THE STRESS FACTORS OF VIETNAMESE 1.5 GENERATION ADOLESCENTS Hong-An Doan B.A., California State University, Sacramento, 2008 PROJECT Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in EDUCATION (Multicultural Education) at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO SPRING 2011 THE STRESS FACTORS OF VIETNAMESE 1.5 GENERATION ADOLESCENTS A Project by Hong-An Doan Approved by: ___________________________, Committee Chair Forrest Davis, Ph.D. ___________________________ Date ii Student: Hong-An Doan I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the project. ______________________, Graduate Coordinator Albert Lozano, Ph.D. Department of Bilingual and Multicultural Education iii ____________________ Date Abstract of THE STRESS FACTORS OF VIETNAMESE 1.5 GENERATION ADOLESCENTS by Hong-An Doan Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encounter many stress factors when they come to America. The mainstream society continues to homogenize the intra-group adaptation by categorizing all Asian minorities under the model minority, which labels Asians as successful immigrants and overlooks the stress factors of these adolescents. The Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents are immigrants who migrate to the United States during their teenage years and acquire life experiences that include two or more nations, cultures, and languages. They are not only facing language barriers, but also stresses from their migration experiences, family circumstances, peer factors, school factors, socio-economic factors, and other stress factors when trying to adapt to the mainstream American society. This causes mal-adaptation, which leads to delinquency and other problems for Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. Their stress factors have gone unnoticed and this has led to mal-adaptation and impedes their opportunity for upward mobility. _______________________, Committee Chair Forrest Davis, Ph.D. _______________________ Date iv DEDICATION This is dedicated to: God, my family, the Doan, Bao Ha, my BMED professors, Dr. Forrest Davis, Dr. Albert Lozano, Dr. Mariá Mejorado, and Dr. Lisa William-White, and my cohorts, Nancy Flores, Aneela Saghir, Gretchen Jung, Lesieli Hingano Faaoso Tutuu, Lisa Daniels, and Jennifer Osalbo. Without your support and encouragement, I will not be able to make it through this program. All the late night study, feedback, and support have led me to accomplish my educational goals. Thank you for all your love and support. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To: Dr. Forrest Davis I wish to express my appreciation for all your support, kindness, understanding, and encouragement throughout the Project process. I am grateful to have someone who believed in my potential and gave me the positive encouragement which motivated me to complete this Project. I am also grateful that you allowed me to conduct this study in a flexible way that was suitable for the path that I would like this Project to turn out. I appreciate all your help and wish you and your family a wonderful life. To: Dr. Albert Lozano, Dr. Mariá Mejorado, and Dr. Lisa William-White I appreciate all the time and effort that you all dedicated in giving me the feedback and the support which enabled me to complete this project on time. Without your help and support, I would not able to finish this program. Thank you for all your wonderful support. I wish you all a wonderful and happy life. To: Nancy Flores, Aneela Saghir, Gretchen Jung, Lesieli Hingano Faaoso Tutuu, Lisa Daniels, and Jennifer Osalbo You all have been wonderful and supportive these two years. Without your positive encouragement and assistance, I would not able to reach this goal. You all pushed me to work hard and believe in myself. Thank you for everything and wish you all a great life ahead. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Dedication ............................................................................................................................v Acknowledgments.............................................................................................................. vi Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................1 Background ................................................................................................................ 1 Vietnamese Waves of Migration ............................................................................... 2 Family History of Migration ...................................................................................... 4 Critique on Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities .................................................... 6 Statement of the Problem ........................................................................................... 7 Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................ 11 Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................ 12 Definition of the Terms............................................................................................ 13 Limitations ............................................................................................................... 16 Summary .................................................................................................................. 17 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ..............................................................................................19 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 19 Discussions about the 1.5 Generation: Their Struggles and Advantages ................ 19 Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities ..................................................................... 22 The Model Minority and Its Biases ......................................................................... 24 Stress Factors among the Southeast Asian Immigrant Adolescents ........................ 31 Adolescent Identity Development ........................................................................... 37 Ethnic Identity Formation ........................................................................................ 38 Multilevel Social Integration ................................................................................... 40 Accommodation and Acculturation without Assimilation ...................................... 50 vii Cultural Therapy ...................................................................................................... 52 Worldview and Implications for Changes ............................................................... 54 3. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................58 Study Design ............................................................................................................ 58 Setting of the Project................................................................................................ 58 Population and Sample ............................................................................................ 59 Data Collection ........................................................................................................ 59 Instrumentation ........................................................................................................ 60 Human Subjects Protection ...................................................................................... 60 Analysis of the Data ................................................................................................. 60 Limitations ............................................................................................................... 61 Descriptions of the Project Workshop ..................................................................... 62 4. DATA AND ANALYSIS FINDINGS ..........................................................................64 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 64 Language and Communication Factors ................................................................... 66 Family Circumstances.............................................................................................. 68 Peer Factors.............................................................................................................. 75 Financial Factors ...................................................................................................... 79 Migration Circumstances ......................................................................................... 82 Academic Factors .................................................................................................... 88 Leaving behind the life in Vietnam ......................................................................... 93 Neighborhood Environment .................................................................................... 97 Motivation Factors ................................................................................................. 102 Perspectives on Ethnic Identity.............................................................................. 106 Perspectives and Reactions to Racism and Oppression ......................................... 112 Perspectives on Minority and Majority ................................................................. 118 Proposals for the Intervention Approaches ............................................................ 118 viii Differences between Males and Females ............................................................... 123 Difficulties during the Interview............................................................................ 124 Summary .............................................................................................................. 125 Appendix A. Consent Form .........................................................................................128 Appendix B. Interview Questions ................................................................................130 Appendix C. Interview Transcriptions .........................................................................138 References ........................................................................................................................250 ix 1 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Background The Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encounter difficulties in their acculturation process because they face with many stress factors. This study will investigate the stress factors that these adolescents encounter when living in the United States. According to Roberge (2002), the Vietnamese 1.5 generation is viewed as immigrants who migrate to the United States “sometime during childhood, adolescence, or young adulthood and who thus have life experiences that straddle two or more nations, cultures, and languages” (Roberge, 2002, p. 107). When studying about the 1.5 generation many researchers have a tendency to investigate language proficiency rather than other factors which also might lead to mal-adaptation. However, to explore the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents and their acculturation process, researchers need to explore more about the social and psychological aspects which also influence cultural adaption. Language proficiency can be a factor which contributes to cultural adaptation; nonetheless, mental health issues such as stresses and traumatic experiences of these Vietnamese adolescents should also be taken into consideration. These factors would influence their level of adaptation in the United States. Factors such as the history of migrations, family circumstances, schooling experiences, economic status, cultural influences, and other internal and external factors should be taken into consideration when studying about the acculturation process and the identity formation of this group of youth. Growing up American is not easy, especially for the children of Vietnamese 2 immigrants who arrive to America as part of the 1.5 generation. The misrepresentation and misidentification of the adaptive behavior of the Vietnamese immigrant children who are associated with the different waves of migration needs to be reviewed an analyzed through this study. Vietnamese Waves of Migration Many Vietnamese fled to the United States and other countries as either refugees or immigrants after the Vietnam War ended in 1975. The first wave of refugees was the social elite class which included Vietnamese government officials, wealthy business owners, and members of the Catholic Church (Zhou & Bankston, 1998). These people fled the country by boat, airplanes, and warships to seek for freedom in other countries around the world such as Canada, Australia, France, Germany, and the United States. This first wave included roughly around 200, 000 high ranking military officials and the professional elite Vietnamese who were educated and belonged to the high social class (Centrie, 2004). The second wave of migration fled out of the country throughout the 1980s by boats. They were also known as the “Boat People.” These refugees came from the rural and the coastal regions of Vietnam. Many belonged to lower middle class which included fishermen, South Vietnamese military forces, and blue collar workers (Centrie, 2004). They escaped the country on crowded boats and often became victimized by pirates and were raped, tortured, and killed during their journeys. Furthermore, they fled during the middle of the night and the escapes were hurried and very risky. Thus, many people lost 3 their possessions and legal documents. In addition, families were separated and it was common for these refugees to leave behind family members (Valdez, 1997). The third wave of migration was set up in 1979 called the Orderly Departure Program (O.D.P). This program provided an alternative route for Vietnamese to come to the United States without having to take the risky escapes by boats. The majority of these immigrants arrived to America to reunite with their family who came to the United States during the earlier wave of migration. By the mid of 1990s, there were over 200, 000 Vietnamese arrived to the United States under the Orderly Departure Program (Zhou & Banston, 1998). The fourth wave of migration came to America under the Amerasian Homecoming Act of 1988. Amerasians were considered children of Vietnamese women and American men who had been stationed in Vietnam during the war (Zhou & Bankston, 1998). This Act allowed the Vietnamese-American children, their mothers, and their relatives to migrate to America. According to Pham (2003), there were about 25, 000 Amerasian children who came to the United States with their accompanying family members under this wave of migration. The fifth wave of migration was known as the Humanitarian Operation (H.O) of 1989. This program admitted political prisoners and their families to the United States. Many of these South Vietnamese officials had been put into the Communist reeducation camps in Vietnam after the war ended in 1975. According to Zhou and Bankston (1998), this wave of migration began their settlement in the United States in 1990 and over 70, 000 people have settled in the United States under this program. 