PARENTING STYLE AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE
IN CHINESE ADOLESCENTS
Hiu Ying Chau
B.A. California State University, Sacramento, 2005
THESIS
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
CHILD DEVELOPMENT
(Applied Settings)
at
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
FALL
2010
PARENTING STYLE AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE
IN CHINESE ADOLESCENTS
A Thesis
by
Hiu Ying Chau
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Sheri E. Hembree, Ph.D.
__________________________________, Second Reader
Christi Cervantes, Ph.D.
__________________________________
Date
ii
Student: Hiu Ying Chau
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University
format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to
be awarded for the thesis.
_______________________________, Department Chair
Karen O’Hara, Ph.D.
Department of Child Development
iii
____________________
Date
Abstract
of
PARENTING STYLE AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE
IN CHINESE ADOLESCENTS
by
HiuYing Chau
Studies concerning parenting styles and adolescent academic achievement have
been largely investigated with Western families. Limited parenting research has
addressed Asians originating from Hong Kong and Canton. The current study examined
Chinese adolescents’ academic achievement in relation to parenting styles (authoritative,
authoritarian and permissive) in this specific ethnic group. The study also examined the
differences between parenting styles of Chinese mothers and fathers. The study sample
included 30 adolescents between the ages of 13 to 17 years and their parents of Chinese
descent in Sacramento, California. Questionnaires, and demographic survey, in both
English and Chinese were administered to assess parenting styles and adolescent grade
point average (GPA). It was hypothesized that authoritative parenting would be positively
related to GPA and authoritarian parenting would be inversely related to GPA. However,
results did not support the hypothesis and there was no significant association between
parenting styles and school performance of Chinese adolescents. It was also hypothesized
that there would be significant differences between mothers and fathers in authoritative
iv
and permissive parenting. Paired t-tests revealed no significant differences between
mothers and fathers on the three parenting scales scores. However, results indicated that
both parents’ authoritative and permissive scores were positively correlated.
, Committee Chair
Sheri E. Hembree, Ph.D.
Date
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the many people who have
supported me through the challenges and successes of completing my Master’s degree.
I would not have been able to get through the process without their support.
First, I would like to thank my thesis sponsor, Dr. Sheri Hembree for her guidance
and extensive expertise in the subject matter. She gave me much needed direction and
helped me create a product that I am proud of. I am also very grateful for all the time and
energy she has given me.
Next, I would like to thank Dr. Christi Cervantes for her guidance in the final
phase as my second reader. I am truly grateful for her knowledge in cultural research and
her skills as an editor.
The Child Development Department is full of experienced and knowledgeable
students and instructors dedicated to the field of child development. I have thoroughly
appreciated all of the stimulating discussions over the past years, the friendships that we
have developed, and the support network that we have created.
Lastly, I would like to thank my family and my good friends. Without their
support, patience and endless encouragement, I would not have been able to complete
this thesis.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments........................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ............................................................................................................... ix
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 1
Significance of the Study ................................................................................. 2
Methodology ..................................................................................................... 5
Definition of Terms........................................................................................... 7
Theoretical Basis ............................................................................................... 7
Limitations of the Study.................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Study ................................................................................. 9
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...................................................................... 10
Cultural Context of Chinese Parenting .......................................................... 11
Parenting Style ................................................................................................ 16
Father Involvement and Adolescent Development ........................................ 27
Differences between Mothers’ and Fathers’ Parenting Styles ....................... 31
Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 33
3. METHODS ........................................................................................................... 34
Research Design.............................................................................................. 34
Research Question and Hypotheses ................................................................ 35
vii
Participants ...................................................................................................... 36
Procedure ........................................................................................................ 37
Measures ......................................................................................................... 38
4. RESULTS ............................................................................................................. 41
Comparing Mothers’ and Fathers’ Parenting Styles ...................................... 41
Associations between Parenting Style and
Adolescents’ Academic Performance ............................................................ 43
5. DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................46
Comparison of Chinese Mother’s and Father’s Parenting Styles ................... 46
Parenting Style and Adolescent Academic Achievement .............................. 50
Limitations of the Study ................................................................................. 51
Appendix A. Demographic Survey ............................................................................ 55
Appendix B. Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) ...............................................56
References ................................................................................................................... 58
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Means and Standard Deviation for Parenting Scale Scores ......................... 42
Table 2: Correlations between Father Study Variables ............................................ 43
Table 3: Correlations between Mother Study Variables ............................................ 44
ix
1
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
One of the central topics in developmental psychology concerns parenting and its
influence on children’s social, emotional and cognitive development (Bornstein, 2002;
Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Empirical findings from studies conducted in Western
countries have indicated that major parenting dimensions such as parental warmth and
support may have a significant effect on child behavior and adjustment in multiple
domains (Booth, Rose-Krasnor, McKinnon, & Rubin, 1994; Dishion, 1990; Hart,
DeWolf, Wozniak, & Burts, 1992; Kochanska, 1995; Patterson, 1982). Parenting research
conducted with Asian samples has also indicated significant associations between
parenting style and children’s academic achievement. However, these previous studies
with Asian families have often excluded people from Hong Kong and Canton because
there were fewer numbers of Chinese immigrants from these two regions comparing to
Chinese immigrants from China and Taiwan in the US. Therefore, the purpose of the
current study was to address some of the unanswered questions surrounding parenting
styles and children’s academic achievement in families from these regions.
Most of the research examining parent-child relationships and parenting has
focused on mothers, and researchers have only recently begun to investigate fathers and
their role in children’s development (Hart, Ladd & Burleson, 1990; Russell & Finnie,
1990). The role of fathers has been in transition over the past few decades, with fathers
taking on more responsibilities for raising children than in the past (Lamb, 2000). As a
2
result of this transition, the father’s role is not as well defined as the role of the mother
(Chuang & Su, 2009; Parke, 2002). Lamb (2002) suggests that the role of the father may
overlap with the role of the mother, but that he may also provide a unique contribution to
children’s development. The current study compares both mothers’ and fathers’ parenting
styles with their children in a Chinese sample, specifically in families originating from
Hong Kong and Canton. The purpose of the study was twofold: (a) to compare fathers’
and mothers’ parenting styles in this population, and (b) to examine the relationship
between Chinese parenting styles and academic achievement in children aged from 13 to
17 years old.
Significance of the Study
As families immigrate to different countries, they experience many potential
changes in the parent-child relationships and challenges to family functioning. The
United States is one of the countries with the highest immigrant population in the world
(Barnes & Bennett, 2002). Chinese immigrants represent one of the fastest growing
groups in the United States (Barnes & Bennett, 2002). Within the Chinese-American
population, the number of immigrants from Hong Kong is growing. However, research
concerning family functioning and parenting in these Hong Kong populations is limited.
Chinese culture has been described as collectivistic and influenced by
Confucianism. Collectivistic cultures emphasize the importance of interdependence,
control of emotion and filial piety (i.e. respect for the parents and ancestors). Thus,
3
Chinese parents view children’s development of behavioral inhibition and self-restraint as
an important accomplishment. Collectivist cultures also emphasize parental authority and
parenting training of children (Chao, 1994; Lin & Fu, 1990). There is a particular concept
of training in Chinese culture which is linked to Confucianism. According to Chao
(1994), Chinese parenting is guided by “guan,” which translates as “training.” This
cultural orientation is in contrast to Westernized cultures that are more often described as
individualistic, promoting cultural values of independence, self-expression and individual
uniqueness (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). For example, in a recent study, researchers
found that Taiwanese and Chinese parents were more likely to display collectivistic traits,
such as exerting more control with their children, while North American parents were
more likely to endorse individualistic traits (Jose, Huntsinger, Huntsinger & Liaw, 2000).
Although these findings have provided some insights into how parents socialize
their children according to their culture’s values, there is still need to better understand
parenting among Chinese families. Researchers need to examine how various factors of
parenting such as attitudes, or parenting styles (authoritative or authoritarian) relate to
children’s academic achievement.
Research indicates positive correlations between authoritative parenting style and
academic achievement in Western families. For instance, Leung, McBride-Chang and Lai
(2004) found that parental responsiveness helped to predict adolescents’ school
performance such that higher parental warmth and responsiveness resulted in better
academic achievement. Research has further confirmed that parenting styles are linked to
adolescent school adjustment and performance for Chinese children, with Asian high
4
school students from more authoritarian families showing better academic outcomes
(Chao, 2001; Leung et al, 1998).
However, the results of studies linking parenting styles and academic
achievement in Asian families are contradictory. For example, Leung, Lau and Lam
(1998) found that Asian children from authoritarian homes had better academic
performance than American and Australian children from authoritarian families;
however, some researchers, for example, Chen, Dong and Zhou (1997) found that
Chinese adolescents with authoritarian parents were more likely to have poor school
performance when compared with Chinese adolescents with authoritative parents. Such
discrepancies may result from differences in acculturation, since acculturation was not
taken into account in these two studies.
The socialization process can become increasingly more complex and dynamic as
families migrate to other countries. According to Chuang and Su (2009), Jose et al.
