llorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences Published by The faculty of Business and Social Sciences, University of Ilorin. EDITORIAL BOARD Bisi Adedayo J. O. Fayeye M. A. Ijaiya L. Badmus G. T. Arosanyin R. A. Olawepo O. L. Ovwasa -------- Editor-in-Chief Deputy- Editor-in-Chief Board Secretary Marketing Editor Member Member Member SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION Individual Library Students NIGERIA Naira N500 N600 N500 Dollar $30 $35 $30 Pounds ₤25 ₤30 ₤25 FOREIGN Deutschmarks 35 40 35 Subscription Procedures: All Subscribers should send certified bank cheques or bank draft to The Editor-In-Chief, Ilorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences University of Ilorin, P.M.B. 1515, Ilorin, Nigeria. Ilorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences Vol. 8, .Nos. 1&2. 2003 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. CONTENTS Articles Reflections on the Imperative of Transparency and Accountability for Good Governance — Prof. A. E. Davies………………….......... An Empirical Analysis of the Risk Profile of Quoted Firms in the Nigerian Stock Market — Samuel Bayode Oludoyi......………......... An Empirical Investigation into Generic Competencies as Predictive Characteristics of Managerial Effectiveness -- Dr. J.A. Adeoti & Dr. Remi H. Samuel.... Managing the Nigerian Rural Environment for Sustainable Development through Participatory Rural Appraisal — Dr. R. A. Olawepo......…………............... Conceptualising National Interest and National Security in Nigeria: A Strategic Perspective -- Dr. (Mrs.) A. J. Omede………................. Determinants of Unemployment and Labour Market Efficiency in Nigeria — Dr. J. A. Bamiduro……............................ Strategic Management Option for Sustainable Public Transport Corporation — Dr. Olujide Jackson & Adeoti J. 0............ Changing Structure of Intra-Urban Road Network in Ilorin, Nigeria (1963-1999) — Dr. A. J. Aderamo................…………..... Commercial Banks' Credits and non-oil Export Promotion in Nigeria — M. A. Ijaiya…………............................... Job Satisfaction among Employees in Kogi State Civil Service — Bamidele Adeboye Adepojit & Memuna O. Audit............. The Impact of Aggregate Fiscal and Monetary Policy Instruments on Counter-cyclical Policy Objectives in Nigeria - A Preliminary Examination — Dr. G. O. Atoyebi.............................……. New Product Planning and Development: A Veritable Tool for Competitive Advantage — M. A. Areniu.........................……………. Fraud in Nigeria's Financial System: Evidence from Commercial Banks — M. A. Ajayi....................…………….......... Chemical Characteristics of Shallow Wells in Ibadan North East L.G.A. Oyo State — I. P. Ifabiyi.....................……………......... Ethno-Religious Conflicts and Political Instability in Nigeria — E.E. Lawal.....................................…….... Drainage Problems in a Tropical Environment: Perspectives on Urban Quality Management — Dr H. I. Jimoli..................………...... Research Note 17. Selections and Formulation of a Research Problem -- Dr. Adebisi Adedayo....…………............... ii Pages 1 8 21 32 40 51 59 65 75 84 94 103 111 118 124 133 141 Ilorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences Vol. 8, .Nos. 1&2. 2003 Determinants of Unemployment and Labour Market Efficiency in Nigeria DR. J. A. BAMIDIRO Dept. of Business Administration, University of llorin. Nigeria Abstract Labour market policies - minimum wages, job security regulations and social security - are usually intended to raise welfare or reduce exploitation. But they actually work to raise the cost of labour in the formal sector and reduce labour demand, a major factor responsible for unemployment. unemployment in Nigeria has become a major problem for policy makers. The main objective of the paper is to propose different perspective on labour market policies and institutions and identify the major determinants of unemployment in the country. The paper reviews extensively, various theories of unemployment and provides an analysis to assess the relative, importance of the variables known to contribute to unemployment in Nigeria. These factors should be taken into serious consideration in any policy measure aimed at curbing unemployment in Nigeria. Introduction Unemployment differs greatly between countries. It has been argued that this is at least in part due to differences in social institutions, including wage-setting arrangements, the degree of labour flexibility and ultimately, different levels of labour productivity (Layard et. al. 1991). The differences in labour productivity are of particular importance if we allow for the effect of open-economy issues upon unemployment, particularly in view of different exchange rate regimes. Unemployment in the general sense is