NEGOTIATING THE ‘NEXUS’ IN THE TEACHING OF
NIGERIAN YORÙBÁ BÀTÁ HISTORY AND CULTURE TO THE
DIASPORA AND AFRICA
BY
JELEEL O. OJUADE
PERFORMING ARTS DEPARTMENT,
FACULTY OF ARTS,
UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, ILORIN,
KWARA STATE,
NIGERIA.
Tel: +2348035531901
E-mail: jeleelo@yahoo.co.uk,
jojuade@unilorin.edu.ng
Paper presented at the International Colloquim: Teaching of the
History and Culture of Africa and the Diaspora, in Brasilia,
Brazil, 9-15 November, 2009.
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NEGOTIATING THE ‘NEXUS’ IN THE TEACHING OF NIGERIAN YORÙBÁ
BÀTÁ HISTORY AND CULTURE TO THE DIASPORA AND AFRICA.
By
Jeleel Olasunkanmi, OJUADE
Performing Arts Department,
University of Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeia.
ABSTRACT
Bata in performance is an important aspect of Yoruba culture. The ecology of the Yoruba
is one that is favourable to human settlement and development whether such movement is from
rural to urban or urban to rural. It has been observed that the Yoruba comprises of several clans
which are bound together by language, traditions, and religious beliefs and practices (Idowu,
1962:4), which questions the history of their origin. This paper therefore examines the ‘nexus’
often created in the teaching of Bata history and culture within Africa and to the Diaspora, and
attempts an explanation of the means by which such ‘conflicts’/’crisis’ could be resolved. In
addition to the application of historical analysis, descriptive methodology and participant
observer approach, the paper relies extensively on the researcher’s personal experiences in the
practical instructions/teaching of Bata dance culture of the Yoruba to the enthusiasts/learnersto-be at the Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz, Germany (2007) and at the African Studies
Institute, University of Georgia, Athens, U.S.A. (2008). The paper finds out that the Yoruba
history and culture, especially relating to the arts of Bata are being misconstrued and
misapplied occasionally. Based on its findings, it recommends the ‘teaching the trainers’
approach in order to give ‘authenticity’ and ‘truth’ on Yoruba history and culture to the
Diaspora and African audiences as this will facilitate a concise documentation.
Introduction
Dance is regarded as an important aspect of any culture. It is a very strong device for
identifying the culture of a people. Kaeppler asserts that “an adequate description of a culture
should place the same emphasis on dance as that given it by the members of that society”
(1967:iii). It is thus notable that in traditional African culture, dance is life. It gives meaning to
virtually all daily activities that human beings are involved in. It is an integral aspect of their life
span; coming into this world, living in this world, and the consequent exit of humans from this
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world. This is succinctly captured by Ojuade’s (2004) in his description of dance situations in
Nigeria:
Thus, before a child is brought into this world, the mother feels or
experiences internal movement of the yet-to-be-developed baby,
therefore, the baby’s arrival into this world elucidates dancing
activities of joyful movement (238).
Bàtá, which forms a part of this dancing culture, belongs exclusively to the Yoruba. It is a
difficult, calculative, energy-sapping, indigenous Yoruba dance, which in the remote past, is
associated exclusively with the worship of different deities especially Sàngó – the Yorùbá god of
thunder and lightening.
In the African societies, participation in music/dance may be a voluntary activity or an
obligation by one’s membership of a social group (Nketia, 1975:35). Public performance is
required on social occasions, where members of a group or a community assemble for the
purpose of leisure, recreation, performance of a rite, ceremony, festival or any collective activity.
The study, on which this paper is based, seeks to examine the connections embedded in
the teachings of Yorùbá Bàtá culture (music and dance) to the Diaspora and Africa. Despite
frequent changes in form, style and technique of Bata in performance, there are strong evidences
of its continuity as an art.
A considerable number of questions in this regard prove relevant. How do we describe
the mysteries that surrounds Bàtá dance? What is the instrument that produces rhythm for its
dance? How can a novice acquire the skills of Yorùbá Bàtá dance? Are there connections
between the Nigerian Yorùbá Bàtá history and culture and that of the Diaspora? In addition to
answering these questions, this paper seeks to project the significant role of Bàtá culture in
Yorùbáland, and to ably re-emphasise the relevance of history for a concise documentation.