(2000) and Lin and Fu (1990), native Chinese parents are different in some aspects of
parenting compared to Chinese immigrant families, with native Chinese families holding
onto more traditional customs. Current knowledge of the ways that the immigration
process, the time that the newcomers have spent in the United States, and their
educational background affected one’s parental practices and belief is limited. Thus, the
current study addresses this variable in analyzing the relation between parenting style and
achievement.
Previous research has addressed differences in parenting in Western and Asian
countries; mothers and fathers in every culture play different roles in the family and in
5
society. In addition, previous research has indicated gender differences in parenting styles
of Chinese parents, in that fathers use more authoritarian behaviors with daughters than
with sons (Chen, Liu & Li, 2000). On the other hand, Conrade and Ho (2001) found that
mothers were more likely to use authoritative and permissive parenting styles. Thus the
current study provides an examination of gender differences in Chinese parenting styles
with a sample of Chinese parents originating from Hong Kong and Canton and their
children aged between 13 and 17 years old.
Methodology
Thirty adolescents between 13 and 17 years of age, and their parents, in 16 intact
families participated in the current study. Families were recruited from local churches
and local Chinese Cultural Organizations in Sacramento County, California. Families
agreeing to participate in the study were asked to complete questionnaires and to mail
their completed surveys to the researcher using a stamped addressed envelope provided.
Data for the current study included an analysis of a demographic survey and a modified
Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ). Both English and Chinese versions of the PAQ
were provided.
Measures
A modified Parent Authority Questionnaires (PAQ), developed by Ang (2006)
and Buri (1991), was used to assess self-reported parenting styles. Parents were asked to
answer 30 Likert items rated on a five-point scale (see Appendix B). The original PAQ
6
was designed to measure adolescents’ perceptions of their parents’ parenting. In the
current study, each item was modified by substituting “I” for “my mother.” The revised
PAQ consisted of 10 items measuring authoritarian parenting styles (e.g. “When I ask my
children to do something, I want them to do it immediately without asking any
questions.”); 10 items measuring authoritative parenting styles (e.g. “When my family
chooses to do something, I will discuss the reasons for the choice with the children.”) and
10 items assessing permissive parenting (e.g. “I feel that children can do whatever they
like.”)
The parent demographic survey (see Appendix A) included items on age,
educational background, time in the U.S., the country of origin, respondent’s relationship
to the adolescent and the adolescent’s cumulative grade point average (GPA). The GPA
was the sole measure of adolescents’ academic achievement in this study.
Analyses
The data gathered from the surveys were analyzed quantitatively. First, mothers
and fathers were compared with respect to parenting style, using correlations and Paired
t-tests. Next, correlational analyses were used to test for associations between parenting
styles scores and adolescents’ grade point average, controlling for demographic and
acculturation variables.
7
Definition of Terms
Parenting Styles can be defined as a psychological approach that parents use in
the child- rearing process. It includes behaviors parents engage in with their children, as
well as the values and beliefs about appropriate child-rearing practices that shape their
children’s development. The current study focused on parenting styles as described by
Baumrind (1971, 1991) with the growing Chinese Population in the United States. This
framework has been used extensively in research on parenting and parenting styles.
Baumrind (1971) has defined four specific parenting styles and their
consequences for children: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive and neglectful. These
styles of parenting are based on levels of demandingness and responsiveness used by the
parents in disciplining the child. Parental demandingness refers to how restrictive and
demanding parents are and parental responsiveness refers to the amount of acceptance
that a parent displays toward a child. Authoritarian parenting is characterized by high
demandingness and low responsiveness. Authoritative parenting is characterized by
moderate demandingness and high responsiveness, and Permissive parenting is
characterized by low demandingness and high responsiveness.
Theoretical Basis
Diana Baumrind’s work (1971, 1991) on parenting style informs the current
study. Proposing that parenting practices play an important role in children’s
8
development, she has distinguished four different ways parents interact with their
children, as well as developmental outcomes associated with those beliefs and practices.
Baumrind (1971, 1991) discovered that parental warmth accompanied by limit setting,
termed authoritative parenting, was linked to positive outcomes for children in Western
societies. In addition, Baumrind also discovered that high parental demandingness with
limited parental warmth, termed authoritarian parenting, is linked to negative outcomes
for children in the West. However, Baumrind’s sample was primarily white middle class,
with little applicability to other ethnic populations. Therefore, the current study is an
attempt to investigate the parenting styles of the Chinese immigrant parents who originate
from Hong Kong and Canton.
Limitations of the Study
There are some limitations to this study. The sample for the current study is small.
Ideally, having a larger sample of participants would provide better representation of the
larger population of Chinese immigrant families, and improve overall generalizability of
this study. The sample is not diverse with respect to family characteristics, such as twoparent family and child age. Although the sample of immigrant parents from Hong Kong
is an important addition to the cross-cultural body of work on parenting styles, the sample
is limited to two parent families. The current study was also limited to Chinese children
between 13 and 17 of age; the results would be more generalizable if the study included
9
participants from wider age groups, such as young adolescents and young adults.
Therefore, generalizing to a wide range of family structure is not possible.
Another limitation to the study includes the use of parent report of academic
performance and parenting style. Parental report of GPA might not be accurate and since
there were no actual observations of stated beliefs and practices, this study is limited to
the perceptions of the parents about how often they use the practices listed in the
questionnaires. Lastly, this is a correlational study and results indicate only associations
and not causal relationships between parenting styles and adolescents’ academic
performance.
Organization of the Study
Chapter One has provided an introduction to the current study. Chapter Two
provides a review of literature relating to this topic, including the relationship between
parenting styles and adolescents’ academic performance and the comparison of parenting
styles between Chinese mothers and fathers. Chapter Three offers a description of the
measures and procedures used in the study. Chapter Four presents the analysis of the data
and results. Finally, Chapter Five includes a discussion of the results, along with
limitations, interpretations and suggestions for future research.
10
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Over the last two decades, there has been an increased research focus on the role
of parenting styles in Asian children’s intellectual development (Cheah et al., 2009, Hill
& Chao, 2009; Ji & Koblinsky, 2009; Lee & Zane, 1998; Pong, Johnston & Chen, 2010;
Tan & Goldberg, 2009). Parental beliefs and practices are one important component of
the family system that needs further investigation. Such beliefs and practices help shape
parents’ interactions with children and thus the environment in which their children
develop. Furthermore, the unique contribution of fathers to the family system needs to be
investigated because fathers play an important role in their children’s overall
performance (Flouri, 2005).
The purpose of the current study was to examine the relationship between
parenting styles and adolescents’ academic performance in Chinese immigrant families.
Research indicates connections between parenting styles and academic achievement of
young children in Western families with authoritative parenting styles positively related
to children’s academic performance. For instance, Leung, McBride-Chang and Lai
(2004) found that parental responsiveness helped to predict adolescents’ school
performance such that higher parental warmth and responses resulted in better academic
achievement in adolescents from Western families.
Most research concerning the relationship of Chinese adolescent school
performance and the parenting styles has mostly focused on Chinese families that
11
originated from People’s Republic of China and Taiwan (Chao, 1996; Chao & Aque,
2009; Cheah et al., 2009; Chung & Su, 2009; Lin & Fu, 2009). The link between
parenting styles and adolescents’ academic achievement in Chinese families originating
from Hong Kong and Canton is not yet well understood. Hence, the current study is an
investigation of the associations between parenting styles and adolescents’ academic
achievement in Chinese immigrant families who originated from Hong Kong and Canton.
In addition, most research concerning parenting styles and school performance
has been grounded in mothers’ influence, ignoring the contributions of fathers.
Researchers argue that fathers and mothers imposed different parenting styles on the
children (Chen, Liu & Liu, 2000). However, this relationship needs further exploration,
especially concerning paternal parenting practices within the Chinese population. In this
literature review section, cultural context of Chinese parenting is reviewed. Second,
literature addressing parenting styles, and literature related to father involvement and
adolescent development, is presented. Lastly, research concerning parenting differences
between mothers and fathers is reviewed.
Cultural Context of Chinese Parenting
Cross-cultural research indicates that family functioning and parent-child
relationships are highly connected to cultural norms and values (Chuang & Su, 2009).
Culture influences one’s attitudes, judgments, and emotions (Bruner, 1990). For example,
Confucian cultures, such as Chinese culture, consider expression of emotions, both
12
negative and positive as a possible threat to the social order. Hence, the norms are of not
showing personal emotions in the public (Chao & Aque, 2009).
Chinese culture has been described as collectivistic and was influenced by the
Confucianism. Collectivistic cultures emphasize the importance of interdependence,
control of emotion and filial piety (i.e. respect for the parents and ancestors). Thus,
Chinese parents view the development of behavioral inhibition and self-restraint in their
children as an important accomplishment. Collectivist cultures also emphasize parental
authority and parenting training of children (Chao, 1994; Lin & Fu, 1990). There is a
particular concept of training in Chinese culture which is linked to Confucianism.
According to Chao (1994), Chinese parenting is guided by “guan,” which translates as
“training.” This cultural orientation is in contrast to the individualism of American and
other Western cultures, which promote cultural values of independence, self-expression
and individual uniqueness (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). In a recent study, researchers
found that within Taiwanese, Chinese and North American parents of Chinese origins,
most of them were likely to display collectivistic traits, such as imposing more control
and trainings on children, while North American parents were more likely to endorse
individualistic traits, such as offering freedom of choices (Jose, Huntsinger, & Liaw,
2000).