the situation of being without work. It is a problem which has been with us for much of human history (Ashton, 1986). There are no regular and reliable statistics on the distribution of unemployment in Nigeria. Measurement problems are magnified in the case of developing countries in which Nigeria is one, because self-employment and work within the family are much more prevalent than in industrial countries. For instance, for many women, the distinction between working on a family farm, (therefore being a "worker") and taking care of the home, (Hence being "inactive"), is tenuous as is the distinction between working being unemployed and working in the informal sector for many men. Unemployment has always been perceived as a drain on society. Much of the analytics of what might be called the "fundamentals" of labour market theory have been around for a long time. However, the subject of unemployment has witnessed many important, exciting and challenging developments over the past decades. How powerful are market forces to remedy the situation and what should governments be doing to tackle the problem of mass joblessness'? At a theoretical level, the development of expectations - augmented Phillips curve analysis (Friedman 1968) and new classical economists (Lucas 1981, Peel 1990), seemed to suggest that an economy could only temporarily be disturbed from its natural rate of unemployment by shifts in nominal aggregate demand. Various policies to create additional DR. J. A. BAMIDURO 52 employment and reducer unemployment have thus been tried and it seems that much could be learned from a comparative analysis across countries. The paper thus looks at a range of potential causes of and cures for unemployment and considers limits to the accuracy and simultaneous applicability of policy recommendations. Nobody will know for certain how labour markets are going to develop in the next 30 or 40 years. After all. in I960. Who would have predicted those factors which, subsequently, have so influenced the character of our working lives: the Information Technology (IT) revolution, the demise of manufacturing industry, the explosion of female' employment, and so on. Conceptual Framework Labour institutions and the political economy One should not hesitate to stress that unemployment in a given society takes various forms. Fashoyin (1984), identified three forms of unemployment in the Nigeria economy. These are structural, hard-core and women unemployment. One of the problems of deciding whether an unemployment rate is actually "high" or "low" occurs because the most popular model of the labour market sets the equilibrium unemployment rate at zero, in practice, however, even the tightest labour market displays a strictly positive unemployment rate. There is a growing awareness among labour analysts that labour market institutions and policies play a more complex political role than previously recognized. Consonant with this position, is a model of how labour market interventions influence attitudes towards reform market programs and modes of expressing those attitudes. Time Pattern of Benefits And Costs Model 1st Assumption: Consider an economic reform that pays off in the future but that costs workers in the present. For simplicity, assume that workers initially receive numeraire wage O and that the programme creates two classes; WINNERS who earn W(>O) after they attain that status; and 1 OSF.RS. who earn -I.,(<O). Assume further, a transition probability of p per period for moving from the losing to the winning group. Under these conditions, the value of the reforms in year t will be. (i) pWΣ(I-p) t-L(l-p)t = W - (W+L) (1-p)t where the summation (Σ) is from t=o to t-1). In continuous time, we have (i) -L exp.-pt W(l-exp-pt) = W-(W+L )exp-pt) which is negative at low values of t(= -I.) in year o but approaches W as t rises. The present value of the change from O to oo at discount rate (r) is given as: (ii) W∫(exp-rt)-(W+L) ∫(exp-rt -pt) = (pW = rL.) Ir(r+p) which must be positive for the programme to be worthwhile. This present value model provides a framework for considering the pattern of Determinants of unemployment and labour market efficiency in Nigeria 53 support for labour market reforms among workers and over time. Older workers have few years to reap benefits, so will be high for them, implying that they will be less supportive of reforms than younger workers. More interesting, equation (ii) shows that workers may prefer a program that generates more inequality of earnings (W-L) to one that generates less inequality. They will prefer greater inequality when their chance of becoming a winner exceeds their discount rate (p>r) since they then benefit more from high future W than from lower current L. This is termed "turned effect", according to which losers in the early phase of growth tolerate rising inequality because they view the gains of others as a sign of future gains for them. What happens if we extend the analysis to a changing labour force, with new cohorts favourable to reforms entering the labour force and older cohorts leaving the labour force to become pensioners in each period? The influx of new workers has the potential for counter balancing the loss of support among existing workers. Economic growth and development: Impact on labour market Existing research findings have indicated that economic development in Nigeria has passed through both booms and slumps. (Ubeku. 