4 Other recent immigrants came to America through sponsorships of their close relatives and family members. The sponsorship process could take up to ten years. These people came to reunite with their family members in the United States. Normally they would travel along with their immediate family members and did not have to encounter many struggles as the immigrants and refugees from the previous waves of migration. However, some immigrants experienced family separation because their close family members (such as a father or mother) could migrate to America first and filed for the paperwork to sponsor them over. In some cases, it took up to ten years to acquire a sponsorship, so these immigrants had to stay away from their immediate family members for a long period of time. Family History of Migration My family arrived to America through the fifth wave of migration, the Humanitarian Operation (HO) in 1994. My father worked for the South Vietnamese government as the Chief of Police in a small town called Tra Kieu, which is located in the central part of Vietnam. He was sent to the Communist reeducation camp after the Vietnam War ended in 1975. The Communist released him seven years later. During the time my father was in the camp, my mother managed to take care of my older brother on her own and patiently waited for my father’s release. When my father was released from prison, my parents resettled in another city near Da Lat to avoid any conflict they might encounter with the local government in Tra Kieu. Many families who fell into the same situation as my father also relocated their families to different locations throughout the country to avoid the Communist government. This movement was known as “Kinh Te 5 Moi”, which means that they resettled in a new wilderness or non-settlement land to begin their lives again. The place we settled to was called Quang Lam. We were the first family to move in this area. Life was tough for our family at the beginning. We had to burn down forests to cultivate our own crops and biked long distance to the city to trade goods and purchase other necessities. We made another resettlement to the underdeveloped area in the mountains since my mom was offered an elementary teaching position up there. My father was constantly away from home to search for jobs and often came back in disappointment because of the record that he had with the Communist government. There was no way out for our family besides being at the bottom of the social and economic class in this society. My father turned to drinking and domestic violence as a way to escape from his depression. From being a high ranking official for the South Vietnamese government during the war to being a nobody after the seven years in the Communist re-education camp really led to the traumatic experience for him and our family. Due to the circumstance of our family, my older brother ran away at the age of ten and survived on his own until we were called to the interview to migrate to America. It was a dream came true when our paperwork was processed and the American government accepted our migration to the United States. There was no hope for our family if we were to stay in Vietnam. It was an indescribable joy for all of us. We thought it would be a new start; nonetheless, the reality hit us hard when we arrived here. We moved into poor urban area and relied heavily on welfare for support. It was tough for both of my parents to find a stable job that could support our family. Thus, we continued to struggle financially. It was difficult for us to integrate into the American society when 6 all the odds were against us. These struggles included the traumatic experience we brought from Vietnam and the difficulty to fit in with the new society in terms of language, culture, and economic stability. Family conflicts continued to occur and my older brother ended up dropping out of high school and was headed toward the delinquency path. He served two years in juvenile hall. My brother’s case is the main motivation for me to start this project on the stress factors of Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. The model minority and the assumption that Asian children have a tendency to excel in the American society have overlooked cases like this. Thus, the children of the Vietnamese immigrant family who migrate to America as the 1.5 generation needs to be studied in-depth; they do encounter many difficulties when trying to adjust to the mainstream society. Critique on Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities Ogbu and Gibson (1991) categorizes immigrant minorities as voluntarily minorities. He states “immigrant minorities have generally moved to their present societies because they believed that the move would lead to more economic well-being, better overall opportunities and greater political freedom” (p. 8). In contrast, he considers nonimmigrant minorities as involuntary minorities. Ogbu’s defines “involuntary minorities are people who were brought into their present society through slavery or conquest of colonization. They usually resent the loss of their former freedom, and they perceive the social, political and economic barriers against them as part of their underserved oppression” (Ogbu & Gibson, 1991, p. 9). According to Ogbu, Vietnamese immigrants are considered as voluntary minorities. However, this is not true based on the 7 experiences of many Vietnamese immigrant families through the five waves of migration. Many of these families had no choice but to come to the United after the Vietnam War. So, to say that they came here voluntarily is incorrect. The line needs to be drawn and redefined between voluntary and involuntary minorities. Statement of the Problem The Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encounter many difficulties when integrating into the American mainstream society. Thus, the stress factors which lead to poor adaptation need to be explored. The mainstream society continues to homogenize the intra-group adaptation by categorizing all Asian minorities under one umbrella. This leads to the unawareness of the problems that certain groups encounter and can impede their upward mobility. Vietnamese are categorized as Asian, but this does not mean that they fit the “model minority” stereotype. This model stereotype maintains that all Asians are naturally intelligent and do well in school, which leads to the perception that they have no adaptive problems (Chiu 1998). Schools, communities and families set high expectations for Asians and overlook the problems based on this myth. The people who migrated from the Southeast Asian region such as the Vietnamese, the Hmong, and the Laotians were likely to migrate to America due to the warfare conditions and economic hardships. Thus, they need the support from the mainstream society to assist them to adapt to the American culture and to become successful in this country. “The myth that Asian American adolescents are universally academically successful and emotionally problemfree have eclipsed the true adaptive challenges faced by these young people” (Chiu & 8 Ring, 1998, p. 44). This statement is inaccurate when describing the Southeast Asian group which includes the Vietnamese. Shortly after the Vietnam War, Vietnamese continued to migrate to America. A large Vietnamese population arrived in America as refugees between the 1970’s and the 1990’s. Vietnamese came to America with different experiences and cultures. Many of these Vietnamese families brought with them emotional distresses, economic hardships, and social instabilities as a result of the war and other negative push factors. They often did not obtain enough support to assist them to successfully adapt to the new society. The adolescents who came with their families were trying to fit into the new society which includes new friends, new schools, and new environment while trying to live up to the expectations, values, and beliefs of their home culture. According to Zhou (2000), these Vietnamese adolescents found themselves trapped between two social worlds while still struggling with acquiring a new language and coping with limited academic and emotional support from the mainstream society. While many Vietnamese children gained a reputation for high academic achievements, there were large numbers of Vietnamese youth gangs arising in many American cities. These adolescents broke laws and even committed violent crimes as the result of their frustrations and stresses of living in America (Zhou, 2000). Thus the “model minority” stereotype about the high academic achievement of Asians needs to be revisited. Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents who came to America due to the war, economic hardships, and social instabilities undergo different experiences than other Asians who came to America voluntarily and had the support in place to transit successfully into this new society. 9 Zhou & Bankston (1998) also describe the Vietnamese youth experience as the pressures to assimilate with the mainstream society, while at the same time these children have to remain loyal to their familial and ethnic group. Furthermore, they state “the children of refugees have it harder still, carrying the additional burdens associated with sudden flight from the homeland and all the losses that the search for safe haven entails” (Zhou & Bankston, 1998, p. 1). It is difficult to imagine the conflicts and the stresses they have to face living and growing up in America. Currently, not much researchers explore the problems facing Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. The important research on Vietnamese youth by Zhou and Bankston (1998) Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States discusses more about the second generation and their acculturation process. Also, journal articles such as An Integrative Model for Study of Psychological Distress in Vietnamese-American Adolescents explores more about the socio-cultural factors on American born Vietnamese youth. “For second-generation Vietnamese-American adolescents, ethnic identity is a complex matter” (Lam, 2005, p. 100). Most of these journals and writing documents address the concerns for the second generation Vietnamese youth and discuss about the complex process of ethnic identity; however, neglected to address the generation that falls in between the first and second generation, which is considered as the 1.5 generation. Thus, fewer studies are conducted on the 1.5 generation, especially at the adolescent age. Research that studies the 1.5 generation are mainly focused on language issue such as English acquisition for newcomers. Therefore, in order to conduct research on Vietnamese generation 1.5 adolescents, a researcher 10 needs to gather different studies about other minority groups as well as the previous studies on Vietnamese second generation youth to unravel the problems and issues that the 1.5 generation encounters in the United States. The study will focus on Vietnamese generation 1.5 adolescents, who are either in middle school or high school and only have a short period of time to complete and graduate from high school before they move on to higher education. They arrive at an age where they face multiple difficulties, including mastering a new language, a new environment, and a new way of life. This generation is important in our globalized world because they bring with them the culture from their original country, Vietnam, and are gaining the opportunity to acquire a new culture in America. Thus, this generation is connected to both worlds. Studying this group in depth can provide the educational system that promotes these students to be multicultural and enriches their experiences as individuals. Hopefully, their unique experiences and multicultural perspectives will help them to improve our world for the better. Most importantly, it will help to enhance the opportunity for upward mobility for Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents in America. The adjustment of migration is difficult, especially for the adolescent who is dealing with issues of identity (Erikson, 1968). This is true for the Vietnamese because many people from this region fled the country involuntarily due to war, economic hardship, and other negative push factors. They faced stresses in adapting a new society due to cultural differences, economic disadvantages, emotional distresses, and other factors that led them to adapt poorly to the mainstream society. This research will explore the reflections and the perceptions of Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents, the conditions they 11 experienced in American society, their perspectives on the mainstream society, and the kinds of support they would need to succeed in this society. The focus of this thesis is to explore the stress factors of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation and how being an adolescent and the children of Vietnamese immigrants makes it difficult for them to adjust to the American mainstream society. Purpose of the Study The main purpose of this research is to examine former Vietnamese 1.5 adolescents based on upon the interviews focusing on their experiences and reflections when living in the United States during their adolescent years. The second purpose is to identify and analyze what kinds of support that they felt would have been effective in facilitating their adaptations to the mainstream society. Since these Vietnamese students rarely speak up for themselves and are normally passive due to the Asian cultural influence, this data collection will enable them to express their concerns and propose changes. The third purpose is to study about the minority ethnic identity of Vietnamese adolescents and connect it to the experiences of the generation 1.5. The fourth purpose of this research is to explore the stereotypes of the “model minority” and see how it continues to lead to the lack of support for Vietnamese youth. These four purposes will help in promoting cultural awareness and changes within the American educational system to better support Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents to integrate into the American society and succeed in life. Even though the Vietnamese flow of migration as refugees has slowed down and eventually will come to a halt, students of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation still exist in American schools today. Furthermore, there are other minority groups who share the 12 same characteristics as the descriptions in this study. Thus, it