Individualist culture promotes separateness, and collectivistic culture promotes
relatedness (Triandis, 1995). According to Super and Harkness (1986), child-rearing
practices and beliefs are guided by individuals’ cultural norms and values. Asian families,
especially Chinese families, tend to instill collectivism, emphasizing group norms and
13
obeying authority rather than individualistic ideas such as self-reliance and autonomy.
These orientations result in differences in parenting practices and in parent-child
relationships. Therefore, the primary goal for the current study was to examine parenting
practices and styles of Chinese families, specifically the Hong Kong and Canton
population and academic achievement in Chinese adolescents.
When studying parenting among the Asian cultures, one has to take into account
the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism has served as the major belief system
among the Asian population and it continues to influence the process and structure of
family interaction and relationships (Chao, 1994; Chuang & Su, 2009). Tang (1992)
states that Confucianism emphasizes the valuing of interdependence and social harmony
in interpersonal relationships, and family interactions are characterized by clear lines of
authority, respect for the status of others, and subordination of the self for the good of the
family. In addition, an important concept in Confucianism is filial piety, which is defined
as a behavior in a manner that will bring honor and not disgrace to the family name
(Chuang & Su, 2009). Children are expected to be devoted and obedient to their parents.
Specific rules of inter-generational conduct, such as respecting the elders, are
emphasized.
Families in Hong Kong and Canton
Although these cultural constructs have provided some insights in a broad sense,
Chinese parents have socialized their children according to their cultural values; there
still needs to be a better understanding of parenting among Chinese families. There is a
14
need to examine various aspects of parenting such as attitudes or parenting styles
(authoritative or authoritarian) in relation to children’s academic achievement. Hong
Kong was under British rule, and may have adopted many Western practices. Although
Canton was not directly influenced by the British government, Canton borders Hong
Kong and people from Hong Kong and Canton typically travel throughout both
provinces. Thus people who originated from these two places may share similar ideas,
such as parenting. In an effort to add to our understanding of Chinese parenting, the
primary goal for the current study was to examine parenting practices among parents of
the Hong Kong and Canton origination.
In recent decades, Hong Kong and Canton have undergone significant social and
cultural changes that may affect parenting and family functioning. Hong Kong was
colonized by the British for ten decades, and the British government imposed changes
that may have altered Chinese parenting values and beliefs about child development, such
that people from Hong Kong might have adopted a more Western individualistic style. In
addition, Canton also has undergone significant social and political changes which may
influence parenting practices. For instance, the Chinese government initiated a one-child
policy (Shwalb, Nakazawa,Yamamoto & Hyun, 2004) in all provinces, including Canton.
These policy changes may have changed some of the parental practices of the Chinese
population. For example, the one child policy has transformed the family into a family
structure with four grandparents, two parents and one child (Chuang & Su, 2009). Some
researchers have reported that such a family structure might have created a
15
“Westernized” parenting approach—becoming more child-oriented, especially among
well-educated families (Chang, Schwartz, Dodge & McBride-Chang, 2003).
Chinese Immigrant Families
Moreover, family structure and the socialization process can become increasingly
complex and dynamic as families migrate to other countries. Many Chinese families are
migrating to United States, where there is a more individualistic focus. According to
Chuang and Su (2008), Jose et al (2000) and Lin and Fu (1990), native Chinese parents
are different in some aspects of parenting compared to immigrant families, with native
Chinese families holding on to more traditional customs, such as more emphasis on
training their children to behave appropriately and to achieve academically. Furthermore,
other parenting research has yielded similar findings. Chinese immigrants in the United
States are generally more directive in their parenting and less expressive in their warm
and emotion, in line with traditional Confucian beliefs in emotional deservedness (Chao,
1994; We et al., 2002). The current knowledge of inter-relationship among immigration
process, the time that the newcomers have spent in the United States; their education
background and individual parental practices and belief was limited. Therefore, in the
current study, the researcher examined years of residency and education background,
acculturation variables that might influence parenting attitudes and styles.
16
Parenting Style
Parenting style has been a major topic of study for the later part of the Twentieth
Century. Researchers have investigated the dimensions of parenting (Ang, 2005; Aunola
& Nurmi, 2005; Barver, Olsen & Shangle, 1994; Baumrind, 1971), identifying warmth/
acceptance/ responsiveness, control/demandingness and autonomy granting as the three
important dimensions of parenting in Western societies. It is important to understand the
notions of parenting styles in the Western countries and the application of these parenting
notions in Asian countries.
An important framework for studying parenting style was developed by Baumrind
(1967). She did not measure specific parenting behaviors for specific situations. Instead,
parenting styles are the combination of parental attitudes, practices and nonverbal
expressions that characterize the nature of parent-child interactions across diverse
situations. (Glasgrow, Dombusch, Troyer, Steinberg, & Ritter, 1997). Baumrind (1967)
proposed that parents fall into one of four categories: authoritative, authoritarian,
permissive and neglectful. These styles of parenting are based on levels of
demandingness and responsiveness used by the parents in disciplining the child. Parental
responsiveness refers to the amount of acceptance that a parent displays toward a child,
and parental demandingness refers to how restrictive and demanding parents are
(Baumrind, 1991). Baumrind (1991) found that Authoritarian parents displayed high
levels of demandingness and low levels of affection to their children. Permissive parents
17
expressed affection to their children, but showed low levels of behavioral control.
Authoritative parents displayed both demands and affection to their children.
Parenting Style in Western Cultures
Parenting in Western countries has been largely examined and found to be linked
to important child outcomes. Developmental research concerning the relationship
between parenting practices and social skills of young children in the United States,
generally suggest that authoritative parenting styles contribute to the development of
social skills and successful in social interaction (Berscheid & Regan, 2005; Shaffer, Burt,
Obradovic & Masten, 2009). In an early study, Baumrind (1971) found that children from
authoritative homes were consistently more competent, communal, and cognitively
competent than children whose parents displayed other parenting styles. In particular,
Baumrind found that children from neglectful homes tended to be the least competent,
and children and adolescent from permissive homes were less self-assertive as compared
with those from authoritative homes.
In longitudinal parenting research on family socialization and developmental
competence of US Caucasian adolescents, Baumrind (1991) presented findings pertaining
to family patterns as determinants of adolescent competence. Baumrind (1991) found that
authoritative parenting was associated with positive outcomes, whereas authoritarian and
permissive parenting was related to maladjustment among children and adolescents.
Furthermore, she found that, in general, parental responsiveness predicted children’s
social competence and social functioning while parental demandingness was positively
18
associated with behavioral control and academic performance. Baumrind found that
European and American children and adolescents from authoritarian families tended to
have lower levels of problem behavior along with poorer social skills, while authoritative
parenting was associated with a lower level of problem behavior and better social skills in
both boys and girls at all developmental stages. Lastly, children and adolescents from
permissive families were more likely to have better social skills, but are also more likely
to display problem behavior (Baumrind, 1991).
Parenting research also indicates positive relationships between parenting style
and academic achievement of children from Western countries. European and American
adolescents who have been raised in authoritative families are more successful
academically on average than their peers who have been raised in authoritarian and
permissive homes (Steinberg, 2001). Milevsky, Schlechter, Nettwe and Keehn (2006)
found that American adolescents who have authoritative parents have higher self-esteem,
life satisfaction, higher academic performance and lower depression compared to
adolescents who have authoritarian and permissive parents. In other words, parental
responsiveness helped to predict adolescents’ school performance, whereas higher
parental warmth and responsiveness predicted better academic achievement in children
from Western families.
Higher parental involvement may result in higher academic performance of
adolescents. Because attitudes help determine parental practices and the more subtle
behaviors that give those practices meaning, many investigators have reasoned that
parental attitudes would influence parent-child interaction and the child’s development
19
(Baldwin, 1948). Simpkin et al (2009) identified unique clusters of parenting behaviors
based on parents’ involvement, rule-setting and cognitive stimulation with data collected
from early and middle adolescence, found that American adolescents had higher
academic achievement if their parents used authoritative parenting methods. Such studies
further support the idea that higher parental responsiveness is linked to better academic
performance of the children in Caucasian families. Leung, Lam and Lam (2004), found
that general authoritativeness, such as offering choices and autonomy to children, was
positively related to school performance because of American parents’ emphasis on
independence. In such cases, children and adolescents may find an authoritative climate
satisfying. Such a climate leads to positive parent-child relationships, making it more
effective for parents to facilitate school performance.
Parenting Style in Asian Cultures
The individualism-collectivism continuum represents one of the most important
constructs differentiating Western and non-Western societies in general, and has been
widely used in describing differences in social behaviors (Dien, 1999; Green,
Deschamps, & Paez, 2005).Western society is viewed as individualistic and the Eastern
society as more collectivistic (Lim, Yeh, Liang, Lau & McCabe, 2009). Researchers have
found that these cultural orientations also shape parenting beliefs and practices. For
example, according to Matsumoto and Juang (2004), members of individualistic cultures
focus on the needs, desires and preferences of unique individuals over those of groups;
they prioritize personal needs, rights and liberties, and the valuing of personal
20
achievement. On the other hand, members of collectivistic societies strongly identify
themselves in groups; collectivistic behavior is guided by norms, duties, and obligations.