1983. Ekudare 1973). The country experienced stagnation during the pre-colonial and early colonial periods. The sources of the downturn can be traced to a number of factors inside and outside the national economy. Within the economy, there is the inability to secure the necessary inputs into the production systems (Oloko. 1983). No reasons accounted for this. First, the inputs themselves may not be generally available in the environment as natural resources. Second, there is often the inability to pay the local and overseas sources willing to supply them. Another source of recession is traceable to the deficiencies and malfunctions of organisational production processes. Inept production engineering and fraudulent practices in sales departments may decelerate the rate at which goods and services become available to their potential users. Perhaps the most important sources of the recession in Nigeria are the failure to engage in long range plans and forecasts. Business and government are both guilty of this. The planning process is crippled by inadequate and inaccurate information. Evaluations of plans are not seriously conducted. Where this is done, recommendations from such expert evaluations are often considered "too technical" by the leadership (Phillips, 1983). Other source of the recession with the country can be tailed to the political process. There are interlinks and interchanges between economic process and society. The government is the direct or indirect supplier and allocation of land, capital and credit needed for stable and sustained economic growth, and supply of which are always unable to meet up with the demand. However, in 1982, the decline in Nigeria's external sector was so bad that panicky measures were taken. These initial measures included reduction in the levels of imports and the encouragement of local industries. The ban on importation perhaps aided the curtailment of production activities in all sectors of the economy. It brought about unemployment and widespread shortage of goods. There is evidence, scratchy and DR. J. A. BAMIDURO 54 understated possibly, that unemployment increased as employers were forced to lay-oft redundant workers. The Nigerian Labour Congress estimated the loss of one million workers in 1983. The yearbook of Labour Statistics (ILO. 1984) shows that the unemployment rate has generally risen. By November 1982. 20.000 jobs were lost from the textile industries representing about 40 per cent of the unionized workforce in this sector. 2.100 about 2 per cent were lost from the oil industry. Shipping, clearing and forwarding lost 2.500 (about 5 per cent) and 500 (3.S4 per cent) were lost from footwear and rubber industries. By June 19S4. The reduction of government expenditure on buildings and construction activities had resulted in the loss of a total 66.607 (41.62 per cent) jobs, compared with 160.000 jobs in 1982) in the construction industry (Fajana. 1985). Table 1: Distribution of Total And Retrenched Employees (October 1982 -October 1983) By Employers Employer % Share of Total Employees % Share of Retrenched Staff Federal Govt. (Civil & Parastatals) 23.6 2.8 State Govt. (Civil & Parastatals) 51.7 25.9 Private Sector 24.7 71.3 All Employers 100.0 100.0 Source: National Manpower Board (1983) Report of the Shuttle Employment Enquiries. The manpower studies number 21 (1983) presents general trends on the extent of redundancy. In the survey, employment in private establishments declined by about 1 per cent, signifying an excess of withdrawals (retrenchment, resignations, etc.) over recruitment. In table 1. The above trend represents some of the effects of the pre-SAF measures taken to revamp the battered economy. Certain industries (construction and manufacturing) were more affected and certain states of the Federation (Cross River, Kano. Borno and Plateau) experienced a relatively high incidence of retrenchment. The picture however continued with renewed vigour. See table 2. Table 2: Economic Indicator: Unemployment Trend A. Year No. of Unemployed (Urban and Rural) 1976 750,000 1978 500,000 1979 650,000 1980 350,000 1984 1,240,000 1985 2,710,000 1986 2,640,000 1987 2,570,000 Source: Computed from