is important to raise awareness about this particular group of minority adolescents. This world has become more globalized, and involuntary immigration will continue to develop in response to war and other crises in the current time or in the future. Therefore, another group of Vietnamese refugees or other minority groups of refugees who also share the same circumstance will possibly continue to migrate to the United States. Hopefully, this study will help to create a better support system to prepare to assist the adolescents who come to this country as 1.5 generation. By learning about the past and reflecting upon the experiences and perspectives of the 1.5 generation, we will be able to learn from the mistakes and create a better support system for the future. Theoretical Framework There are several frameworks will be included in this study. The ethnic identity and youth identity frameworks are used throughout this research. Ethnic identity is interrelated to minority social and family structures which shape their identity. Multilevel Social Integration model will be analyzed in this study to digest in-depth of ethnic identity which connects to individual, family, ethnic community, and social relationships. Since this study focuses on adolescents, the framework of youth identity and youth crisis will be discussed throughout the research. Furthermore, the voluntary and involuntary minority status will be explored in the study because this research mainly concentrates on the conditions of Vietnamese immigrants. Also, the concept of accommodation and acculturation without assimilation will be integrated throughout this thesis. Cultural therapy and world view frameworks will also be implemented in this study. In addition, 13 global migration and the importance of the 1.5 generation will be touched upon in this study. In addition, this study will address about the stress factors of Southeast Asian as well as the struggles and disadvantages of the 1.5 generation. The minority model is also a main component of this research. Definition of the Terms Before beginning the research, it is important to clarify a few major terms that will be used throughout the study. First, the term Vietnamese 1.5 generation refers to children who immigrate to a new country during their late childhood, adolescent or early adulthood years. They bring with them the culture and the experience from their home country while trying to assimilate into the new country. They share both the characteristics of the first generation and the second generation; they still identify themselves with the home country while, at the same time, wanting to assimilate with the new environment in order to feel a sense of belonging. This group of teenagers faces difficulties in mastering the new language, adjusting to a new environment, and adapting to a new way of life (Min, 2007). Second, the term model minority indicates the racial, religious, or ethnic group that achieves high levels of success compared to the average population. This term is closely associated with income, education, and living stability of a certain group such as Asian Americans (Conchas & Perez 2003). However, this stereotype is not always applicable for all Asians. The term stereotype is defined as a fixed belief that is usually exaggerated and limited. Thus, the model minority might be applicable to certain groups of Asians 14 (such as Japanese or Chinese) while not closely relevant to Southeast Asians (such as Vietnamese, Hmong, or Laotians). Third, Southeast Asians are people who come from the countries that are south of China, East of India, and North of Australia. The common Southeast Asians people who live in the United States came from Lao, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand. These countries are considered third world countries and the people there normally migrate to America due to war and economic reasons. Fourth, the term acculturation is defined as the merging of cultures as the result of continuous contact with the new culture. The Vietnamese go through this acculturation process by trying to assimilate into the American society. Assimilation refers to the process by which a group of people from one culture tries to merge into the culture of another group. Assimilation might lead to the loss of the original or homeland culture and language due to the continuous contact with the new culture. Fifth, refugees refer to individuals who flee from their home countries due to war, religious persecution, or political oppression. Therefore, Southeast Asians normally flee their country as refugees to escape hardship in their homeland and search for a better life in the United States. The “boat people” is an example of this. Vietnamese boat people were people who risked their lives at sea to migrate to America and other Western Countries by boats to escape the Communist government in Vietnam. Sixth, involuntary minority status refers to refugees who are forced to flee from their countries due to war and violence. For example, the Vietnamese fled their country after the Vietnam War to escape the Communist government (Chiu & Ring, 1998). On 15 the other hand, those who come to America by choice fit into the voluntary minority status because they settled in this country without force. They have the choice to stay in their homeland without facing struggles and hardships. The middle class or the upper class immigrants who come from other Asian countries such as Japan and Korean fit into this category. They came to America with extensive financial and emotional support from their relatives and sponsors. They did not encounter as much economic hardship or cultural and emotional instabilities as the Vietnamese and other Southeast Asians who were more likely to reside in the low-economic community and faced severe disadvantages due to their involuntarily migrating status. Seventh, ethnic identity is referred to as a sense of belonging to an ethnic group. As a result, feelings, perceptions, and behaviors of an individual are influenced by his or her ethnic group. Phinney considered ethnic identity as a “sense of self as a member of an ethnic group” (Phinney, 2003, p. 63). Thus, this also means that one is claiming and valuing their heritage. Eighth, youth identity and crisis is based on the research of Erik H. Erikson. The author explains that identity crisis happens when the feelings of identity is battling with the role of confusion (Erikson, 1968). Thus, a young person has to struggle and try to unravel his or her identity through different functions which include occupational role, beliefs and values and sexuality (Marcia, 1966). Ninth, multilevel social integration is an interdependent diagram which includes individual, family, ethnic community, local social environment, and the larger society. All these systems depend on each other to promote for successful adaptation to the 16 mainstream society. Positive supports from family, and ethnic community is essential for the adolescents to adapt to the larger environment (Zhou and Bankston, 1998). Tenth, cultural therapy is the counseling approach in which counselors, teachers, and mental health workers are encouraged to reflect on their cultural assumptions and become aware of their own world view and detect what works against them. Furthermore, it helps students to become aware of the obstacles they encounter in the mainstream society and fight against them rather than blaming themselves or engaging in negative activities that impede their upward mobility (Spindler and Spindler, 1993). Cultural therapy approach helps both the professionals and the students to understand more about themselves and the society. Eleventh, world view is defined by Sue (1978) as “how a person perceives his or her relationship to the world” (p. 815). People’s world view is shaped by the way they are brought up culturally and the life experiences they encounter (Sue, 1978). Thus, people who work with youth from a different culture have to be aware of his or her world view and become conscious about other’s worldviews as well in order to find effective intervention strategies to assist students from different cultures. Limitations It is important to notice that this research might be biased and inaccurate due to the information and data collected from memories and personal perceptions from the interviewees. The interviews will be conducted of older Vietnamese individuals who will reflect upon their experiences of living in American when they were adolescents. Their memories might not be as reliable as the actual occurrences. Their perspectives about the 17 mainstream can be varied due to the different experiences they encounter when living in the United States. Furthermore, not many researchers conduct studies Vietnamese generation 1.5; therefore, literature reviews will also be gathered from studies on other generations such as the second generation. Most current literature discusses about the problems of second generation, thus there might be an overlap of information in the research process. In order to study about this group of youth, the researcher will include different frameworks from different academic sources and try to put them together to help her explore more on Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. Furthermore, the Vietnamese group is a complicated group to study because they do not fit exactly into the model minority or anti-model minority like other Southeast Asians cases. On the surface, the model minority myth does apply to Vietnamese 1.5 generation in some scenarios. However, there are Vietnamese who do not fit into this model minority at all. Thus, the study has to present both sides of the story in order to unravel the study of this research. Also, this data collection only focuses on six participants; thus, it is not large enough to represent all the Vietnamese generation 1.5 adolescents. However, the interviews will be digested in-depth so it will explore more information about this group of Vietnamese youth. Therefore, another limitation to the study is the small sample size; however, this project represents a pilot study on the subjects and the content could be replicated in a subsequent thesis. Summary This chapter described the statement of the problem that deals with Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. It provided background information on Vietnamese migrations 18 and the refugee processes they underwent to come to America. Furthermore, it raises the awareness about this group of students and helps educators, counselors, and mental health workers to understand this group of youth better by helping them to become aware of the circumstances these students face in order to provide appropriate supports to assist them in their adaptation process. The Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents came across issues in America that decreased their chance for successful adaptations and upward mobility. Thus, the stress factors and traumatic experiences they brought from Vietnam and the difficulties they face in integrating into the American mainstream society when living in the United States need to be explored in this research. Chapter 2 will discuss more about the literature which support and explain this research in depth. The topics will relate to the 1.5 generation struggles and advantages, the voluntary and involuntary minorities, the model minority and its biases, the stress factors among Southeast Asian adolescents, adolescent identity development, ethnic identity, multilevel social integration, accommodation and acculturation without assimilation, cultural therapy, and world view and the implications for changes. 19 Chapter 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction Not many researchers document the study of identity formation and the acculturation process of Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. Thus, the limitation of the study of this group of adolescents requires the researcher to gather information from different scholarly sources which include research studies on different minority groups and generations such as the African American, other Asians, and second generation youth which, is the U.S born population. This study includes the issues on the 1.5 generation struggles and disadvantages, the voluntary and involuntary minorities, the model minority and its biases, stress factors among Southeast Asian adolescents, adolescent identity development, ethnic identity, multilevel social integration, accommodation and acculturation without assimilation, cultural therapy, and world view and the implications for changes. Discussions about the 1.5 Generation: Their Struggles and Advantages The primary literature source from Roberge (2002), California’s generation 1.5 immigrants: What experiences, characteristics, and needs they bring to our English classes? discussed issues that relate to the 1.5 generation. The 1.5 generation is defined by Roberge (2002) as immigrants who come to the United States “sometime during childhood, adolescence, or young adulthood and who thus have life experiences that straddle two or more nations, cultures, and languages” (Roberge, 2002, p. 107). According to Roberge (2002), these students fall between the adult immigrants, the first 20 generation and the U.S born children, the second generation. They share characteristics of both native U.S born and newcomers. Roberge also shared his perspective on 1.5 generation at the 37th Annual TESOL Convention in 2003 in Baltimore, Maryland. Roberge (2003) has worked mainly with Asian students and Asian 1.5ers and believed that they do share the oppressions of “involuntary minorities”, such as the African Americans. The author explained “Generation 1.5ers did not come here voluntarily; they were dragged along with their parents, kicking and screaming most of the time and often did not want to come to the U.S” (Roberge, 2003, p. 9). This statement can fit in many cases; especially for those children who come to another country as refugees as Southeast Asians. Who would want to leave their homes, and risk their lives and give up what they have back home to come to an unknown country? There must be push factors which force these Southeast Asian families to migrate, including to escape the difficult circumstances in their country of origin or to seek for better opportunities in another country. Thus, Roberge (2003) considered that in many cases this 1.5 generation children do not come to American voluntary as described by Ogbu. Furthermore, Roberge (2003) also addressed that the cultural stereotype, such as the “model minority,” that does not fit for many of these children. The author stated “A lot of my students are not good at math and a lot of my students are not eager, obedient, willing immigrants who are working hard for the American dream, who every day are thankful that they can be in America” (Roberge, 2003, p. 9). Roberge (2003) strongly suggested that these children come here involuntarily and face many obstacles and stresses like other involuntary and disadvantaged minority groups in the United States. 