Research has indicated that Western individualistic families are different from the
collectivistic Chinese families with respect to parenting styles in general. For example
Wang, Pomerantz and Chen (2007) compared the effects over time of parents’ control
and autonomy support on children’s functioning in the United States and China. They
examined the effects on parental control on children’s psychological functioning by using
children’s report on a set of questionnaires related to parents’ psychological control,
psychological autonomy support, behavioral control, and their own emotional and
academic functioning. Wang at al. (2007) found that parents from Western countries
tended to practice authoritative parenting, while parents from Mainland China tended to
practice authoritarian parenting.
Additionally, Chao and Aque (2009) investigated whether adolescents’ feelings of
anger might moderate the relationship between parental control and adolescents’
behavioral adjustment for both European American and each Asian immigrant group
(Chinese, Koreans, and Filipinos). They examined parental behavioral control by using
Firm Control/Lax Control scale of the Children’s Report on Parent Behavior Inventory
and ratings of their own feelings with respect to parents’ use of each type of control
(behavioral and psychological). Asian immigrants in the study reported being exposed to
strict parenting practices, such as imposing strong rules and punishment more often than
European American youth.
21
Generally, Chinese parents in the United States have been described by several
researchers as more authoritarian in their parenting than European and American parents
(Dernbush et al, 1987; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dombusch & Darling, 1992) and higher on
control and hostility (Chiu, 1987; Fuligni, 1998, Lin & Fu, 1990). For example, in a
cross-cultural study with a large sample of culturally-diverse high schools students, Asian
parents were more likely to fall into the category of authoritarian parenting than
European families and Chinese adolescents rated their parents as higher in control than in
other ethnic groups (Fuligni, 1998). Chao (1994) confirmed that Chinese parents scored
higher on authoritarian measures, but asserted that it may have to do with the goal of
training their children to behave properly and to achieve academically.
However, not all parenting research has found that Asian parents were more
authoritarian. For instance, Cheah, Leung Tahseen and Schultz (2009) examined
authoritative parenting style among Chinese mothers of 85 preschoolers. During the
investigation, the researchers used different types of self-report surveys, which included a
modified Parenting Styles Dimensions Questionnaires to assess parenting styles. They
found that Chinese parents with young children tended to be lenient and warm; these
Chinese parents were more likely to show authoritative patterns. Such results could be
due to the fact that these children were younger. According to Ho (1986), Chinese parents
tend to be lenient, warm and affectionate toward infants and young children until they
reach the age which they needed to impose strict discipline. Therefore, parents with such
young children may believe that wrong doing should be tolerated and children should be
guided through their mistakes and more lenient parenting practice.
22
The specific notion of parental training in Chinese families is known as “guan.”
First addressed in Chao’s (1994) research, the construct concerns the willingness of
parents to be directive (Chao, 1996). According to Chao and Sue (1996), “guan”
contributes to harmonious functioning of the family, by emphasizing self-discipline, hard
work, and high expectation from parents.
Such differences in parenting styles of Western and Asian families lead to
different outcomes in school performance. Whereas academic achievement of European
American children is more likely to benefit from authoritative parenting styles, Asian
children’s academic achievement may benefit from both authoritative and more
authoritarian parenting styles. For example, Chao (1994) found that Taiwanese and
Chinese mothers who migrated to the United States emphasized training their children
intensively by emphasizing self-discipline, so that they would behave well and obtain
good grades at school. As Chinese mothers typically emphasize educational attainment
and set high standards for their children, their controlling behavior and emphasis on
obedience from their children may actually push their children towards educational
success.
Accordingly, the results of studies linking parenting styles and academic
achievement in Asian families are contradictory. Some research has indicated that
children from authoritarian homes have better academic achievement. For example,
Leung, Lau and Lam (1998) investigated authoritarian and authoritative parenting styles
in relation to adolescent school performance in tenth and twelfth graders from Hong
Kong. Participants were asked to complete a series of questionnaires containing items
23
focused on general authoritarianism, academic authoritarianism, general
authoritativeness, and academic authoritativeness. School performance was measured by
self-report grades and self-evaluations of school performance. The results indicated that,
although Asian American parents tended to be more authoritarian, their children in
general performed well at school (Leung, Lau & Lam, 1998).
Results of a study by Chao (1994) challenged earlier findings that even for Asian
Americans, parental authoritarianism was related to poor school performance (Dornbusch
et al, 1987). In this study, 50 immigrant Chinese mothers and 50 European-American
mothers completed a set of surveys that assessed parenting practices, authoritative
parenting styles, authoritarian parenting styles and parental control factor by using
Block’s (1981) Child Rearing Practices Report. Chao (1994) confirmed that authoritarian
parenting styles found in Chinese families are positively linked to children’s school
adjustment and performance for Chinese children.
Furthermore, parenting research with Chinese samples in South East Asia had
similar results. For example, Ang (2006) studied the relationship between parenting
styles and academic achievement of Chinese adolescents in Singapore by using the
Parental Authority Questionnaire and self-report of school grades. She found that the
parenting styles of Chinese parents in Singapore were significantly related to adolescents’
school performance. Moreover, most Asian high school students from more authoritarian
families appeared to achieve better grades at school (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Chen &
Luster, 2001; Leung, Lau & Lam, 1998)
24
In contrast to the above findings, some research has shown that Chinese
adolescents who have authoritarian parents were more likely to have poor school
performance (Wang, Pomerantz & Chen, 2007). For instance, Chen et al. (1997) and
Zhou et al. (2008) found that Asian children who have authoritarian parents tend to have
problems both in social adjustment and academic performance in the school. Lim, Yeh,
Liang, Lau and McCabe (2009) found similar results in that Chinese adolescents from
authoritarian parents tended to display difficulties on school adjustment and performance.
Leung et al. (2004) found that maternal restrictiveness was significantly and negatively
related to academic competence of adolescents. Cross-cultural studies on immigrant
Chinese and Vietnamese families showed that authoritarian parenting style is linked to
poorer adolescent social and academic outcomes (Chiu et al., 1992; Dinh et al., 1994;
Herz & Cullone, 1999). Such contradiction may result from the parenting styles
characterized by low care and high control which contributed to adolescent depression
that may influence academic performance. For example, previous research found that
Chinese immigrant children who experienced authoritarian parenting showed higher
frequency and intensity of conflicts at school and lower academic achievement (Lim et
al., 2009; Yau & Smetana, 1996).
Research focused on authoritative parenting within Chinese populations has also
yielded inconsistent findings. For example, Heaven and Ciarrochi (2008) studied a group
of American and Asian adolescents about their perceived parenting practices in relation
to their school performance. They found that parental authoritativeness significantly and
positively correlated with school performance for both American and Asian teenagers.
25
Similarly, Chen, Dong and Zhou (1997) examined the relations between child rearing and
school performance among Asian adolescents. The measures included a Chinese version
of Block’s Child Rearing Practices Report and teacher reports of school grades on
mathematics and language. Results indicated that authoritative parenting styles of both
parents were significantly and positively correlated with school achievement, suggesting
that children of authoritative parents tended to adjust well both socially and academically
in school.
In contrast, Spera (2006) reported in his review of parenting research that the
relationships of authoritative parenting and classroom grades were not consistent across
families of diverse ethnic and social-economic background. Similarly, Leung, Lau and
Lam (1998) examined the influence of parenting styles on children’s academic
achievement in four countries: United States, Hong Kong, China and Australia. To
measure parenting styles researchers adapted the survey items used to measure parenting
styles by Dornbusch and his colleagues (1987) since they particular examined the
association between authoritative parenting style and adolescents’ school grades. As a
result, Leung et al. found that authoritative parenting in Chinese population did not show
any relationship with Chinese adolescents’ school performance.
Researchers have sought to clarify the inconsistencies found in previous research
regarding the effects of parenting style on school performance. For instance, Chao (2001)
has speculated that such inconsistencies might be due to differences between ethnic
groups within Asian American ethnicity (Chinese, Filipinos, and Koreans). Such
differences in the relative benefits of different parenting styles might also relate to
26
immigration status. Because many studies had not identified the ethnic composition with
Asian populations, it is not possible to know whether their previous inconsistencies may
be due to the fact that their samples differed on these factors. Furthermore, it may be the
case that the cultural context plays a role; if children perceive authoritarian parenting as
normal and mainstream, they may be less distressed by it. In such cases a more
authoritarian style might not have an adverse effect on Asian children. In order to resolve
the inconsistencies, the current study examined the associations between Chinese
authoritative parenting style and authoritarian parenting style, and Chinese adolescents’
academic achievement.
In addition, the current study aimed to expand parenting research on an
underrepresented Chinese sub-group, Chinese originating from Hong Kong and Canton.