Federal Office of Statistics (FOS) figures. Problems of unemployment The lack of jobs for qualified and willing individuals has become the scourge of modern capitalist and quasi-capitalist societies the world over (Nwankwo 1988). Undoubtedly, the duration of high level of unemployment in Nigeria has remained long over Determinants of Unemployment and Labour Market Efficiency in Nigeria 55 the years confirming the chronic situation of the unemployed. One salient way in which an unemployed is affected by this social malaise is in the realm of income. The loss of income which consequently makes living difficult, placed the unemployed on the brink of life threatening poverty, facing crippling shortage of life's essentials, or the separation, vagrancy, begging and imprisonment which befall thousands of would-be workers. Unemployment affects a person's health and that of his family. When someone, especially a breadwinner has been out of work for a long time, he is being pushed towards despair by two terrible forces. On the one side is the issue of poverty. On the other side is the prospect of unemployed ability. Consequently, psychological imbalances set in, thus, unemployment induces extra strains which increases the probability that certain outcomes in the form of ill-health, poverty and crime will occur. (Aston 1986). For the society at large, unemployment involves increasing costs in the form of lost production, healthcare and welfare benefits as well as social protests and dislocation. The costs to the society are quite enormous embracing monetary cost, health cost vis-a-vis physical health and mental health and crimes. Other human costs of unemployment are psychological costs and the cost of increased crime. Employment. Michel (1975), argued, performs the latent function of satisfying our needs for social interaction, the deprivation of which reduces psychological well-being. Lack of job and especially abrupt disruption or termination of employment can be disruptive or even devastating. The skill of the individual is not left unaffected. Skills, in the opinion of Gilbert (1989), have never been given the chance to develop for lack of use. In terms of the cost of unemployment, it means that most of the direct cost of long term unemployment is carried by individual and their families through financial deprivation, poverty and ill-health. The economic costs are shouldered by the state. Alternative ways to tackle Nigerian joblessness: What we can learn from European unemployment experience Approaching twenty million people are out of work in European Union. This represents a higher rate of unemployment than the OECD average. Japan and the United States, for example, display markedly lower unemployment rates than those of *EU members. There have been changes over time in the relativities between countries - notably the recent rise in German unemployment while UK unemployment has fallen. There is also less-than-perfect synchronization between phases of the business cycle in different member states (Caporale 1993). However, the nature of the unemployment problems faced by individual countries can be very different. Youth unemployment is distressingly high in Spain, Italy and France; much less of a problem in Germany. In most European Union countries female unemployment rates are markedly higher than those for males; however, in the UK women are less likely to be unemployed than men. The solutions to this which Nigerian policy makers can learn from are expatiated. In principle, governments intervene to increase the demand for labour-intensive output and DR. J. A. BAM1DURO 56 thus shift the labour demand curve to the right. Glyn and Rowthorn (1994) call for additional expenditure on welfare services and infrastructural programmes across the EU. In a similar vein to Glyn and Rowthorn, the European Commission, suggested a number of areas in which governments could create demand for service such as home helps, childcare. housing improvements, cultural developments and environmental protection services (European Commission 1995). These are intended to be "real", sustainable jobs, open to all. rather than short-term make work schemes for lowskilled or hard-to-place long-term unemployed. Let us consider the following: 1. Labour market deregulation Labour market regulation takes many forms. One of the most obvious is the institution of a minimum wage, but equal pay legislation and mandated benefits holidays, pension entitlements, parental leave and so forth. Standard economic theory predicts that the introduction of an effective minimum wage will tend to reduce employment conversely, the abandonment of a minimum wage, would tend to increase it. The danger with the imposition of minimum wages is that they push up wages not only for the low paid but for all groups as workers