3
The methods of field investigation used are participant observer approach and series of
interviews with professional Bàtá dancers and practitioners aimed at obtaining accurate data on
Bàtá. Interviews were conducted with Alhaji Lamidi Ayankunle, leader of Ayanagalu
International Dancers from Erin-Osun, Osun State; Ayankunle Ayanlade from Oyo town in Oyo
State; and Alhaji Fatai Ojuade, leader of Ojuade and his International Dancers from Ifetedo,
Osun State (all in Nigeria). The interviews and other relevant sources provide authentic
information for this work.
Origin of Bàtá (Mythological and Historical)
Evidence of research on Yorùbá origin revealed that there are many propounded theories
and stories surrounding it. In recognition of this fact, Idowu (1962:4) observed that the Yoruba
comprise of several clans which are bound together by language, traditions, and religious beliefs
and practices. He states further that “the question of their origin is still a debatable subject, since
we do not yet possess adequate materials out of which we can build up the history of their
beginnings”. These stories relating to origin are fabricated and described in books written by
scholars such as Biobaku (1971), Johnson (1921) and Omosade (1979), based on individual
sources and retentive memory of events derived from folktales; mythologies of creation, fables
and moral stories.
The above reiterate the fact as noted by Johnson (1956:3) that “the origin of the Yorùbá
nation is shrouded in obscurity”. As there are no written records of the ancient past of the people,
all that has been preserved of their myths, philosophy, culture involving dance and music, has
come down to us by words of mouth from generation to generation. However, our study on the
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teaching of Nigerian Yoruba Bata history and culture to the Diaspora will rely heavily on
available document and oral evidences.
Bàtá is a music culture that extends beyond the phenomenon of dance. However, Yorùbá
oral traditions confined the emergence of Bàtá dance to religious rituals, serving as
accompaniments to Egungun (Yorùbá word meaning masquerade) and Sàngó (Yorùbá god of
thunder) during their life time as it will be revealed under this segment.
Ogunba and Irele (1978) claimed that Sàngó was an ancestor, deified and worshipped by
the people. Bàtá was used to accompany Sàngó and Egungun who were both relations and
inseparable.
Baderinwa Abefe Oladosu (in an interview) explained that Sàngó, who was referred to as
‘Oba kò so’ was once a traditional king in Old Oyo Ajaka. During his reign, Timi and Gbonka
were his warriors. He noted that Sàngó and Egungun were friends, but Egungun was older.
Interestingly, Bàtá music accompanied both of them on social occasions. After the death of
Egungun, Bàtá as an accompaniment became solely associated with Sàngó. Later, Sàngó
ascended to heaven to avoid an impending humiliation from his rebellious warriors. Gbonka
plotted to overthrow and annihilate him. On his final journey, Sàngó summoned the Bàtá
drummer, who accompanied him to the point of demise.
However, Gbadamosi Adebisi’s version differs. He claimed that it was one ace-drummer
known as Saate who made an innovation in the musical instruments used in Bàtá dance
performance. It is also him that we owe the information on Bàtá Koto (an original form of Bàtá
instrument, which consisted of a set of calabashes, each covered with animal membrane and each
having a cloth strap by which it was hung around the drummer’s neck with the drum resting in
5
front of him. It was beaten with one hand and a stick) – Sango was a beautiful dancer, and Saate
an expert drummer.
Their acquaintance blossomed into a beautiful relationship and interdependence. They
always performed together at festivals and other public ceremonies so much so that people came
to associate them with each other and always looked out for their joint performance.
However, as the oral tradition has it, Sàngó and Saate fell out over the sharing of some
gifts obtained at a performance. Saate felt he had been cheated and withdrew his services. At
first, Sàngó thought he could go it alone and began to dance without drums. He was shocked
when people began to run away from him, taking him for a madman; “Sàngó has gone mad”!
They said. It was not long before he sent his wife, Oya, to make peace between him and his
friend and drummer, Saate. Truly they say “a lover’s quarrel is but the renewal of love”. So
much sweeter and stronger did Sàngó and Saate’s friendship became that it was said that
whenever they were eating together (usually from the same bowl) Sàngó would say;
Ìwo oníbàtá mi m’éran
Tí mo bá ti rí ìyónú re
Mo ti mò pé èkó ni.