Recent research has suggested that Chinese parents from mainland China may be less
authoritarian in their parenting patterns due to the single-child policy (Chen, Chang, He
& Liu, 2005). Such a policy may contribute to the closeness of mother-child relationship,
with mothers becoming more nurturing and less authoritarian. Similarly, participants
from Hong Kong and Canton may show more Western type patterns because of different
historical events. According to Lin and Fu (1990) and Cheah et al. (2009), higher levels
of acculturation are associated with less controlling and more nurturing styles of
parenting. Therefore, the proposed study will further examine the correlation of Chinese
parenting styles and Chinese adolescent academic performance. In this population, it is
hypothesized that Chinese authoritative parenting styles and Chinese adolescent
academic performance are positively correlated.
27
Father Involvement and Adolescent Development
Most research on parenting has focused on mothers. However, recent research
suggests that father involvement and attitudes are significantly related to positive
outcomes for children (Amato, 1994; Flouri & Buchanan, 2002; Flouri & Buchanan,
2003; Chuang & Su, 2009). Research also indicates that paternal involvement is
positively related to young children’s cognitive and social development (TamisLeMonda, Shannon, Cabrera, & Lamb, 2004). The inclusion of the fathers in the current
study allows for examination of the parenting partnership as well as offering additional
information about Chinese fathering. It also allows for examination of differences and
similarities between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles. The following section
includes a discussion of role of father in Western and Asian societies and the discussion
of differences of parenting styles between Chinese mothers and fathers.
Role of Father in Western and Asian Societies
Fathers serve an important role in children’s development. According to Flouri
and Buchanan (2003) and Shapiro, Diamond and Greenberg (1995), in traditional
Western society, the father has been described as an authority figure who disciplines and
teaches his children about the ways of the outside world. The father is also often
described as a playmate. For instance, Flouri and Buchanan’s (2003) research with
British adolescents from England, Scotland, and Wales indicates that fathers generally
spend less time with their children than mothers do, and a large proportion of the time
28
children spend with their fathers involves play and companionship as opposed to personal
care activities. Such differences might translate into different contribution on the part of
fathers (Flouri & Buchanan, 2003), with fathers playing a large role in the socialization of
their children.
Recent research suggests that fathers help children and adolescents develop
certain social skills. For example, through playful interaction, children may learn about
their affective displays and how to use these tools to regulate social behavior with peers
and their emotions (MacDonald & Parke, 1984). In addition, previous research
concerning father involvement and children’s academic competence found significant
results. Martin, Ryan and Brooks-Gunn (2010) observed father-child interaction in a
semi-structured home visit. Their study relies on two scales used to rate parents’
behavior: Supportive Presence and Stimulation of Cognitive Development. They found
that parental involvement and supportiveness positively related to cognitive competence
in kindergarten and first grade children (Martin, Ryan & Brooks-Gunn, 2010).
Denham, Bassett and Wyatt (2010) examined relations between father
involvement and social competence of their children. The sample consisted of 80
preschoolers and their parents. The measures included observations in a child care setting
and surveys concerning emotional expressions. Denham et al. (2010) found that fathers
provided unique ways of socializing with their children. Results indicated that when
fathers interacted with their children, they usually focused on the child’s and other
persons’ emotions. Because father-child interaction is unique, the contributions they
make to their developing children and adolescents may also be unique.
29
Research indicates that father involvement in children’s lives and parenting
attitudes are predictive of academic achievement in children in Western societies. For
example, Flouri and Buchanan (2003) investigated factors associated with father
involvement in intact families and found that children of involved fathers were more
likely to do well in school and have fewer emotional and behavioral problems. Previous
research indicates a strong link between father involvement and positive school
achievement (Amato, 1994; Flouri, Buchanan & Bream, 2002). Furthermore, Chang,
Dodge, Schwartz, and McBride-Chang (2003) found that father parenting style is linked
to positive child adjustment, including school performance. In relation to school
adjustment and academic performance of children, previous research (Amato, 1994;
Flouri, Buchanan & Bream, 2002) has found that father involvement was strongly related
to academic performance. Furthermore, a recent report from the National Center for
Educational Statistic (1997) showed that father involvement should be expected to
associate with children’s school success and motivation.
Indeed, research looking specifically at the role of father involvement in
children’s cognitive and educational outcomes across ethnic groups in the United States
has yielded some interesting findings (Heiss, 1996; Hwang & Lamb, 1997; Yongman,
Kindlon & Earls, 1995). For instance, father involvement in African-American families
has been associated with improved cognitive outcomes. Radin, Williams and Coggins
(1994) found that the more Native American fathers were involved in childrearing, the
more likely their children were to do well in school, both academically and socially.
Similarly, Updegraff, McHale and Crouter (1996) investigated the implications of
30
parents’ marital roles on adolescents’ math and science achievement, and showed that in
families where the father participated equally in child-oriented activities, girls maintained
a high level of achievement across the transition to the 7th grade, but girls who
experienced less father involvement declined in math and science performance.
Although the research on fathering has grown over the past several decades, little
is known about Asian fathers, especially in Chinese families (Capps, Bronte-Tinkew, &
Horowitz, 2010). In order to understand contemporary Asian families, one needs to take
into consideration how Confucius defined parental roles in the Chinese family. The
father’s role is defined as the master of the family (Chuang & Fu, 2009). Fathers are
assigned a more powerful position in the family than mothers. Fathers control the wealth
of the family and make the important decisions about the family and children. In addition,
parental roles based on gender are established, such that, fathers are not allowed to
discuss issues inside the home, and women are not allowed to discuss issues outside the
home.
Traditionally, the ancient Confucian idea of “strict father, warm mother” has
portrayed fathers as more authoritarian, using more parental control and discipline with
their children, compared with mothers, who were described as nurturing and supportive
(Wilson, 1974). These traditional roles of mothers and fathers were assumed to guide
families by dividing the family obligations and responsibilities.
Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, and Keehn (2007) examined variations in
adolescent adjustment as a function of maternal and paternal parenting styles. Participants
included 272 students in grades 9 and 11 from a public high school in a metropolitan area
31
of the Northeastern US. The majority of these participants were American and only 3 of
them were Asian-American. Participants completed measures of maternal and paternal
parenting styles and indices of psychological adjustment. Milevsky et al., (2007) found
that during adolescence, parents establish their attitudes and values toward socialization
and academic performance. These attitudes and beliefs may become the building blocks
for future parenting. Because research on parenting and fathering among Chinese families
is still relatively limited, with even less attention being focused on adolescents with
parents of Hong Kong and Canton background, it is important to focus in this population.
Differences between Mothers’ and
Fathers’ Parenting Styles
Previous research has addressed differences in parenting in the Western and Asian
world; mothers and fathers in every culture play different roles in the family and in the
society. According to Chen, Liu and Li (2000), fathers and mothers may play different
and unique roles in the lives of their sons and daughters as well. The current study
investigated such differences.
Gender differences between mothers and fathers could be found among parenting
styles. Russell, Aloz, Feder, Glover, Miller and Palmer (1998) examined sex-based
differences in parenting style using mother and father self-reports from 305 Caucasian
parents, with a preschool boy or girl as the target participant. According to Russell et al.
(1998), fathers were less likely to use an authoritative style, and fathers were more likely
32
than mothers to use an authoritarian parenting style. They also found that authoritarian
styles are used mostly when parenting the sons rather than parenting daughters.
Research indicates a gender difference in parenting styles of Chinese parents as
well, with fathers displaying greater authoritarian parenting with daughters than with sons
(Chen, Liu & Li, 2000). McKinney and Renk (2008) found that Chinese mothers
typically adopted a less authoritarian style of parenting relative to fathers, and that fathers
adopted a more authoritarian style of parenting relative to mothers. Similarly, Conrade
and Ho (2001) examined the Chinese adolescents’ perceptions of their parents’ parenting
styles by using self-report surveys. They found significant gender differences such that,
mothers, rather than fathers, were perceived to be more likely to use authoritative and
permissive styles. Fathers were perceived by male respondents to be more likely to use an
authoritarian style and mothers were perceived to be more likely to use an authoritative
style by female respondents and a permissive style by male respondents.
Despite these documented differences, some studies have found that mothers and
fathers may use similar parenting styles. Costigan and Su (2008) explored the predictors
of parenting cognitions among 94 married immigrant Chinese couples with early
adolescent children in Canada. Mothers and fathers separately completed questionnaires
assessing their culturally based parenting cognitions (interdependent childrearing goals,
family obligation expectations and Chinese parent role beliefs), Chinese cultural values
and acculturation to the Canadian culture. Results indicated that mothers and fathers have
similar childrearing goals, ideas, and styles across the Chinese immigrants in Canada.
33
Conclusion
In the current study, the researcher explored the correlation between parenting
style and Chinese adolescent school achievement. Because of the work in Hong Kong
and Canton population is scarce, the researcher examined Chinese (with Hong Kong and
Canton descent) fathers’ and mothers’ parenting styles (Authoritative, Authoritarian, and
Permissive) and then examined the relationship between parenting styles and the school
achievement of Chinese adolescents, controlling for time spent in the United States and
other demographic variables.