21 Another view on generation 1.5 is being explored by Philip Kasinitz. Kasinitz (2007) in the article, Generation 1.5-Defining 1.5 explained that the 1.5 generation comes to a foreign country with much difficulty because they have to master new languages, and new ways of life. Nonetheless, they bring with them something very unique which is considered as the “in between-ness.” Kasinitz made a statement about the 1.5 generation artist: They cannot blindly repeat the received of wisdom of their parents-a wisdom best suited to a very different time and place. Nor can they unreflectively take up the ways of the new society that they are only beginning to understand in multitude of large and small situations; they must choose between the ways of their parents, the ways of new society or, perhaps, to create something altogether new and different (Kasinitz, 2007, p. 2). The author discussed the new creativity that the 1.5 generation can offer to a new society due to their wisdoms of exposing to the multi-cultural perspectives. They not only have knowledge about themselves, but they also live and experience the multicultural environments as the 1.5 generation. Thus, their unique experiences and perspectives will help them to have a distinctive world view than other generations. Kasinitz (2007) explained the 1.5 generation and their influences on the mid-20th Century New York City. He said that New York became one of the greatest cultural creativity centers in the world and at a time the nation feared that New York will become “balkanized”, a place that separated itself from the rest of the nation due to the diversity of this city. Nonetheless, the children of immigrants had brought with them a broader and better world view which 22 brought the country a positive perspective about multiculturalism. According to Kasinitz (2007), the 1.5 generation New Yorkers were the young writers who wrote God Bless America. This generation had proved that multicultural and diversity has positive influences upon improving a society rather than causing fragmentation and division. The author discussed that the mixing of cultures in cities such as New York and Los Angeles is not to rush people into assimilation or continuation of the immigrant cultures, but to bring together new and diverse world views to make a society better. The 1.5 generation can see this clearly in this globalizing world. Therefore, they have a lot to offer and to teach us (Kasinitz, 2007). Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities John U. Ogbu, a professor of anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley conducted an extensive research on immigrants and nonimmigrant experiences in the United States. His research was also addressed in the book Minority Status and Schooling: a Comparative Study of Immigrant and Involuntary Minorities by Gibson & Ogbu (1991). Nonimmigrant minorities are considered by Ogbu (1991) as involuntary minorities who migrate to another country through slavery, colonization or conquest. He stated, “they usually resent the loss of their former freedom, and they perceive the social, political and economic barriers against them as part of their underserved oppression” (Ogbu, 1991, p. 4). Involuntary minorities include African American, American Indians, and certain groups of Mexican Americans in the United States. Another piece of research conducted by Ogbu was called Minority Education and Caste which addressed issues of immigrants and non immigrant minorities. Ogbu (1978) explained the “caste” system as 23 the dominant group perceives the minority group as religiously, biologically, and socially inferior. Thus, Ogbu (1978) explained that economic exploitation and social oppression come into the existence and set the barriers between the dominant group and the caste like minority group. According to Ogbu (1978), to cope with their subornation and exploitation, the involuntary minorities create their own “collective oppositional identity system.” This system links the members of minority group together to create a “kinship” or community that serve to protect their identity. Ogbu (1978) stated “These mechanisms include collective struggle, deviant behavior, collective hatred for the dominant group, and cultural inversion” (Ogbu, 1978, p. 263). Therefore, defiant behaviors in school and in society reveal the caste like minorities’ ways of responding to the dominant group in the United States. On the other hand, Ogbu (1991) regarded the voluntary minorities as immigrant minorities because they normally experience fewer obstacles in their adaptation process than the involuntary minorities. Examples of these immigrants are the Koreans, the Sikhs, the Chinese, the Japanese and other immigrants that migrate to another country because they believe “the move would lead to more economic wellbeing, better overall opportunities, or greater political freedom” (Ogbu, 1991, p. 8). Ogbu further discussed minority and caste status in the book, Minority Education and Caste and the article, Variability in Minority Responses to Schooling: Nonimmigrants versus Immigrants. According to Ogbu, (1987) the responses of immigrant minorities to their subornation and exploitation are somewhat different from those of the caste like minorities such as the African Americans or the American Indians. The “survival strategies” of these groups, according to Ogbu (1987), revealed that the 24 immigrant minorities apply “collective identity” and “hustling” as the approaches to maintain their identity. Nonetheless, their methods approach toward “retaining their different collective social identity and cultural frame of reference rather than developing an oppositional identity and cultural frame of reference” (Ogbu, 1987, p. 270). According to Ogbu (1987), these immigrants consider themselves as outsiders and not part of the status system. They too, face discrimination and exploitation; however, they are less likely to internalize the subornation and fight against it. They come to the United States to search for better opportunities and to take advantage of whatever is provided to them in the new society. Another distinguished feature of the immigrants revealed by Ogbu (1987) is “the immigrants tend to measure their success, failure, or worth by standards of their homeland” (Obu, 1987, p. 270). These minority immigrants normally measure successes to the standards of their host society. Thus, they encounter less of a power struggle with the elite group or the dominated group than the non-immigrant minorities. Their purpose is to seek for “self-advancement,” according to Ogbu (1978). Thus, this leads them to comply more with the school and the mainstream society than the involuntary minorities (Ogbu, 1987). The Model Minority and Its Biases In the article, Surfing the Model Minority Wave of Success: How the School Context Shapes Distinct Experiences among Vietnamese Youth, Conchas and Perez (2003) expressed their concerns about the model minority perception. The model minority portrays Asians as “fully integrated members of society who have overcome ideological and structural discrimination in education and the workforce” (Conchas and Perez , 2003, 25 p. 42). Many researches discuss the high academic achievement of Asian Americans in comparison to other ethnic groups. This can be a positive aspect because, according to Conchas and Perez, (2003) the students themselves have internalized what the society expects of them; thus, they have to retain the image of high achievers and maintain the educational expectations that are portrayed by the model minority. So what are the problems with the model minority when it promotes high expectations and positive images of Asian Americans? Nonetheless, this model has recently being critiqued because it is considered a myth and a stereotype toward Asian Americans. This stereotype can be negative toward the psychological and social well beings of these students. Conchas and Perez (2003) conducted a study to examine the model minority stereotype and the influences it has on the academic identity among high achieving Vietnamese students in the school context. This research was conducted with the Vietnamese AP classes and the Medical Academy at Baldwin High School, in an urban and ethnically diverse area in California. Even though this model minority carried positive influences among these high achievers, it also led to pressures for competition and stress to live up to the high expectations. Students in the AP program revealed that “these pressures led to emotional instability, such as low self-esteem, depression, and anxiety” (Conchas and Perez, 2003, p. 51). These stresses are common when students encounter more emphasis on academic competition. They must live up to the competition of the model minority and the expectations society has for them through viewing their academic achievement as an individual process rather connecting with others and cooperation based learning. According to Conchas and Perez 26 (2003), these students in the AP program were categorized as the “dedicators” and the “competitors”. On the other hand, Conchas and Perez (2003) explained that the Vietnamese students who belonged to the Medical Academy, who emphasized less on competition and more on cooperation were known as the “team players”. The study indicated that the students in the Medical Academy chose to focus more on creating a healthy social and racial climate by working as “team players” to achieve a common goal and felt that they encountered less stress and were more motivated to be in school than the students in the AP program. Thus, the model minority has its negatives and positives, according to Conchas and Perez (2003). This research took notice of the harmful side of ethnic stereotypes, such as the one from the model minority which groups all Asians under one umbrella and ignores the problems within the intra-group. This model promotes more racial stereotypes and segregation. This study only focused on average to high achievers. The model minority already shows the inconsistency in helping students to reach their ultimate successes without causing damage to their social and psychological beings. Imagine how inconsistent this model can be when discussing the intergroup, intragroup, the low versus high achievers, as well as the conflicts and experiences of immigration which are interconnected and interrelated to historical, cultural, and social barriers. Conchas and Perez (2003) presented the viewpoints of a student in their research. She stated: “I think it’s just not that there are really smart Asian people out there, it is the standard that they have set up for Asian people… They are really high and working up to them so hard we must make the best of what we have I know that 27 there are Asian kids now that are really bad, that they don’t do anything. I mean, it’s all a stereotype (Conchas & Perez, 2003, p. 41). The students recognize the problems that model minority generates. Thus, the mainstream needs to recognize the setbacks of the model minority and discontinue the lumping of all Asians into one group. Zhou and Bankston (1998) also touched on the issue of the model minority in their book, Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States. The “model minority” is non-applicable to Vietnamese youth who are doing poorly and engaging in the delinquency path when living in the United States. These delinquents are described by Zhou and Bankston as “Vietnamese youths who have been culturally assimilated into the American Youth culture” (Zhou and Bankston, 1998, p. 196). The authors described that these Vietnamese youths were inclined to listen to American music and acquire western styles. They emerge more in the American youth subgroup culture and become more detached from their home culture (Zhou and Bankston, 1998). Zhou and Bankston addressed that “While Vietnamese youths have made remarkable academic achievements; however, they have shown high rates of juvenile delinquency and youth gang involvements” (Zhou & Bank, 1998, p. 186). These Vietnamese adolescents found themselves trapped between two social worlds while still struggling with obtaining a new language and coping with limited academic and emotional support (Zhou & Bankston, 1998). While many Vietnamese children gained a reputation for high academic achievement, there were large numbers of Vietnamese youth gangs arising in many American cities. These adolescents broke laws and even 28 committed violent crimes as the result of their frustrations and stresses of living in America (Zhou & Bankston, 1998). The book entitled Born to Kill: The Rise and Fall of America’s Bloodiest Asian Gang by T.J. English (2009) explored the most violent Vietnamese gang in the United States. This group was organized by a Vietnamese teenager who came to the United States at adolescence and was considered as the 1.5 generation. The story of this gang gave strong evidence that the model minority overlooks the stress factors and traumatic experiences these Vietnamese children brought with them when migrating to the United States. Born to Kill: The Rise and Fall of America’s Bloodiest Asian Gang is one of the few books digested into a story which relates the traumatic experiences Vietnamese youths encountered when arriving to the United States after the Vietnam War. According to the New York Times, the founder of the gang was “David Thai” and the gang he formed was one of the New York City’s most vicious and well organized Asian gangs in America (New York Times, August 31, 1991). The name was derived from a phrase on an American soldier’s helmet. This gang had 50 to 100 members ranging from ages of thirteen to thirty five. They set up different branches in New York, New Jersey, and Los Angeles and were involved in criminal acts such as robberies and homicides in these cities (New York Times, August 31, 1991). David Thai fled Vietnam alone at the age of 19 in 1975 by boat to escape the Communist regime. Thai’s lawyer, Mr. Murphy, said that he was a hard working individual who worked as a waiter to sponsor his siblings to the United States. Furthermore, his father was sent to a re-education camp after the Vietnam War, and his mother had passed away. Murphy explains that Thai experienced a 29 difficult life and his only attempt was to assist Vietnamese kids who got out of Vietnam and wandered on the American streets (New York Times, September 29, 1991). English (1995) stated: For years, they had struggled to survive, to find their place within a society that did not seem to want them. For a time they drifted aimlessly, like small sampans on a large, turbulent ocean. Eventually, they