(My Bàtá drummer, pick a piece of meat.
When I behold your softened heart
I know it is a lesson)
It was obvious that he (Sàngó) discovered that it was Saate’s drums that added glamour
to his dancing.
So closely associated did Sàngó become with Bàtá music that later on after his deification
his adherents claimed, whenever they heard the clap of thunder, that it was Omele ako’s sound
6
that Saate was drumming for Sàngó’s delight and Sàngó was dancing up there, by the flashes of
lightning. So, not even death could separate Sàngó from his Bàtá music.
Therefore, Bàtá served as a crowd puller and a special language to people at this
particular time. One of the popular drum sounds like this:
Oba kò so
Òdédé fi dé omo l’órí
Eruku gbáágbáá ló gbàá le gbogbo l’àkùrò l’ódò
À n lé e bò l’éhìn
Ó n lé ará iwájú
A sá’giri, o l’àgiri
O l’agiri kà kà kà
K’ómobìnrin ó bó ‘hùn
(The king did not hang
He does not intentionally cover up a child
But was influenced by the whirwind
Every ground surrounding the stream become marshy
As he is being pursued from the rear
He also pursues those in front
He who cracks and splits the wall
He who forcefully splits the wall open
And thrusts two hundred thunder cells into it).
Saate’s mastery of Bàtá is unquantifiable sometimes be used his drums to warn people of
Sàngó’s magical power and to praise him due to his ability to move his body accordingly too,
such as:
À f’eni tí kogílá kolù
À f’eni Èsù n se
L’ólè ko lù Èsù
L’ó lè ko lu Sàngó
A f’eni tí Sàngó ó pa.
(It’s only someone who has been bedeviled
It’s only someone who has been possessed by Esu
That will attack Esu
That will attack Sàngó, only he who wants to be killed)
7
Saate reported that Sàngó loved Bàtá dearly, so much so that if he was eating his best
food, and the sound of Bàtá music is heard, he would abandon the food and prefer to dance. Of
Sàngó’s character, Saate illustrates with drums as follows:
Aré ló le sá
Òòsà tí Sàngó ò le nà
Aré ló le sá
(He can only run
That deity that Sàngó cannot destroy
He can only run.)
Meanwhile, each time Sàngó went on a dancing tour, Saate would keep warning and
informing people where to meet them and see Sàngó in action. For instance;
Sàngó dé e fi enu mó enu
Èrò ojà p’ara mó
Inú ojà la n lo
Èrò ojà p’ara mo
Ojú ojà la n lo
Para mó para mó, para mó.
(Sàngó is here!
Let everyone keep mute!
Market men and women take cover
We are advancing to the market place
Market men and women take cover
We are proceeding to the centre of the market
Hide yourself, hide yourself, hide yourself!!!)
On his own account, Bode Osanyin (in an interview in 1996) posited that the foundation
of Bàtá in Nigeria is more of mythological and even religious than factual history. He believes
that, Bàtá is attributed to Sàngó. It is one of those music forms dedicated to the worship of
certain gods or Orishas. Bàtá is dedicated entirely to Sàngó, the god of thunder and lightning.
Those who dance Bàtá try to emulate his personality by using their feet, hands and shoulders.
8
The sheer energy of Bàtá dance, its flashes and dashes reflects the thundering, rattling and
piercing sounds of Bàtá drums in performance.
Anthony King (1961:1-4) believes that variety of dialects among the Yorùbá people is a
factor for the versions of traditional music and songs in use. He says that it is impossible to give
an exact history of the development of the different Yorùbá drum families. However, one of the
legends states that “Kósó drums were introduced into Yorùbá music at the time of the founding
of Ife, having been imported from the North”. He reiterates that Bátà is said to have been
introduced by Sango, and may have been devised for either one or both of two possible reasons
below, which are;
(a) to increase Sàngó’s prestige during his reign at old Oyo (Oyo Ile), and
(b) to terrify his opponents during his reign.
