
serve as a background to the study of women in church politics. It came to fore during the
discourse that women grapple with many challenges in their attempts to attain leadership status
in the church. Furthermore, the paper analyzed politics in the church in Nigeria and identified
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some features it exhibits which include hierarchical structures, finance, and ethnicity. Reification
and regulation was submitted as base theories for the church’s prescriptions and biblical
interpretations, which seek to sustain patriarchy through certain rules in the church.
In conclusion, women’s perception of politics as a dirty game and continued fright at
labeling by fellow Christians and others as rebels because of their political ambitions in the
church should be discarded. In addition, women should take social networking serious and
invest time, energy, and money in sustaining social contacts. Women should concentrate on
building alliances, solidarity, and networks through information, education, and sensitization.
There is need to build a critical mass of women, who would serve as a formidable support base
in the pursuit of political change to the power imbalance among women and men in the church.
Women should be guided by the realization that politics is a process of multilayered
levels of negotiations and networking. Moreover, power cannot be gotten on a platter of gold;
women should therefore be prepared to sacrifice for the quest for power in the church. Education
and reorientation for men and women are also crucial toward women’s attempt to change the
gender imbalance in power dispensation in the church. The church represents a family of God,
all members, irrespective of sex or gender should strive to love (agape) and operate a philosophy
of mutuality in respect and understanding.
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References
1.
Church in this paper is used to designate the three broad division of churches in
Nigeria: Orthodox, African Independent, and Pentecostal/Charismatic churches
2.
O. Olajubu (2003) Women in the Yoruba Religious Sphere. Albany: State University of
New York.
3.
S. Afonja (1986) “Land Control, A Critical Factor in Yoruba Gender Stratification” in
C. Robertson et al (eds.) Women and Class in Africa. New York: Africana Publishing
Comp. 78.
4.
Diedre Badejo (1987) “African Feminism: Mythical and Social Power of Women of
African Descent” in Research in African Literatures.
5.
V.M. Moghadam (ed) (1994) Identity Politics and Women. San Francisco: West view
Press, 44
6.
A. Akinyode-Afolabi and Arogunde L. (2003) Gender Audit 2003 Election. Lagos:
Women Advocates Research and Documentation Center (WARDC), 79.
7.
a. Akinyode-Afolabi and Arogundade L. (2003), 39.
8.
For example, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the
Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which became
effective in 1981 after it was ratified by twenty countries; Nigerians ratified the
convention in 1985.
9.
A. Akinyode-Afolabi and Arogundade L. (2003), n42
10.
G. Ritzer (1988) Sociological Theory, 2nd Edition New York Alfred A. Knopf, 57.
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