bargain to restore relativities. Another aspect of labour market deregulation concerns trade unions. Typically, European Unions enjoy legal privileges which enhance their bargaining position that is, push the wage-setting curve to the left. In Nigeria, it is assumed that a highly centralized system of collective bargaining could provide labour market outcomes as efficient as those produced by a decentralized system where unions played a minimal role. 2. Job Subsidies, Job Creation And Workforce One solution often proposed for unemployment is the creation of jobs either by subsidizing private sector employers or by the government directly employing the jobless in make work schemes. A number of El' member states make considerable use of such measures. Table 3 shows an impression of the scale of subsidized employment. Table 3: Subsidized Employment: Participant Inflows As a Percentage of the Labour Force, 1994 Belgium (1993) Denmark Finland France (1993) Germany Spain Sweden (1993-1994) Source: OECD (1995). Subsidies to Regular Employment in Private Sector 0.6 0.1 1.9 0.5 0.2 0.1 0.7 Direct Job Creation (Public or Non-Profit) 3.0 1.1 3.8 1.7 1.0 0.8 3.0 There is a theoretical literature concerning recruitment subsidies dating back to Determinants of Unemployment and labour Market efficiency in Nigeria 57 Kaldor (1936) and including an article by Layard and Nickell (1980) when spells out the problem involved in devising a genuinely marginal subsidy to employment. However. Dennis Snouer {1994} argues that the long-term unemployed could use part of their unemployment benefits to provide vouchers for firms that hire them. Another way of looking at the issue is to observe that generalized recruitment subsidies ought to have a similar effect as payroll tax reductions since payroll taxes are ultimate by largely borne by workers themselves even though they may be "paid" by employers. Thus, much of the reduction in such taxes is likely to be eaten up in the long run by pay increases which leave employment unchanged (Ormerod 1996). 3. Improved Skills And Training The unskilled typically suffer from higher unemployment rates than the skilled. Moreover, the demand for skills has been growing over time while the availability of work for the unskilled has been declining across Europe. It seems plausible, therefore, that raising the average skill level of the workforce should lead to lower unemployment. Many EU member tales run substantial programmes of retraining for the unemployed which Nigeria could emulate. For example, Britain planned to spend 580 million pound on sonic 225.000 unemployed under the Training for Work programme in the 1995-96 financial year. Thus Nigerian retraining programmes such as Working For Yourself programme and the Train-the-Trainer programmes of the Industrial Development Centres should be encouraged. Thus, the skills needed to obtain work are not in the main technical ones, but embrace personal drive, effective job search, networking, willingness to adapt and so on. Conclusion The problem of mass unemployment which represents a gross under-utilization of our human resources should be taken seriously by the government at all levels. Given the seventy of the retrenchment problem, employers, workers and the state seem to show more distress. This is because retrenchment and redundancy payments pose a challenge to the continuity and liquidity respectively, of the employer. It has job, income and morale implications for the workers and unemployment implications for the macro society as well as the tendency for crimes to increase given the socioeconomic idleness and poverty of laid-off workers and their loss of income. An apathetic acceptance of high unemployment for another generation is unacceptable and may ultimately threaten the corporate existence of the nation. It is therefore recommended that some combination of a less restrictive macro-economic policy in terms of expansion of infrastructure investment and the stimulation of other 'real' jobs, involving public and private partnership, in areas where the labour market is unlikely spontaneously to generate employment is suggested. A critical examination of existing labour market regulation and a brake on further regulatory initiatives and reform of the tax and benefit systems are desirable. Finally, it is suggested that government should focus on retraining on smaller, well-targeted schemes for recognizable areas of skill shortage and working-for-yourself programmes - capable DR. J. A. BAM1DURO 58 strategies to solve or reduce the rate of unemployment to the bearest minimum. However, much depends on the politics rather than the economics of the situation government at all levels face. References Aston. D.N. (1980), Unemployment Under Capitalism. 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