On his own part, Alhaji Fatai Ojuade (in an interview in 1996) explained that Sàngó in
his life time was a warrior and any time he wanted to go to war, he liked dancing to fast music in
preparation for war. It was as if Bàtá rhythms prepares him for war. He revealed that Sàngó used
to call for a drum (music) that could stimulate him and suit his purpose. At the initial stage,
Gangan (hour-glass drum) was brought for him to dance to, but he rejected it, for it was too slow.
Also, Dundun was brought but failed the test too. It was only Bàtá that satisfied his demand in
the end, with Omele Ako (another drum type) playing the lead role. He was highly moved and
danced to his satisfaction. That was how he accepted Bàtá as his accompaniment to date, for it
suits his fiery and tempestuous nature.
Lamidi Ayankunle (2003) in his own version reiterated the fact that the early
practitioners of Bàtá drumming started with ‘Bàtá Igba’, that is Bàtá Koto. It has only one face
covered with animal skin, and it is played with hands. Though he emphasized that it was
9
‘Yangede’ that Sàngó first danced to and Sàngó equally danced to other drums before Bàtá.
Sàngó’s acquaintance with Bàtá came into being with the demise of Yangede.
Ayankunle however claimed that based on the history handed to him, it was from Agalu
that drums emerged. For instance, his own family are into drumming profession, just as some
other families take to Ifa worship. This belief is common in the Yorùbá culture, where the arrival
of a baby is marked by divination of Ifa to find out its destiny. This is known as ‘Ese n t’aye’,
which means the foot that the child takes to touch the ground.
Ayankunle Ayanlade (2003) stated that Bàtá was fabricated by a woman whose name
was Ayan. Unfortunately for this woman, she was not blessed with children. Despite her longer
period of existence in life, it was only drum that she could lay claims to or regard as her children.
He adjudged her to be a very good singer and an expert drummer.
The woman’s expertise came through sheer luck! She started drumming on her discovery
of pawpaw tree, which she cut at both end and tied the ends with a piece of cloth attaching it to a
string for easy placement on her neck.
Ayanlade explained how she (Ayan) went one day to meet Esu (the messenger god) to
further enlighten her on what to do. This was because, she was not satisfied with her act of stroll
– drumming and dancing around the community. In furtherance of her quest, she met with an
artist, who carve images out of woods to help her in making a drum to her own specifications (of
how previous pawpaw tree looked like). It was carved with leather used in covering the two ends
as opposed to the earlier one covered with cloth. Thus, she continued her usual practice of stroll
drumming and dancing around the community putting the drum on the ground each time she was
drunk. It gives people a clue that “Ayan is around in the neighbourhood where the drum is
found”.
10
However, she got a boy as an apprentice who was living with her in order to console her
and learn the art of Bàtá. Unfortunately Ayan died prematurely and wherever people see the
young man, or anybody with the type of drum left behind by Ayan, they would greet him as
follows;
E n lè ó o omo Àyàn
(How are you, Ayan’s son).
Ayankojo (2003) placed Bàtá origin farther back from Ayanlade’s version. He compares
the history that connects the Greek tradition and the drums that they make use of in theatrical
performances, with those of Arabs especially the one relating to Lamurudu on the origin of the
Yoruba. He claimed that with the development and growth of Yorùbá culture, Bàtá had
witnessed series of modifications, alterations in usage, adaptation and technique due to modern
technology.
Bàtá Drum Set and Skill Acquisition in Performance
The Bàtá drum ensemble consists of four and sometimes five drums. Functionally, each
of the drum is constructed with its own structure and particular tone. The drums are:
(i)
Iya Ilu – The Iya Ilu translated literally into English means ‘mother drum’. As the
lead drum, the Iya Ilu dictates the pace which the other drums follow. It is conical in
shape and double membrane. Iya Ilu produces two different tones. The wider end
produces a bass sound, while the smaller end gives a very harsh and sharp sound.
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Iya Ilu Bàtá
The Iya Ilu of the Bàtá orchestra is a talking drum, and this is achieved by the drummer’s
varying and alternating the sequence of beats on both sides of the drum. The wider membrane is
played with the palm of the hand, and a leather strap known as Bilala is used with the left hand in
playing the smaller membrane. The two membranes are played simultaneously to produce a tone.