banded together in cities and small towns throughout United States, and they had begun to pursue their unique version of the American dream (English, 1995, p. 9). But, clearly members who were involved in this group, including the leader, David Thai must had encountered difficulties when living in America as refugees. They were adolescents who got out of Vietnam and witnessed the traumas of war and experienced the stresses of migration. More related stress factors of Southeast Asian immigrants will be discussed below. Thus, the model minority does not paint the whole picture of Vietnamese youths; particularly, the Vietnamese 1.5 generation who came to America during their teenaged years. The Social Science Research on Asian Americans by Pyong Gap Min (2003) expressed a critique that Asian American scholars and activists use frequently in their studies. They model minority has portrayed Asian Americans as “achieve high social mobility through cultural mechanism such as hard work, frugality, family ties, and sacrifice for their children’s education” (Min, 2003, p. 333). However, the model minority thesis provides criticism on this view and examines the inadequacies of the model minority and the negative consequences it has on Asian Americans. For example, the model minority 30 presents the median family income as an economic success for Asian Americans. Nonetheless, it does not take into consideration the reason why Asian Americans median income is higher than Whites. Asian Americans have more workers per family and most of these Asian families live in big cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, and New York where living cost is high; thus, the income has to be higher to accommodate their needs (Min, 2003). It is true that many Asian Americans earn a high income from their professional and high paid careers; however, there are still many others who are working in low-service and low-skilled jobs and who are trapped in poverty and struggle to survive on a daily basis (Min, 2003). Min stated, “because of their image as successful and problem-free, Asian Americans have frequently been eliminated from affirmative action and other social service programs that are designed for disadvantaged minority groups” (Min, 2003, p. 334). For example, in 1990 the poverty rate for Chinese in New York China Town, and Korean in Los Angeles was 25% to 26%. Nonetheless, many of these Asian Americans did not obtain the same opportunity as African Americans and other groups that receive benefit from social programs such as welfare because of their successful image as Asian Americans (Min, 2003). Furthermore, the model minority has negative impacts on the mental health system. Min stated “Because of their successful image and low level of dependency on formal social services, policy makers and non-Asian social workers tend to assume that Asian Americans generally do not have serious juvenile, elderly, and other family problems” (Min, 2003, p. 334). However, this statement undermines the social and psychological stresses that Asian Americans encounter, and thus leads to the underuse of the social 31 services available for the general population such as counseling and other mental health services. These Asian Americans refuse to seek help not only because of the standard the society sets for them, but also their cultural norm emphasizes that it is a shame to their family integrity if they are being viewed as problematic and having mental health issues. Thus, it is common to see that many studies show Asian Americans have a higher rate of stress and mental health issues than White Americans (Min, 2003). Also, since society views Asian Americans as a model minority group, they are expected to be successful in most cases. If these people happen to be less successful, society blames the problem on the individuals for being lazy or inferior rather than a problem that is created by the system. This way, Asian Americans become the victim and the scapegoat for the social injustices that continue to occur in the mainstream society (Min, 2003). Stress Factors among the Southeast Asian Immigrant Adolescents Nidorf (1985) discussed in her article, Mental Health and Refugee Youths: A Model for Diagnostic Training. The article addressed issues on Southeast Asian mental health, treatment, prevention, services, training, and research of the Vietnamese youth refugees. Vietnamese is a Southeast Asian group; thus, they encounter stresses at three different periods which include pre-migration, during migration, and post-migration (Nidorf, 1985). These stress factors influence by cultural values, migration experiences, and the treatment they receive from the host society (Nidorf, 1985). Furthermore, Carol Ascher wrote an article called Southeast Asian Adolescents: Identity and Adjustment (1989) to address her concerns about the Vietnamese youth refugees circumstances. The factors that evaluate their adjustment to the new society not 32 only rely on English proficiency and economic status, but also on how they are received by the host society and how they manage to juggle between their native culture and the main stream culture. The pressure to assimilate applies significantly to this group of immigrant youth. “Peer pressure on immigrant students is even greater than on the American-born. Southeast Asian adolescents quickly take on the outward cultural traits of those around them--at the expense of their own cultural heritage” (Ascher, 1989, p.1). However, internally they still identify themselves as Southeast Asian, and as the result they hang out with mostly other Southeast Asians and have few cross-ethnic friends. For example, Vietnamese youths usually form gangs among themselves. (Ascher, 1989). Chinese and Vietnamese Immigrant Adolescents Under Pressure: Identifying Stressors and Interventions by Chiu and Ring (1998) also addressed the issues on the high rates of suicide, school dropout, juvenile delinquency, and gang involvement of the Chinese and Vietnamese adolescents. These adolescents experience different stressful factors than their European American peers. They have to deal with multicultural settings which involve peers, family, and school. The additional challenges they face are racism, language barriers, and immigrant adaptation which lead to intensive emotional distresses (p. 444). The authors emphasized that it is important for mental health workers to develop a sense of awareness of these groups of adolescents and take into the consideration of their migration history and experiences, as well as the stresses they encounter in the new society. This awareness gave mental health workers valuable information in order to gain a multicultural perspective on the youth’s circumstance so they can develop more effective intervention strategies to help these youths. The authors specifically explained 33 the differences between the two groups, the Vietnamese and the Chinese. Most of the Chinese migrated to the United States by choice, versus the Vietnamese generally fled from their country due to war and other hardships. Thus, these Vietnamese immigrants came unprepared to cope with the new environment and new way of life. Therefore, it is important for the clinicians to assess different factors such as psychological, social, and economical variables before, during, and after immigration in order to understand the whole picture of these adolescents and detect their stresses (Chiu and Ring, 1998). “The myth that Asian American adolescents are universally/academically successful and emotionally problem-free have eclipsed the true adaptive challenges faced by these young people” (Chiu and Ring, 1998, p. 444). This statement does not describe the reality for many of the Southeast Asian adolescents. Shortly after the Vietnam War, Southeast Asian immigrants continued to migrate to America. A large Southeast Asian group such as the Vietnamese population arrived in America as refugees between the 1970’s and the 1990’s. Southeast Asians came to America with different experiences than other groups of Asian. Many of these families brought with them emotional distresses and economic instability as a result of war and violence. They did not obtain the necessary skills to successfully assimilate and adapt to their new society. The adolescents who came with their families were trying to fit into the new society which includes new friends and new schools while trying to live up to the expectations, values, and beliefs of their home culture (Chiu and Ring, 1998). In the article, Community Violence Exposure of Southeast Asian American Adolescents by Joyce Ho, the author conducted a research on community violence and 34 negative life events in order to understand how they lead to traumas and stressful experiences for Southeast Asian adolescents in the United States. The data was collected from two Southeast Asian groups, the Vietnamese and the Cambodian. Southeast Asian families are considered to be one of the poorest minority groups in the United States, thus, they mostly reside in the low-economic and high crimes neighborhoods (Ho, 2008). Therefore, these adolescents are likely to expose to community violence and poor social conditions in these communities (Ho, 2008). The study showed that the exposure to negative life stresses is likely lead to negative psychological outcomes such as low-selfesteem and high depression rate. (Ho, 2008). Thus, this article promotes for a bicultural orientation when dealing with Southeast Asian adolescents. “The phenomenon orientation occurs when ethnic minority individuals adhere to or embody vales, behaviors, identities, an attitudes from the dominant and one’s own ethnic cultures” (Ho, 2008, p. 138). Hence, this study found that there is a significant relationship between bicultural orientation and positive psychological adjustment (Ho, 2008). The socioeconomic environment also can be a stress factor for these adolescents. Family conflicts and stresses are issues that need to be addressed when discussing about Southeast Asian groups such as the Cambodian and the Vietnamese. The article, Intergenerational Cultural Dissonance, Parent-Child Conflict and Bonding, and Youth Problem Behaviors among Vietnamese and Cambodian Immigrant Families by Yoonsun Choi, Michael He, and Tracy W. Harachi (2008) conducted a study to exam parent-child conflict and impacts it has on behavioral problems. “Intergenerational cultural dissonance (ICD)” is stated as “a clash between parents and children over cultural values-occurs so 35 commonly among immigrant families that is regarded as a normative experience” ( p. 85). Thus, studying about this issue can raise awareness to help provide interventions that assist these youths in managing their conflicts and strengthening the relationship with their parents. The results of this study showed that ICD indirectly influences problem behaviors which causes by the increase of child-parent conflict and eventually leads to negative bonding between parents and children of both the Cambodian and the Vietnamese immigrant families (Choi, He, Harachi, 2008). The article also stated that “Immigrant and refugee families face challenges to reestablish family roles and patterns in an unfamiliar society with a new language and social-cultural environment” (Choi, He, Harachi, 2008, p. 93). Thus, this life changing event of resettlement and migration can have stressful impacts on the emotional and psychological tolls of these immigrant families. As a result, during the adjustment process to the new society, parents and children are likely to encounter conflicts due to differences in cultural values and generational gap which might lead directly to youth behavioral problems (Choi, He, Harachi, 2008). The article, Perceptions of Vietnamese Fathers’ Acculturation Levels, Parenting Styles, and Mental Health Outcomes in Vietnamese American Adolescent Immigrants by Peter V. Nguyen expressed the family conflicts between the children and their parents which result in mental health problem for these Vietnamese adolescent immigrants. The study involved 290 Vietnamese American adolescents which examines the relationship among father’s acculturation level, parenting styles, self-esteem levels, and the depression levels of these adolescents (Nguyen, 2008). The study revealed that most 36 adolescents perceived their fathers as using the authoritarian parenting styles and have not yet acculturated into the American culture. These teens tend to have lower-levels of self-esteem and higher depression scores than those who had fathers who used the authoritative or democratic parenting style like the many of the American families (Nguyen, 2008). So these Vietnamese adolescents also encounter stresses within their families through parenting styles. In the article, Parenting Styles as Perceived by Vietnamese American Adolescents by Peter Viet Nguyen and Monit Cheung, the authors conducted a study on the impacts of parenting styles through the perception of the Vietnamese Adolescents. Nguyen & Cheung (2009) found out that the majority of the adolescents (83%) chose to focus on their fathers in filling out the responses to the survey. Those who chose to focus on their mothers reported to have higher-self-esteem and lower depression rate than the group selected their fathers as their main focus in the survey. Nonetheless, both fathers and mothers were viewed by most of these adolescents as using punishment-oriented and authoritarian parenting style (Nguyen & Cheung). Thus according to Nguyen & Cheung (2009) differences in cultural values may cause conflicts and stresses to these young adolescents in the process of adjusting and adapting to the new society. Thus, the study concluded that the adolescent’s perception toward their parent’s authoritarian style can negatively impact their mental health, which leads to lower-self-esteem and higher depression level (Nguyen & Cheung, 2009). 