34
Chapter 3
METHODS
The purpose of the current study was twofold. First, the study examined the
relationship between parenting styles and academic performance in Chinese immigrant
families, specifically families originating from Hong Kong and Canton taking into
account demographic variables such as parent education and time spent in the United
States. Second, the study examined and compared parenting styles of Chinese fathers and
mothers. The sample consisted of 16 two-parent Chinese families with children from 13
to 17 years of age. Questionnaires, and demographic survey, in both English and Chinese
were administered to assess parenting styles and adolescent grade point average (GPA).
Research Design
This study was a correlational survey design. Correlational analyses were
conducted examining the associations between parenting styles of Chinese mothers and
fathers and the academic achievement of Chinese adolescents. Second, differences in
parenting styles of Chinese mothers and fathers were examined by way of paired
comparisons.
35
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Two specific research questions guided data collection and analysis. First, what is
the relationship between Chinese parents’ parenting styles and academic achievement of
Chinese adolescents from families originally from Hong Kong and Canton? Given the
cultural influences experienced by these populations, such as the colonization by the
British government, it was predicted that more authoritative parenting styles would be
common within the research sample compared to other Chinese samples. Thus, a positive
relation was expected between authoritative and academic achievement of Chinese
adolescents because these population might experience influences from the British. In
addition, under the similar cultural influences from the British, the researcher also
expected to find a negative relation between authoritarian parenting styles and academic
performance. Because the relationship between parenting style and academic
achievement may be influenced by demographic and acculturation variables, the current
study sought to control for these variables in analyses.
A second question concerned whether Chinese mothers’ and fathers’ parenting
styles differed. Based on previous research, it was hypothesized that Chinese mothers
would employ different parenting styles than Chinese fathers, such that mother will use
more authoritative parenting while father will use more authoritarian parenting.
36
Participants
The study was conducted in Sacramento County, California. The sample consisted
of 30 children and their parents in 16 intact families. For each family, data were collected
from the mother and father of one or more target child (ren) between the ages of 13 and
17 years. In one-third of the families, more than one child was included in the 30 targeted
children. There were 10 girls and 20 boys with a mean age of 14.13 years in the target
group.
The parents of the target children, 16 mothers and 16 fathers, completed
questionnaires about parenting style, family demographics and their child’s GPA. The
majority of fathers (66%) ranged in age from 41 to 50 years, and 87% of mothers ranged
in age from 41to 50 years. Included in the demographic survey that the parents completed
was a question about level of education from 1 to 8, with 1 representing “less than High
School” and 8 representing “Professional Degree.” The majority of the mothers reported
having two-year college degrees and four year college degrees (M = 3.5; SD = 1.46;
Range = 1- 8). Fathers’ mean education was four year college degrees (M = 4.37; SD =
2.04; Range = 2- 8). In terms of country of origin, 8 mothers reported they were
originated from Hong Kong and 8 mothers reported they were originated from Canton;
while 9 fathers reported they were originated from Hong Kong and 7 fathers were
originated from Canton. In terms of residency in the United States, Chinese mothers have
immigrated to America, ranging from 10 years to 40 years (M = 25.06 years, SD = 9.87)
37
while Chinese fathers had immigrated to America, ranging from 6 to 52 years (M = 27.34
years, SD = 12.24).
Procedure
Recruitment
The recruitment period began in the Summer of 2009 and ended in the Spring of
2010. Families were recruited from local churches and local Chinese cultural
organizations. The researcher visited the churches and local Chinese organizations and
explained the study’s objectives to church administrators before church services and
meetings. In addition, a friend of the researcher was willing to help to solicit participants
among her social circle and in her local church.
The researcher provided 10 survey packets and explained the purpose of the
research to the volunteer recruiter, and the volunteer recruiter recruited participants in
three Sundays after church services during spring of 2010. After the researcher left, the
church officials and the coordinator of the organization distributed the packets of
questionnaires to interested families, including a consent form and a cover letter.
Participating families were asked to complete the questionnaires at the end of the service
or after meetings and to mail their completed anonymous surveys to the researcher using
stamped addressed envelopes provided. Parents in the same household were asked to
complete the questionnaires independently and without providing identifying information,
then to mail their completed surveys together in a single envelope.
38
Measures
Two sets of questionnaires (both English and Chinese versions) were distributed
to the parent participants: a demographic survey and a modified Parent Authority
Questionnaire (PAQ) (Ang, 2006; Buri, 1991) (see Appendix B). The parent
demographic survey included items concerning age, educational background, time spent
in the United States, respondent’s relation to adolescent, and adolescent’s cumulative
grade point average (GPA) (see Appendix A).
Questionnaires were prepared in English and Chinese. The questionnaires were
first translated to Chinese and then back-translated to English. Any inconsistencies with
the original English version scale were resolved by bilingual college graduate student
with careful consideration of culturally appropriate meanings of terms. In the present
study sample, approximately 25% of parents used the Chinese language version of the
questionnaires (25% for fathers, 25% for mothers).
Parenting Style
Each parent independently completed the Parent Authority Questionnaire.
According to Ang (2006), the 30-item PAQ was developed to measure adolescent
perceptions of Baumrind’s (1971) parental authority and was validated on a sample of
college students. In the current study, the PAQ was modified to address parental selfreport of parenting style, substituting “my mother” with “I” for all items. Mother and
father forms were identical. The revised PAQ (see Appendix B) consisted of 10 items
39
measuring authoritarian parenting style, 10 items measuring authoritative parenting styles,
and 10 items measuring permissive parenting style. An example of an authoritarian item
is “When I ask my children to do something, I want them to do it immediately without
asking any questions.” An authoritative item is “When my family chooses to do
something, I will discuss the reasons for the choice with the children.” A permissive item
is “I feel that children can do whatever they like.” Responses to each of these items were
rating on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).
Both mothers and fathers were requested to complete this survey separately.
Internal consistency of the resulting subscales was evaluated with Cronbach’s
alpha. For each subscale of the PAQ, a scale score was obtained by taking a mean of the
relevant items. A higher score indicated a higher level of that particular parenting style.
Among the Authoritarian scale items, items 2, 3, 12, 16 and 18 did not contribute to
internal consistency of the scale. These items were therefore dropped, and the
authoritarian composite included the remaining 5 items. Cronbach alpha coefficients
revealed good internal consistency in the subscales (Authoritarian, α = .686;
Authoritative, α = .680; Permissive, α = .663).
Demographic Variables and Adolescent GPA
The parent demographic survey included items on age, educational background,
time in the U.S., their country of origin, the respondent’s relation to adolescent and the
adolescent’s cumulative grade point average (GPA). Academic performance was assessed
through parent report of their child’s GPA during high school on a 4-point scale.
40
Role of Researcher
The ethnic background of the author is Chinese and she shares a similar cultural
background with the parents who originated in Hong Kong. In addition, the author can
read and understand Chinese fluently. Therefore, the author was able to prepare the
Chinese version of the surveys and was able to read parents’ responses. The author of this
thesis acted as the main recruiter for this study but did not have direct contact with
participants. The survey packets were distributed through the third party; therefore, the
researcher did not know which families in a particular group agreed to participate. All
responses were anonymous and no identifying information was collected.
Data Analysis
Data gathered from these families were analyzed quantitatively using
correlational analyses. First, mothers and fathers were compared with respect to parenting
style scores, by conducting correlations and paired t-tests. Second, correlations between
demographic variables and study variables to assess whether there was a need to control
for variables such as parent education level and time spent in the United States in further
analyses. Finally, correlations were conducted between adolescent grade point average
and both parents’ parenting styles scores.
41
Chapter 4
RESULTS
There were two goals guiding the analyses in the current study. The first was to
describe and compare Chinese mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles. The second goal
was to investigate the correlation between parenting styles and Chinese adolescents’
academic achievement. Paired t-tests were conducted to test for differences between
mothers’ and fathers’ parenting scores and correlations were computed to test for
associations between mothers’ and fathers’ scores. Next, correlations were used to test for
associations between study variables (parent age, education, parenting styles and years
spent in the United States).
Based on the body of prior research, differences between mothers’ and fathers’
parenting styles were expected in that mother would use more authoritative styles while
father would use more authoritarian styles. It was also expected that authoritative
parenting would be positively related to GPA and that authoritarian parenting would be
inversely related to GPA. The results of these analyses are presented next.
Comparing Mothers’ and Fathers’ Parenting Styles
The parenting scales consisted of 5-point Likert items ranging from 1 (strongly
disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Since parenting style scores were obtained by taking the
mean of scale items, the highest possible score for each parenting scale was 5.0 and the
possible lowest score for each parenting scale was 1.0. To examine the similarities
42
between mothers and fathers, a series of Pearson r correlations were conducted between
mothers’ and fathers’ scores on each parenting scales. As shown in Table 1, maternal
and paternal scores on permissive and authoritative scales were significantly correlated (r
=.51, p <.05, and r = .53, p <.05, respectively). Parents’ authoritarian scores were not
significantly correlated.
To examine the differences between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting style, paired
t-tests for each parenting scale were conducted. Results of these tests were not
significant. There were no significant differences between mothers and fathers on the
three parenting scales scores.