The Bàtá is a prattler during performances. The Iya Ilu improvises against the
background of repeated patterns in an ensemble. It keeps on rattling and the Omele Abo reechoes what it says. While reciting Oriki (praise poetry) or other Yorùbá texts, the middle and
high tones of Iya Ilu are reinforced by Omele Abo. Iya Ilu sometimes makes uncompleted
statements, which Omele Abo picks up and concludes.
The Iya Ilu, being the lead drum in the Bàtá ensemble, introduces each piece before it is
joined by the Omele (the secondary instruments).
(ii)
Omele Abo – The Omele Abo has a double membrane, one on each end. The
membrane is either that of a pig, an antelope or a goat depending on which one is
available at the time of manufacture.
Omele Abo
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However, Antelope skin is considered to be the best. The skin which is about 22cm in
circumference is sewn to the rim on both end and kept in position by leather straps which are
used to wrap the wooden body. The drum is about 84cm in length. The other end of the drum
which is smaller is about 19cm in circumference.
The Omele Abo resembles the Iya Ilu, but is smaller in size. It has a very heavy weight
which makes it rather difficult to carry. In order to produce varied pitches, such as high and low,
a black wax devised from a tree known as Ida is pasted centrally on the surface of the bigger
membrane. The smaller end of the drum does not have a glue on it, but it is struck with a leather
thong called Bilala Bàtá. The end with paste on it is struck by the open palm. Omele Abo is held
suspended around the neck of the drummer by a strap (Agbeko).
In a performance, the sound resembles a conversation between three people; one is a
rattler, the second a stammerer, while the third one takes his time to complete the statements of
the stammerer. Omele Abo and Iya Ilu are complementary, with Iya Ilu starting a statement
which Omele Abo completes. For example:
Iya Ilu: “Kò s’énití Olórun ò se fún
Omele Abo:
“Ó se fún onílé, ó se f’álejò”
Iya Ilu: (“There is no person that God has not provided for”
Omele Abo:
(iii)
“He provided for the owner of the house, and for the visitor”).
Omele Ako: Shares common features with Omele Abo. They are both constructed
from the same materials, using the same procedure of construction. The Omele Ako is
however smaller in size than the Omele Abo.
Omele Ako and Kudi tied together
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The bigger end of the membrane of Omele Ako measures about 19cm in circumference.
The drum is about 68cm in length, with the smaller end measuring about 15cm in circumference.
Its playing technique is different from that of Omele Abo. The pitch which is higher is varied
with the use of the palm. To get a high pitch, the fingers are used in the surface of the membrane,
while the palm is used when a low pitch is required. Omele Ako usually enters immediately after
Kudi in a performance of Bàtá ensemble.
(iv) Kudi – is the smallest of the Bàtá drum set. It is made of two or three small drums which
are tied together with Omele Ako and beaten in turns in order to get a polyrhythmic
effect.
The construction techniques, as well as materials are the same as that of Omele Ako. Like
other drums, it is suspended from the neck by a cloth strap (Agbeko). It is beaten together
alternately. The drums are of the same size; each of them measuring about 30cm in height, while
the big and small membrane ends measure about 9.5cm and 6.5cm in circumference respectively.
Kudi is played on the bigger end of the drum. The drum is suspended with the small size facing
downwards while its bigger end faces up and it is struck with Bilala.
Kudi usually starts the performance by playing a steady rhythm before the others enter at
separate points. In most cases, two of a kind are used in which case, one is made so wet so that
the pitch would be lower than the other. This is actually responsible for the sound of Kudi, which
is softer than that of Omele Ako.
Interestingly, there can be additions and variations during performances. For instance, the
fifth one here can be introduced, thereby increasing the number of drums. It is called ‘Ijin’. It
acts as an accompaniment, and not a lead drum. There cannot be two lead drummers at a time in
an ensemble. Ijin is another Iya Ilu, but echoes Iya Ilu when introduced. At times, another Kudi
drum is added to Omele meji bringing it to Omele meta.
14
However, a complete Bàtá drumming performance is usually done by four drummers.