37 Adolescent Identity Development Erikson, (1968) in his book Identity Youth and Crisis, considered that identity development is the central development achievement of adolescence. He suggested that this period is the critical point which “increased vulnerability and heightened potential, and therefore, the ontogenetic source of generational strength and maladjustment” ( p. 96). Identity formation can be more challenging for adolescents of immigrant background due to the obstacles they encounter from their migration, acculturation process, socioeconomic status, and other stress factors these youths encounter as immigrants. Erikson’s theory of ego identity connects us to youth identity development. According to Erikson, adolescences are expected to accomplish “a sense of an invigorating sameness and continuity” (Erikson, 1968, p.19). This simply means that they achieve a sense of psychological well-being by knowing where they want to go through a continuous and ongoing process. In the article, Development and Validation of Ego- Identity Status, Marcia (1966) also built on Erikson’s work and created the “model of identity centered,” which separates identity development into different stages. The first stage is known as diffusion, which means the individual has not engaging in exploration or commitment to form their identity. The second stage is foreclosure, when the person makes a commitment to form that identity based on his or her parental values and does not take much exploration in the identity process. The third stage is called moratorium, which suggests that the individual takes on the exploration, but does not make a definite commitment to form that identity. The final step is the achieved identity, which means that the person has made a firm 38 commitment and follows through with exploration in the identity developmental process (Marcia, 1966). Ethnic Identity Formation In the article, Ethnic Identity and Acculturation, Phinney (2003) considered ethnic identity as a “sense of self as a member of an ethnic group (Phinney, 2003, p. 63). The author related ethnic identity with ego identity from Erikson and proposed for three stages of ethnic identity formation. The first stage is known as the unexamined identity which involves no exploration. The second stage is called ethnic identity search which connects to the process of exploring and understanding. The final stage is achieved ethnic identity which an individual clearly and confidently establish a sense of ethnic self. Thus, ethnic group membership is the main factor which influences ego formation and ethnic identity (Phinney, 2003). Although the model of ethnic identity from different researchers promote to support Erikson’s ego identity; nonetheless, there were critiques about Erikson theory of “sameness and continuity.” Grotevant (1987) in the article, Toward a Process Model of Identity Formation, argued that rather identity formation follows a straight linear path and is best fit as ongoing and continuous, it can be seen in a different way as a process-oriented approach. This view looks at identity formation as a changing experiences as the person explores, revises, reforms, and remakes his or her identity when historical, social, and cultural context are taking into consideration. Kerppelman (1997) in the article, Toward a Microprocess Perspective on Adolescent Identity Development further expanded Grotevant’s approach and stated “the process of exploring a particular identity domain involves interaction between 39 expectations and beliefs, competing forces, exploration, investment, and interim evaluation over time (Kerpelman, 1997, p. 211). Kerpelman (1997) also discussed that in this process, the person has to face with frequent feedbacks from one’s self which include cognitive ability, personality, and current identity. Furthermore, that individual’s identity development also influences by surrounding context such as culture, society, family, peer, school, and work. Kerpelman (1997) also explained that the exploration of identity development would continue until the social feedbacks are consistent with the identity. For example, if a Vietnamese teenager listen to Vietnamese music at school and is teased by his or her peers, this person would either continue to find other peers who share the same taste or would abandon listening to Vietnamese music because he or she is being identified as Vietnamese. The article, Ethnic Identity Formation by Adriana J. Umana-Taylor, Ruchi Bhanot, and Nana Shin conducted a study to examine 639 adolescents of Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, and Salvadoran about the role of families in their ethnic identity formation. The finding indicated that familial ethnic socialization (FES) played an important role in forming ethnic identity for adolescents. This is important because individuals with strong ethnic identity tend to form strong abilities to cope with difficulties and discriminations in a new society (Taylor, Bhanot, and Shin, 2006). The article, A Qualitative Analysis of Vietnamese Adolescent identity Exploration Within and Outside an Ethnic Enclave also touches on the identity issue of adolescent. The exploration process involves the feelings of uncertainty, and anxiety when the individual has to take on the ethnic identity formation which connects with assimilation 40 and accommodation in forming the new identity that best fits him or her (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). The choice this person makes also is also influenced by the self-esteem level he or she has. “Ethnic identity might also be affected by the adolescent’s exploration process in his or her relational identity or by his or her selfperception as a follower or leader” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). Thus, ethnic identity formation is more complex and is stated “process approaches also have the distinctive advantage of granting greater formative influence and power to ongoing and ever-changing contextual factors” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). Multilevel Social Integration Min. Zhou, and Carl L. Bankston III explored in their book, Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in The United States about the multilevel social integration theory. Multilevel social integration model illustrates a diagram which contains the independent systems at different levels and “each system promotes adaptation to a larger environment” ( Zhou and Bankston, 1998). The diagram includes different circles in which family is the center, next comes the ethnic community, then the local social environment, and lastly the larger society. The individual circle overlaps all the system circles to illustrate that the individual successfully integrate into different systems at different levels (Zhou and Bankston, 1998). “The immigrant experience often lies somewhere between the ideal and the worst case.” (Zhou and Bankston, 1998, p. 204). An ideal case of this social integration exists when each system integrates successfully into the larger system at the next level. The worst case scenario in this system is when the individual is insufficiently integrated into the family, the family is 41 insufficiently integrated into the ethnic community, the ethnic community is insufficiently integrated into the local social environment, and the local social environment is insufficiently integrated into the larger society (Zhou and Bankston, 1998). This is similar to a domino effect that would lead an individual to unsuccessfully integrate into a society, which results in mal-adaptation and possibly delinquency. The study from the Vietnamese of delinquent youths from Versailles Village shows that integration problem takes place when the individual is poorly integrated into the family, and the family is poorly integrated into the ethnic community. Thus, this results in rejection and conflict when they move into the larger society. If the families of these youth does not have good relationships with them, and also isolate themselves from the ethnic community, these young people tend to be affected more by their marginal local social environment which is most likely to be the disadvantaged neighborhood they live in and that tends to have negative influences on them (Zhou and Bankston, 1998). Zhou and Bankston makes an important statement below: “Since Vietnamese Communities are so often located in economically disadvantaged and socially marginal neighborhoods, the ethnic social structures such as the family and the ethnic networks of social relations must act as alternatives to the underprivileged local environment in order to promote desirable forms of adaptation to the larger society” (Zhou and Bankston, 1998, p. 211). Thus, according to Zhou and Bankston, (1998) if the family is closely associated with the individuals and connect them to the ethnic community, these youths would be 42 better adapted to the larger society. On the other hand, if they are exposed more to the marginal and disadvantaged local community without the support from ethnic family and ethnic community, they are more likely to become maladapted to the larger society and thus lead to problems such as poor academic achievement and delinquency. In the article, The Social Adjustment of Vietnamese American Adolescents: Evidence for a Segmented Assimilation Approach (conducted by Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston III), the authors examined how young Vietnamese Americans in the underprivileged neighborhood (i.e., New Orleans) may be negatively influenced by the peer group in becoming “Americanized”. The result emphasized that social contact with peer group of co-ethnics who come from underprivileged social economic background tend to have negative effect on social adjustment (Zhou and Bankston, 1997). This theory is also known as the segmented-assimilation pattern, which states “by increasing contact with native born groups and losing original cultural traits may turn out to be assimilation into an underprivileged segment of American society and could trap immigrant youth in permanent poverty” (Zhou and Bankston, 1997, p. 521). The Vietnamese faced disadvantages when they came to this country because the neighborhoods that received these Indochinese immigrants were mostly underprivileged and consist of minority groups who also came from the low-social economic background (Zhou & Bankston, 1997). In the study by Maykel, Verkuyten called Positive and Negative Self-Easteem among Ethnic Minority Early Adolescents: Social and Cultural Threats the author conducted a research on Turkish and Moroccan adolescents in Netherlands to find out the 43 factors that influence their negative and positive self-esteem. The result explains that ethnic identity and family integrity promote for positive self-esteem. On the other hand, peer discrimination and intergenerational conflicts push for negative self-esteem (Verkuyten, 2003). Thus, this article proves that the ethnic community and the ethnic family contribute largely to these adolescents positive self-esteem and thus, lead to more positive results in successfully adapting to a new society. In the article The role of language, parents, and peers in ethnic identity among adolescents in immigrant families by Phinney S. Jean, Romero Irma, Nava Monica, and Huang Dan, the authors surveyed 81 American families, 47 Vietnamese families, and 88 Mexican families to construct a model of the influences on ethnic identity among adolescents in the immigrant families (Phinney, Romero, Nava, and Huang, 2001). First, the study found that ethnic language proficiency has positive impact on ethnic identity for all three groups. Second, social interaction with peers from one’s own ethnic group has a significant role in forming ethnic identity; this is even stronger than the impact of ethnic language. Thus, peers and socialization consider being extremely important for the formation of ethnic identity. Third, the finding showed that parental promotion for cultural maintenance has a tremendous effect on ethnic language proficiency and ethnic identity (Phinney, Romero, Nava, and Huang, 2001). Since the Mexican youth and the Vietnamese youth acquire less opportunity to interact with their ethnic peers and use their ethnic language when living in the mainstream society, they are required to have a strong ethnic community and strong ethnic support from their families in order to maintain their ethnic identity and language (Phinney, Romero, Nava, and Huang, 2001). 44 Another article titled Interdependent Self: Self-Perceptions of Vietnamese – American Youth by Tan Phan also expressed on the issue of how Vietnamese American adolescents view themselves in relation to their families. The author conducted a study by interviewing 10 Vietnamese adolescents and exploring their perception through an indepth questionnaire. Phan (2005) found that these adolescents usually feel close to their family and emotionally depend on them for emotional support. The parents push and expect their children to persuade for higher education because it is viewed as a way to honor and liberate the whole family and provide the individuals and their families with a better life in the future (Phan, 2005). The author stated “their identities are shaped through relations to others-especially, family, community, nation as well as history, culture, and traditions” (Phan, 2005, p. 439). Thus, close relationships with family is an important factor for the development of strong ethnic identity which will enable them to increase the sense of self-worth and help them cope and survive hardships through their own strength (Phan, 2005). Therefore, this study proves that “self exists only thorough integration with the process of relationship in the context communal” (Phan, 2005, p. 426). This means that self does not exist solely within the individual context, but with its surroundings such as the interaction and the relationship among people in family, community, and society. However, in this article, Phan (2005) specifically emphasized the importance of the family support and its influence on identity development. Once a person has strong family support, they are likely to successfully adapt to the larger environment. 