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviation for Parenting Scale Scores
Mother
Father
Variable
Mean
SD
Mean
SD
r
Paired t
Authoritarian
2.88
.58
2.98
.19
.31
-.70, ns
Authoritative
3.93
.37
3.91
.54
.53*
.21, ns
Permissive
2.58
.69
2.65
.49
.51*
-.46, ns
* p < .05
43
Associations between Parenting Style and
Adolescents’ Academic Performance
Next, Pearson correlations were conducted to test for associations between
demographic variables (educational level and years spent in the United States), mothers’
and fathers’ parenting style scores and adolescent GPA. As shown in Table 2, results
indicated that the number of years that Chinese fathers spent in the United States and
their education levels were highly correlated. Further, paternal education level was
significantly and positively correlated with paternal time spent in the United States (r =
.71, p < .01).
Table 2
Correlations between Fathers’ Study Variables
Variables
(1)
1.Father’s Age
--
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
2.Father’s Education
-.13
--
3.Father’s Time in the U.S.
-.06
.71**
--
4.Father’s Permissive
-.40*
-.50**
-.22
--
5.Father’s Authoritative
.04
.15
-.24
-.40*
--
6.Father’s Authoritarian
.16
-.41*
-.71**
-.32
-.34
--
7.Child’s GPA
.03
.16
.07
-.04
-.06
-.34
* p < .05
**p < .01
(7)
--
44
There were significant associations between demographic variables and parenting
style scores. As shown in Table 2, fathers’ educational level was significantly and
negatively correlated with fathers’ permissive parenting style (r = -.50, p < .01), and
positively associated with fathers’ time spent in the United States (r = .71, p < .01).
Fathers’ educational level was significantly and negatively associated with fathers’
authoritarian parenting style (r = -.41, p < .05), with more highly educated fathers
reporting lower authoritarian scores, and fathers’ time spent in the United States was
significantly and negatively associated with father authoritarian parenting style (r = -.71,
p < .01). The result also showed that fathers’ permissive parenting style was negatively
associated with fathers’ authoritative parenting style (r = -.40, p < .05).
Table 3
Correlations between mothers’ study variables
Variables
(1)
1.Mothers’ Age
--
2.Mothers’ Education
.20
--
3.Mothers’ Time in the U.S
.18
.57**
4.Mothers’ Permissive
.02
-.15
-.16
--
5.Mothers’ Authoritative
-.10
-.06
-.55**
.27
--
6.Mothers’ Authoritarian
-.32
-.52**
-.82**
.17
.64**
--
7.Child’s GPA
-.15
.10
.35
-.07
-.00
.11
* p < .05
**p < .01
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
--
--
45
As shown in Table 3, Chinese mothers’ educational level was significantly and
positively associated with Chinese mothers’ time spent in the United States (r = .57, p <
.01), and significantly and negatively associated with mother authoritarian parenting style
(r = -.52, p < .01). The results indicated that the more education that mothers received the
less authoritarian they were. Both maternal time spent in the United States and their
education level significantly predicted authoritative and authoritarian parenting. Mothers’
time spent in the United States was both significantly and negatively correlated with
mothers’ authoritative parenting style (r = -.55, p < .01) and authoritarian parenting style
(r = -.82, p < .01). Lastly, mother authoritative parenting style was positively associated
with mother authoritarian parenting style (r = .64, p < .01).
Both fathers and mothers reported the same GPA scores, ranging from 2.5 to 4.0
(M = 3.56, SD = .38). None of fathers’ or mothers’ demographic or parenting style
variables were significantly associated with their reports of adolescents’ GPA. Given this
lack of significant results, we did not conduct analyses examining associations between
mother parenting style scores and GPA controlling for demographic factors.
46
Chapter 5
DISCUSSION
The goal of this study was to compare mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles
within the Chinese population originating in Hong Kong and Canton. In addition, this
study examined associations between both mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles and
academic achievement of Chinese adolescents between the ages of 13 and 17 years. The
hypothesis that there would be associations between parenting styles and adolescents’
academic achievement, was not supported by the results. In the comparison between
mothers and fathers, the hypothesis that Chinese mother’s parenting styles would differ
from father’s parenting styles was also not supported. However, results indicated that
there were significant associations between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting style scores,
as well as associations between demographic variables and parenting style for both
parents.
Comparison of Chinese Mothers’ and
Fathers’ Parenting Styles
The result of this study did not support the hypothesis that Chinese mothers’
parenting styles were different from Chinese fathers’ parenting styles. Results indicated
that there were no significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles.
Correlations and mean comparisons between mothers’ and fathers’ scores revealed no
differences between parents in either authoritarian, authoritative or permissive parenting
47
styles. This result was contrary to previous research indicating that Chinese mothers
adopt a less authoritarian style of parenting relative to fathers, and that fathers adopt a
more authoritarian style of parenting relative to mothers (Chen, Liu & Li, 2000; Conrade
& Ho, 2001; McKinney & Renk, 2008; Russell et al., 1998). The lack of differences in
the current study may have resulted from the fact that the fathers in the current study may
have less focus on the more “traditional” father role, in which being strict in discipline
and the provider for the family are emphasized. The father participants in the study may
have less focus on more traditional father role due to the fact that they have lived in
America for a significant length of time and may have acculturated to American
individualism. For example, Chuang and Su (2009) suggested that many Chinese,
especially the younger generation, are more willing to accept and respond to the values of
individual freedom and liberty comparing with the older Chinese immigrants. Thus, the
fathers in the current study might be less likely to focus on the more “traditional” father
role in their families.
While the results of the current study do not suggest differences between mothers’
and fathers’ parenting styles in general, they did indicate that there may be some
similarities. The results of this study indicated that maternal and paternal scores on
permissive and authoritative parenting were significantly correlated. The result may
suggest that mothers and fathers may influence each other in terms of parenting styles.
However, the study did not find a significant correlation between maternal and paternal
authoritarian parenting styles. With respect to parenting styles, Winsler et al. (2005)
reported similarity between European-American parents’ parenting styles. They found
48
that permissive and authoritative pattern of parenting were positively associated across
mothers and fathers. In the current study, both permissive and authoritative parenting
styles were correlated between Chinese mothers and Chinese fathers. Although Winsler
et al. (2005) did not examine the Chinese population, there is good reason to expect
similarity between immigrant parents originating from Hong Kong and Canton who have
experienced Western influence, and who endorse more democratic styles of interactions,
for such a style fosters open communication and willingness to take another’s perspective
into consideration. These relational qualities are likely to be present in the same
individual’s interaction with his or her partner, therefore, increasing the likelihood of
shared perspectives of parenting.
The demographic characteristics of the fathers and the mothers in this study were
similar, and as such they may have similar parenting practices. Among these
demographic variables, parents’ level of education and the length of residency in the
United States both showed an association with authoritarian parenting styles, which is
similar to the findings of others (Chen & Luster, 2002; Costigan & Su, 2008). As
educational level increases, and the longer the residency in the United States, the
acculturation to the American practices may have increased, which may have resulted in
less authoritarian parenting. Therefore, higher levels of education and a longer residence
in North America may be associated with greater English proficiency and familiarity with
Western culture, which may be associated with less emphasis on more authoritarian
parenting style. Therefore, fathers’ parenting styles and mothers’ parenting styles are
influenced by each other and influenced by the demographic variables described above.
49
For example, according to Winsler et al. (2005), parents’ childrearing is influenced by
marital relationship. Gamble et al. (2007) also note that one parent’s beliefs, styles and
practices can also influence partner’s beliefs. Perhaps it may explain the similarities of
parental and maternal demographic variables that were found in this study.
There were several significant associations between demographic variables and
parenting variables. Fathers’ level of education was significantly and negatively
associated with both fathers’ permissive parenting style and authoritarian parenting style,
and fathers’ time spent in the United States was significantly and negatively correlated
with father authoritarian parenting. This result was similar to previous research indicating
that as more Asian fathers are acculturated to the American culture, the less they tend to
authoritarian parenting styles (Park, Kim, Chiang & Ju, 2010). Park et al. (2010)
measured the relation between acculturation and parenting style with 149 Chinese
American college students, finding that, as Chinese fathers adapted to the mainstream
American culture, they were more caring, less authoritarian, and less involved in family
conflicts. Based on Baumrind’s (1971) assertion that authoritative parenting style
reinforces autonomy and self-reliance, perhaps, more assimilated Chinese fathers prefer
less authoritarian parenting style and more authoritative parenting style because these
qualities are valued in the Western culture.
One of the goals in this study was to examine whether the findings on parents
originating from Hong Kong and Canton were different from those on immigrant Chinese
parents from other regions of China and Taiwan. According to Chao and Aque (2009)
and Chao and Tseng (2002), Chinese immigrants from China reported more authoritarian
50
parenting styles than authoritative parenting styles in general. In contrast to these
findings, the results of the current study indicated that Chinese parents who participated
in the study showed more authoritative parenting styles than Chinese parents from
Mainland China and Taiwan.
Parenting Style and
Adolescent Academic Achievement
The results of this study showed no significant link between parenting styles and
adolescent academic achievement in this sample of Chinese families. These findings do
not support the study’s hypothesis and they are inconsistent with prior research indicating
that parenting styles may predict children’s school performance. (Chen, Dong & Zhou,
1997; Silva, Dorso, Azhar & Renk, 2007).