That is the lead drummer, who usually works on Iya Ilu, and he is the most skilled and dictates
the pace and rhythm of the performance. Next in the category is the drummer on Omele Abo,
who acts as the interpreter. The third is the player of Omele meji, which are the Omele Ako and
Kudi tied together. There can be a fourth player on the Ijin who supports the lead drummer when
necessary.
The mastery of Bàtá dance needs serious attention. It can be equated with the learner of a
new language that has to be familiar with all the alphabets. With continuous practice, he/she
could master the art of the language.
Bàtá dance requires the physical frame of the human body for its interpretation in
movement. It requires the totality of the human body for an aesthetically pleasing performance.
The acrobatic Bàtá dancers teach their apprentice through imitation, that is, the teacher
demonstrates and the student repeats what the teacher did. Some by-standers do watch the
dancers while they are being taught and they quickly grasp the dance technique.
Meanwhile, apart from the above mentioned methods, Bàtá dancers-to-be or enthusiasts
can acquire the art without being taught. It is inborn in such naturally talented people, which may
not necessarily be from the Oje or Ayan lineage. The surest way of acquiring the skill is to first
and foremost introduce the Bàtá drum set as earlier explained to the learner of the dance.
The student (learner) would listen attentively to the sound of each drum and would know
the significant part planted by each drum in the ensemble. The next stage of the exercise is the
combination of the entire drum and the ability of the student to make sense out of the
combination without being confused. However, it is essential at this stage to highlight the
qualities that a Bàtá dance trainee must possess. The person must;
(i)
be able to hear very clearly
(ii)
have a nimble and flexible body
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(iii) be able to synchronize the rhythm of his dance with that of the drums
(iv) be patient and steadfast as a learner to enable him master the syllabus, and
(v)
be able to interpret whatever the lead drummer says on the Iya Ilu.
Equally, the learner will be taught how to express himself with the gesture of the head,
eyes, chest, shoulders, hands, legs, toes etc. when dancing Bàtá. The dancer will only be taught
the commonest form of Bàtá known as Gbamu, but all other varying Bàtá dance styles will be
introduced to him.
Conclusion/Recommendations
The study of the Yoruba Bàtá history and culture is an attempt to identify what it entails
in the teaching of the arts to the Diaspora. The findings shows that history relating to Yorùbá
culture is informative and is fundamental to the subsequent teaching of the aspects of culture to
the Diaspora.
Therefore, this study recommends regular or further workshops on the teaching of history
and culture to the Diaspora and Africa.
It further challenges CBAAC to be a ‘store-house’ and ably document African Arts and
Culture in order to be able to ‘train the trainers’ in the Diaspora based on the ‘authentic
documentations’.
Finally, efforts should be made to further organize international festivals performances,
exhibitions where Africans in the Diaspora would have direct access to instruments (drums) and
necessary contact with their culture.
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NOTES
Ayankojo, Ayanyinka AbdulAzeez is a dancer and artiste. He was interviewed by this researcher
on ‘Bàtá Dance and Music’ at Oyo, Oyo State, Nigeria on 23rd July, 2003.
Ayankunle, Lamidi is the lead drummer and leader of Ayanagalu International Troupe from
Erin-Osun, Osun State, Nigeria. He was interviewed by this researcher on 6th of June, 2003.
Ayanlade, Ayankunle, ace drummer from Oyo town, Oyo State, Nigeria. He was interviewed by
this researcher at Oyo on 23rd July, 2003.
Oladosu, Baderinwa Abefe (late), is the lead drummer of Ojuade and his International Dancers.
He was interviewed by this researcher at Ikirun, Osun State, Nigeria on 9th May, 1992.
Gbadamosi, Adebisi, a drummer from Ikirun, Osun State, Nigeria. He was interviewed by this
researcher on 20th June, 2004.
Osanyin, Bode (Prof.), is a lecturer with the Creative Arts Dept., University of Lagos, Lagos,
Nigeria. He was interviewed by this researcher in Lagos, on 27th August, 1996.
Ojuade, Fatai Oladosu, Leader and expert dancer with Ojuade and his International Troupe. He
was interviewed by this researcher on 18th September, 1996.
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King, A. (1961). Yoruba Sacred Music from Ekiti. Ibadan: University Press.
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