45 The article, Ethnic Church, Ethnic Identification, and the Social Adjustment of Vietnamese Adolescents by Zhou and Bankston (1996) also specifically addressed the effect of ethnic religious institution on the ethnic identification of Vietnamese adolescents in America. The study found that church attendance and religion participation have a significant influence on ethnic identity and promote for positive adjustment to the mainstream society, because these religious institutions encourage for ethnic group membership (Zhou and Bankston, 1996). Zhou and Bankston found that church participation does make a big impact on the ethnic identity of young Vietnamese Americans. However, the high level of ethnic involvement within the church and religious community has led to this result and thus contribute to the positive adjustment to the American mainstream. In summary, Zhou and Bankston (1996) concluded that religious institutions are the “foci” or the central of social network of ethnic relations. Furthermore, ethnic religious participation increases social adjustment because it provides individuals with ethnic supports and guidance. Also, minority religious participation help young people to integrate successfully into a dominant society and gain a sense of minority solidarity which will increase their chance for success and gain upward mobility in this society ( Zhou and Bankston, 1996). Thus, Zhou and Bankston stated “Frequent church attendance leads to greater ‘Vietnameseness,’ and greater ‘Vietnameseness’ by young people subjects to the network of supports and constraint of Vietnamese community, leads to behavior conducive to upward mobility” (Zhou and Bankston, 1996, p. 31). Therefore, the participation in the ethnic community such as religious institutions encourages strong ethnic identity which assists Vietnamese youth to 46 successfully adjust to the mainstream society and increase their chance for upward mobility. The article, A Qualitative Analysis of Vietnamese Adolescents Identity Exploration within and outside an Ethnic Enclave addressed the issue on immigrant adolescents’ identity formation from two perspectives, those adolescents who live in the ethnic enclave environment and those who live in the ethnic exclave environment. The ethnic enclave adolescents settled in Southern California region in Orange County which is known as Little Saigon. Both groups faced frustrations and pressures in living in this country. Five themes emerged from the interactive journals with these two groups of Vietnamese adolescents. The first theme is “no influence from community “in which exclave and enclave members expressed their negative and positive views on community and the impact it has on identify formation. Most exclave members felt that the community they lived in did not impact their identity formation. On the other hand, many enclave members felt that community strongly influences their identity. However both exclave and enclave pointed out the negative and positive views about the Vietnamese ethnic community. For example, one enclave female wrote “before I would feel like an outsider. I accept my roots more now” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 680). Another enclave female wrote “I think living in the Asian community kinda stops me from branching out. I live in this area and all of my friends are mostly Asian and I want to have other friends” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 680). An exclave youth stated “I would probably make more friends and be more cultural and more self-aware” (Jutabha, Dinh, 47 McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 680). Other exclaves stated “They community have no idea about Asian culture and they promote the stereotypes” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 680). Both groups presented their negative and positive view points about the Vietnamese community and its impacts on them. Thus, their perspectives about their ethnic community were varied depended on the circumstances, and the experiences they had with their own ethnic community. The second theme is “parental cultural expectations for language and within group-association.” This theme presented the idea that both groups of Vietnamese adolescents believed that their parents pressured them to maintain Vietnamese culture and language. More members from the exclave expressed that their parents really emphasized those expectations. However, the enclave member did not write about the expectations. This did not mean that the enclave parents did not have the same cultural expectations for their children (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 680). The exclave members just received more pressure from their parents than the community to maintain ethnic identity since they were not surrounded by the ethnic community. The third theme is “being around Asian.” The adolescents who lived in the enclave such as Little Saigon felt pressured by both the parent’s expectation and the community. Those students who lived in ethnic exclave community or outside of Little Saigon rely more on their parents to enforce them to maintain ethnic culture and language. The authors stated “traditional Asian value that every action of an individual member reflects upon the family as a unit and hold far more salience for adolescents within than for those outside of enclave” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). Thus, these 48 adolescents who lived in the ethnic community had to be aware of their action because they were being judged by the whole community, and not just their family. For the exclave members, this also occurred; however, it was less emphasized than for the enclave members. The fourth theme is known as “confusion”. Both groups of adolescents discussed about confusion they had about the expectations they received from parents, friends, and community regarding on sexuality expectation, career choice, and other conflicts they had to face when living in America. One enclave female revealed, “sometimes I feel really confused. I don’t know why I’m even here. I feel so pointless. I’m not even doing well in school” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 681). This girl was feeling frustrated because of the intensive expectations from her family and community for her to become a doctor. The common theme of “confusion” also emerged from the journals of those exclave members. This common theme occurred because of the multiple expectations and pressures from family, community, peers, and society (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). The fifth theme is “taking things as they come,” in which the exclave members expressed that they neither felt negatively or positively about their situation. They remained more neutral in their view regardless of their parent’s expectation. One exclave male stated “What happens tomorrow is going to happen tomorrow” (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009, p. 681). He just wanted to live day by day and unravel slowly of his career choice and how he wanted his life to become. It was easier for the exclave members to remain neutral than the enclave members because they did not have 49 the external pressures from the ethnic community, and family (Jutabha, Dinh, McHale, and Valsiner, 2009). Thus, adolescents from the enclave faced more pressures from the ethnic community than those from the outside of the enclave. Therefore, being within the enclave or outside of the enclave can have positive and negative impacts on these Vietnamese adolescents identity formation. The article, Psychological Adaptation of Adolescents with Immigrant Backgrounds by David Lackland Sam examined three theoretical perspectives of family values, acculturation strategies, and social group identity as the main predictors for immigrant’s adaptation. He studied three groups include the Vietnamese, Pakistani, Turkish, and Chilean who were living in Norway. Group identity in this case seemed to be strongest predictor among young people and family values seemed to be the least influenced in term of self-esteem and mental health aspects (Sam, 2000). Thus, identifying oneself with a group plays a significant role in the adaptation process. This group can be their family, ethnic community, or the local community environment. The article, Self Construal and Socio-Emotional Development among VietnameseAmerican Adolescents: An Examination of Different Types of Self-Construal By Brian Trung Lam examined the four types of self-construal and how they affected socioemotional adjustment. Self-construal is referred to as “how individuals perceive themselves in the context of relationships with others” (Lam, 2006, p. 67). Bicultural group self-construal is found to be best for psychological well-being. Adolescents in this group reported to have high level of self-esteem, family cohesion, higher peer support, and stronger community connection. The marginal group experiences the worst socio- 50 adjustment because they do not utilize their ethnic enclave and more influenced by the local environment, which is often the socially and economically disadvantaged neighborhood. Thus, they might experience more difficulties in adapting to the mainstream society and result in negative social and emotional development (Lam, 2006). This study does not show the different stresses between the interdependent and independent groups. However, interdependent youth with higher interdependent-self construal are more likely to develop group membership and have a strong sense of belonging to the ethnic enclave. Therefore, their families, communities help to shield them from the negative influences of the marginalized neighborhood (Lam, 2006). The author explained “Adolescent’s self-orientation is important to a sense of well-being, and lack of identity with different types of self-construal may jeopardize emotional instability” (Lam, 2006, p. 74). Therefore, with the diverse demographic and the increase of different cultural and social contacts with different self-construal, it is easy for these adolescents to become lost and confused. This might lead to conflicts and instability that weaken their identity development process. Thus, studying about self-construal can enable teachers and clinicians to effectively help these Vietnamese adolescents (Lam, 2006). Accommodation and Acculturation without Assimilation In the book, Accommodation without Assimilation: The Sikh Immigrants in an American High School Gibson (1994) discussed about accommodation and acculturation without assimilation in the study of the Silk immigrants at Valleyside, a rural areas in California. According to Gibson (1994) acculturation refers to the process of cultural 51 adaptation in which an individual comes into contact with another culture. Assimilation refers to the process of adaptation in which an individual is completely absorbed into the culture of another and loses his or her ethnic identity. Accommodation refers to an individual who learns the ways of new society such as accommodates to school rules and societal standards; nonetheless, his or her ethnic values are still superior to those of the mainstream society. The case of the Silk immigrant is an example of acculturation and accommodation without assimilation. Most of these Silk immigrants came to the United States as the low socioeconomic class who seek for opportunity to improve their family economic situation (Gibson, 1994). However, when they arrived to Valleyside, they endured economic hardships and faced discriminations from the local community. The majority of the Silk immigrants worked in the agricultural industry for low wages. Nonetheless, they taught their children to excel academically in this new society without assimilating to the mainstream culture. Gibson (1994) provided a quotation from a Punjabi farmer she interviewed: “We have come to this country, and we have to learn from them white American, but we also have to keep the advice of our country….if the children will just take up their good values and leave the rest, they we will keep our standards. If we leave our everything and do as they do, we will go downwards” (Gibson, 1994, p. 23). To the Punjabi, it was important that they learned enough from the new society to keep them functioning and excelling in this country, but they refused to give up their own ethnic values and completely assimilate into the mainstream society. These believe was 52 explained by Gibson (1994) as accommodation without assimilation. Even though the children of the Silk immigrants faced with many disadvantages such and cultural conflicts, discriminations from the mainstream society, language difficulties, and other factors which could had prevented them from excelling in school and sufficiently functioning in the new world, they were able to maintain the support from their ethnic family and their ethnic community to strengthen their ability to adapt to the new society and become successful in the United States. Gibson (1994) stated “If immigrant do distinguish school learning from Americanization and assimilation, it may be easier for them to accept school authority and apply themselves wholeheartedly to their studies than it is for involuntary minorities” (Gibson, 1994, p. 190). Thus, for the Silk children, following school rules and accommodating to the mainstream ways to accomplish their goals does not mean that they have to assimilate to the mainstream culture. Other minorities can also use the same model “acculturation and accommodation without assimilation” from Gibson to help them to successfully adapt to the mainstream society. Cultural Therapy According to Splindler and Splindler (1993) in the article, What is Cultural Therapy? the authors define, “Cultural therapy is a process of bringing one’s own culture, in its manifold forms assumptions, goals, values, beliefs, and communicative modes to a level of awareness that permits one to perceive it as a potential bias in social interaction and in acquisition or transmission of skill and knowledge” (Splindler and Spindler, 1993, p. 3). For the students, this is a process which promotes students to increase their understanding of the oppressive situation they are facing and to gain the empowerment to 53 fight against the obstacles they encountered rather than blaming themselves for the problems occur in this society (Splindler and Splindler, 1993). For the teachers, the counselors, and the mental health workers, cultural therapy is a process to help increase the awareness of their stereotypes and cultural assumptions in order to understand how these biased world views influence the way they function and interact with their students or clients (Splindler and Splindler, 1993). In exploring cultural therapy Splindler and Spindler (1993) also touched on the three dimensions of self. The first one is the enduring self which is the sense of personal continuity with one’s own past and history in term of identity, experiences, and meaning (Splinder and Spindler, 1993). The second dimension is the situated self. The situated self is against the enduring self because it does not provide a sense of personal continuity; rather it constructs an adaptive response to react to the current situation and context that the person exposes to (Splindler and Spindler, 1993). The conflict between the enduring self and situated self occurs when minority students refuse to cooperate to the teaching in the American school because they view this act as giving up their identity and “sell out” their own group (Splindler and Spindler, 1993). Thus, these students are trapped between the enduring self and the situated self. When the enduring self is strongly influenced by the situated self and the person has to give up their sense of personal continuity in order to adapt to a new situational context, it can damage the enduring self and possibly leads to the endangered self (Spindler and Spindler, 1993). Spindler and Spindler (1993) explained that it is important for us to make situational adaptations without having to cause much damage to our enduring self. 54 The article, Training Hmong Refugee Students by Juan Garcia-Castanon, explained that “cross-cultural mental health treatment requires a thorough understanding of social and cultural processes” (Castonon, 1997, p. 197). His work was built upon Splinder’s work on cultural therapy. Through this research Castonon found that through the process of discovering self in his study, the