However, the findings of this study are consistent with the findings obtained by
Joshi, Ferris, Otto and Regan (2003) in which perceptions of both parental and maternal
parenting style were not correlated with adolescents’ academic achievement. According
to Joshi et al. (2003), the fact that both mother’s and father’s parenting style were
unrelated with school performances could be explained by the different influence of
parenting style as the children grow older. McBride-Chang and Chang (1998) further
indicated that children’s academic performance in the early years of school might be
influenced by parenting styles, but less so in the later years of schools. Perhaps, it could
be that parenting has a greater influence on aspects of young children’s development,
such as, social, emotional and cognitive than of adolescents. Chinese adolescents’ school
51
performance may receive larger influences from peer acceptance and peer pressure than
from parenting styles (Liem, Cavell & Lustig, 2010).
Limitations of the Study
The current study has several limitations that need to be taken into consideration,
including concerns regarding the characteristics of the sample. The majority of the
parents’ responses on questionnaires was quite similar and comprised a lack of
variability. This is particularly true of report of GPA. The lack of variance within the
sample makes finding significant differences less likely. A larger and more economically
diverse Chinese sample may reveal differences attributable to parenting style.
The measures used in this study were self-report, which is similar to other studies
of the nature of using self-report measures (Chao, 1994; Wu et al., 2002). This study was
limited by the sole use of the Parental Authority Questionnaire (Ang, 2006; Buri, 1991)
and self-report data gathered from parents on how they interact with their children. As in
any study relying upon the accuracy of parents’ perception of relationship within the
family, bias may have influenced the outcome. Future research might supplement parent
report with adolescents’ report. It would be interesting to compare parents’ responses on
parenting style measures. Researchers could also incorporate multiple methods, such as,
observations and interviews in assessing parenting style. According to Wu et al. (2002),
mean differences in self-rating could be due to response sets reflecting different cultural
norms. For example, Confucian society encourages the avoidance of extremes (Wu et al.,
52
2002). Thus, Chinese participants in this study may have rated their own parenting more
in accordance with culturally influenced norms than in accordance with their actual
behavior. It is unclear to what extent response bias may have influenced the results;
therefore, observations would be helpful for future research.
Baumrind’s (1971) parenting typology is most widely used in the studies of
parenting. However, the parenting typology may not be applicable to Hong Kong and
Canton population. According to Kim and Wong (2002), when examining the parents’
style of parenting, many studies often used the concepts and measures from the Western
culture even though Asian cultures constitute approximately 60 % of the world’s
population. Although Hong Kong has experienced considerable Western influence, some
Chinese immigrants may still practice more traditional parenting. Therefore, the notion of
“training” described by Chao (1996) would be more suitable for studying parenting of
Chinese immigrants. Future research on Chinese parenting with this specific Chinese
population should consider the importance of “training.”
The Western developed parenting style typologies may not be comparable in
other cultures (Garg, Levin, Urajinik & Kauppi, 2005) and it may not be a culturally
relevant dimension of socialization for Asians (McBride-Chang & Chang, 1998). This
could explain why there was no relationship found between parental and maternal
parenting styles and academic achievement. There is a need to re-examine and
understand parenting practices and outcomes in Asian cultures without solely relying on
concepts and measures based on the Western cultures.
53
Another possible reason that the findings are not consistent with previous studies
is due to the sample that was studied. In the present study, participants were all
adolescents while the sample that used in Chen, Dong, and Zhou (1997) study was based
on children aged 7. The relationship between maternal and paternal parenting style and
children’s academic achievement might be different when the participants are in primary
schools and high schools.
The sample for the current study is small, limiting both the power and the overall
generalizability of this study. Participants were recruited from Chinese churches and
organizations from Sacramento. As a result, many participants may uphold certain
parenting values based upon their specific religious beliefs, and results may not be
generalized to the entire Cantonese speaking community in the United States.
Additionally, there may be differences between the Cantonese speaking families in
California and other regions of the US. Future research would benefit from a sample of
Cantonese speaking Chinese families from different regions of the United States.
A final limitation concerns the nature of this study. The current study was
correlational in design. As such, no cause can be inferred, therefore future research
should look longitudinally to examine the developmental outcomes related to
authoritative parenting style, and their subsequent relation with academic outcomes at
different ages.
Despite these limitations, however, this study underscores the importance of
fathers with regard to the parenting practice as this population is underrepresented in the
current literature. In future research, researchers could consider of using larger more
54
representative samples of Hong Kong and Cantonese families drawn from various
schools over a larger geographic area. In addition, future research may also select wider
variability among high achievers, average achievers and low achievers within this
population. Finally, multiple measures of parenting style that take into account Asian
conceptualizations of the role of parents and the father, should be implemented.
The influence that the parents have on developing adolescents is a part of
developmental research that needs to be examined closely particularly within the Chinese
population. Parents’ beliefs and practices help shape their developing adolescent. Even
though this research did not support previous findings, it does not suggest a lack of
importance for fathers. For example, demographic and acculturation variables were
linked to parenting style for fathers. The interest in fathers and their contribution to the
family needs to be a focus in future research.
In conclusion, this research assisted in bringing to attention that parents may share
the similar parenting approach in the same household. Although these findings were not
consistent with prior research, this study established the need to include the whole family
system in parenting research to gain greater insight, particularly with respect to fathers.
55
APPENDIX A
Demographic Survey
Please complete the following questions about yourself.
1. What is your age? (circle one)
30-40 41-50
51-60
61 or above
2. Gender: Male
Female
3. What is the highest level of education you have completed (circle one)?
-Less than High School
-High School
-Some College
-2-Year College Degree (Associates)
-4-Year College Degree (BA, BS)
-Master’s Degree
-Doctoral Degree
-Professional Degree (MD, JD)
4. Occupation: _________________________________________
5. Where were you born? (Please circle one) Hong Kong
Canton
6. Number of years living in the United States: ____________
Please provide the following information about your child(ren) between age of 13- 17
years.
CHILD 1
CHILD 2
CHILD 3
Age:____yrs
Age:____yrs
Age:____yrs
Gender:________
Most recent Grade Point
Average (GPA):_______
Gender:________
Most recent Grade Point
Average (GPA):_______
Gender:________
Most recent Grade Point
Average (GPA):_______
56
APPENDIX B
Parental Authority Questionnaires
Instructions: For each of the following statements, circle the number of the 5-point scale
(1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) that best describes how that statement applies
to you and your teen. Try to read and think about each statement as it applies to you and
your child during the years of growing up at home. You are free to stop at any point.
1. I feel that children can do whatever they like.
1
2
3
4
5
2. I feel that it is for their own good that even if they
are forced to follow what I think is right.
3. When I ask my children to do something, I want
them to do it immediately without asking any
questions.
4. When my family chooses to do something, I will
discuss the reasons for the choice with the children.
5. I always tell my child to discuss with me whenever
they feel that family rules are too strict.
6. I feel that children should be free to make up their
own mind about what they want to do, even if I don’t
agree with it.
7. I do not allow my children to ask me why I did this
or why I did that.
8. I talk to my child and discuss with them the things
they do and how they should behave
9. I feel that parents must use more force to get
children to act the way they are supposed to.
10. I feel that my child does not have to obey rules
just because a teacher or I say so.
11. My child knows what he/she is supposed to do
but he/she can also say how they feel when these
rules are too strict.
12. I feel that smart parents must teach children early
that parents have control in the family-children do not
have the control.
13. I do not give my child rules how she/he must act
and behave.
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
57
1 = Strongly Disagree 2 = Disagree 3 = Neither agree nor disagree 4 = Agree
Strongly Agree
5=
14. I follow and do whatever the children want me to
1
2
3
4
do.
15. I tell my child how they should act and explains to 1
2
3
4
them the reasons why.
16. I will get very angry if my children disagree with
1
2
3
4
me.
17. I feel that parents should not stop children from
1
2
3
4
doing what they want or like to do.
18. My child know what I want her/him to do and I
1
2
3
4
will punish her/him if they do not do what I want.
19. I allow my child to choose most things for
1
2
3
4
her/himself.
20. I will listen to what the children say but will not
1
2
3
4
choose to do something just because the children say
so.
21. I do not think that I should tell my child how
1
2
3
4
he/she must behave.
22. I have clear rules on how to behave at home, but I 1
2
3
4
am willing to change some of these rules if needed
because each child is different.
23. I have rules on how my children must behave but I 1
2
3
4
am willing to listen to what they say and to discuss the
rules with the children.
24. My child was allowed to choose for her/himself
1
2
3
4
what he/she wants to do.
25. I feel that parents must be very strict with their
1
2
3
4
children when they disobey rules in the home.
26. I always tell my children what to do and how to do 1
2
3
4
it.
27. My children know what they are supposed to do
1
2
3
4
but I understand when they disagree with me.
28. I do not tell the children what to do or what they
1
2
3
4
cannot do.
29. My children know what I want them to do and I
1
2
3
4
will force them to do what I want just because I say
so.
30. If I made a decision in the family that hurt my child, 1
2
3
4
I was willing to discuss that decision with my child and to admit it if I had made a
mistake.
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
58
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