Southeast Asian participants were able reexamine their background, obtain new knowledge about their past, and appreciate what they have. In this process he explained it as “rediscovered the enduring self” which allows these participants to be proud of their root and feel good about their ethnic identity. “Younger Southeast Asian who rejected their ethnicity would have a harder time psychologically as they encountered stresses of racial and cultural identity development within the American context” (Castonon, 1993, p. 214). Rejecting enduring self completely will damage identity development because if an individual obtain a sense of self-hatred and reject his or her own group, he or she is likely to lose the ethnic identity and become lost (Castonon, 1993, p. 214). So then psychological adaptation brings in the divergent of cultural system which means the individuals can take “the best of both worlds” and apply them to their adaptation process (Castonon, 1993). This will enrich and strengthen them in their acculturation process rather than damaging it. The author stated, “More cultural systems were inevitably better than having recourse to only one” (Castonon, 1993, p. 216). Worldview and Implications for Changes Worldview is defined by Sue (1996) in the article, Multicultural Counseling and Therapy (MCT) Theory as “how a person perceives his or her relationship to the world, 55 and also correlates with the person’s cultural upbringing and life experiences” (Sue, 1996, p. 815). Thus, worldview forms how the person perceives the world and interacts with others. The multicultural counseling and therapy field touches on this worldview aspect for the reason that there are more “demands for cultural relevance, need for inclusion, and equal access and opportunities have forced changes at individual, professional, institutional, and societal levels” (Sue, 1996, p. 813). These demands for changes come with challenges and conflicts since the traditional psychological world was mainly influenced by the Euro-American context or also is known as the Eurocentric perspective (Sue, 1996). For this reason, there are needs for changes to accommodate the needs of the culturally diverse population in the United States. The multicultural approach to counseling to assist population from all races and backgrounds need to be explored and improved. Counseling itself supposedly should help people; however, it becomes a form of cultural oppression itself because of the bias the profession has toward dealing with members of minority groups (Sue, 1996). In order to solve the cultural gap and bias, counselors need to be aware of their own cultural values and stereotypes in order to change the ways they interact and work with their patients. Furthermore, the counselors need to understand the worldviews of their clients or students who come from different backgrounds than they are (Sue, 1996). To be a good counselor a person would need to be able to respond to the needs of the culturally diverse population rather than imposing his or her own worldview on others. The article, An Integrative Model for the Study of Psychological Distress in Vietnamese-American Adolescents By Brian Trung Lam presented the problems cause 56 stresses to the Vietnamese American adolescents and proposed for a model to assist the Vietnamese immigrants. He expressed that the stresses and frustrations can cause by social and economic circumstances. Many of these Vietnamese adolescents face with economic hardships, academic disadvantages, peer influences, family and cultural conflicts, and stereotypes at home and in their community (Lam, 2005). Thus, the intervention approaches to deal with these adolescents has to be bicultural which is known as the integrative model which suggests several different approaches when dealing with these young people. First, the macro system such as policy makers need to make effort to change social views about these immigrants so these young people do not internalize negative images of their own ethnicity. Mental health organization also needs to realize that the problems do exist for this population and become more responsive to the Vietnamese community. They also should recognize and understand the bicultural conflicts these Vietnamese endure and try to find ways to build the bridge between the enclave community and the mainstream society in order to effectively assist this group of minority. Furthermore, the mental health services need to be made culturally and linguistically accessible to the Vietnamese community. For example, bilingual practitioners and professionals who are familiar with the Vietnamese language, culture, and community should be available (Lam, 2005). At the community or the mesosystem level, it is important to understand that these Vietnamese Americans tend to be reluctant to seek for help when comes to the mental health issues. Thus, outreach programs should be created to reach out to the Vietnamese community so they can see the importance of seeking for help when necessary (Lam, 57 2005). Enhancing the level of community collaboration with mental health institutions and organizations can help to assist the Vietnamese community. Positive supports and reinforcement will reduce the push for assimilation and promote a more healthy and positive ways to adapt to the American society. Also, school plays a role in this and should create positive partnerships with the families and the ethnic community by providing cross-cultural and bilingual education when educate and train students and staffs. They can build the bridge to diversity and reduce cultural gap by including the ethnic community and families in the decision making process. Providing support groups for parents and adolescents in allowing them to share their concerns and distresses will enable them to reduce their stress level and successfully adapt to the mainstream society. Furthermore, practitioners, teachers, and counselors who work with adolescents need to be aware of these adolescent’s culture and background in order to understand and encourage these young people to embrace their history, experiences, culture, and family values (Lam, 2005). They should assist these adolescents from a multicultural perspective rather than from their own worldview such as the Eurocentric perspective. 58 Chapter 3 METHODOLOGY Study Design This study mainly consists of a qualitative data collection strategy based on open ended interviews. The interview questions are set up to promote a one on one conversation. There are approximately 20 questions that will be asked during the interview. Since these questions are open- ended, they are intended to initiate an in-depth conversation that will lead the researcher to understand more about her participants. The researcher wants to find out the stress factors these Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encountered when they arrived in the United States as a teenager. Also, the researcher wants to identify the coping mechanisms these young people used to deal with their circumstances and listen to what kinds of support they want from the mainstream society. The impacts of migration and resettlement can lead to great stresses and frustrations. Thus, this study is designed to explore these stress factors and how teachers, counselors, clinicians, and other people who work with these Vietnamese youths can assist them in the process of adjusting to the mainstream society. This study aims to bring out the voices of these adolescents to raise their problems, concerns, and design proposal for changes. Setting of the Project The interview can take place at different settings. However, the researcher wants to focus on one on one interview and the face to face conversation. If the respondent is unable to meet up with the researcher, then the interview can be conducted through 59 telephone. The setting of the interview has to be somewhere where both interviewer and interviewee can stay focused and hear each other. The audio recording device from the computer will be set up to record the interview. Population and Sample The subjects for this research project are Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. There will be six participants, including males and females who came to America between the ages of 13-19. They have to come from Vietnamese families of refugees, or immigrants who settled in America through different waves of migration. Data Collection Before conducting the interview, the researcher completed the Human Subjects Protection application and submitted it to the advisor for review. After the review, the application has to be signed by Dr. Forrest Davis, the research advisor, then turned in to the Committee for the Protection of Human Subjects at CSU Sacramento. Also, a consent form is required before conducting the interviews. The researcher has to thoroughly inform the participants about the project she is doing and make sure it is signed by them before setting up the interview. During the interview, the researcher has to explain the questions clearly and make sure to word them in a way that the respondents can understand. If the participants are confused on certain questions or concepts, the researcher has to take the time to explain and clarify the questions, when necessary. 60 Instrumentation The research instrument is developed by the researcher with the help of Thesis Advisor, Dr. Forrest Davis, who is a professor from the Bilingual and Multicultural Education Department (BMED) at CSU Sacramento. He completed his doctoral dissertation focusing on mental health area at the University of California, Los Angeles and is very knowledgeable about the research topic. He suggested the methodology of open-ended questions to acquire an in-depth interview. The research question set includes twenty open-ended questions. The interviewee can answer in both English and Vietnamese. If they answer in Vietnamese, the researcher will translate the answers into English. These questions would be verbally asked by the researcher and the interviewees will also orally respond back. The conversation will be recorded using audio recording device from the computer. Human Subjects Protection In order to follow the Human Subjects research protocols of CSU Sacramento, the private identities need to be protected. These include social security numbers, addresses, names, and phone numbers. All the information of the participants will be protected and remain confidential throughout the process. The data and consent forms will be kept in a safe place and destroyed when the research is completed. Pseudonyms will be used to replace real names of the participants. Analysis of the Data The data collected from the questionnaire will be reviewed again. The researcher has to transcribe the conversation word by word since this is a reflective and in-depth case 61 study interview. She then has to carefully analyze the audio recording of each participant again to organize and record the information that is provided by the subject and write up the analysis and findings in chapter four of this study. The researcher will gather the information and uses the responses from these participants to present them at a workshop. The purposes of this workshop are to inform teachers, clinicians, school personnel, and counselors about the problems the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encounter. Hopefully through this study, their voices will be heard and changes will be made for the future 1.5 generation of Vietnamese and non-Vietnamese who also experience similar circumstances. Limitations This study has several limitations. Firstly, the sample size of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents in this study is small so it may not be not be the representative of all the Vietnamese 1.5 generation. On the other hand, the questions are designed to solicit in-depth responses from the research population. Secondly, since this interview is based on their reflections through memory, it might not reveal accurate information. Third, these youths might be reluctant to become completely candid and share some details with the researcher. In Vietnamese culture, people are normally passive and don’t like to share personal information with other people, especially those who are not close to them. Since the researcher is also Vietnamese, this limitation has been addressed. As a result, the researcher is sensitive and aware of this issue. The questions are constructed in a manner that reduces the level of discomfort and anxiety during the interview. At the same time the researcher should generation a productive conversation get the most out of each 62 interview. Fourth, some of these participants might have language problem and experience difficulty in expressing their mind and understanding the questions. Thus, this requires the researcher to observe any confusion in order to clarify any puzzling situation that will help the participants to comprehend the questions. The researcher can give the opportunity for the bilingual conversation if certain participants find it hard to explain their thoughts in English. Descriptions of the Project Workshop After the researcher collected all the data and identify the stress factors and the perspectives of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents, she will organize the information in a power point or a poster format to present it in a workshop. This will be a one day workshop with three sessions. During the first session, the researcher will introduce the project and raise the level of awareness of what she learned from the participants she interviewed. The information might be included in this session under the categories of stress factors, life experiences, perspectives, and strategies of interventions from these Vietnamese adolescents. In this session, the researcher can draw from the information provided by the respondents and from the published literatures to strengthen her presentation. She might want to bring in the participants who participated in the interviews so they can also be there to answer questions and raise any additional awareness about the issues. The researcher will provide interactive learning experience for the first session by offering the opportunity for visual presentations and group interactive activities which illustrate some of the concepts presented in the workshop. Break time and refreshment will be conclusion of the first session. The second session 63 will consist of strategies of interventions to facilitate the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescent adjustment to the mainstream culture. It is best that these methods connect to what the subjects reported in their interviews. Group activities, visual aids, and cooperative group learning should also be provided during this time. The facilitator will break the participants in this workshop into heterogeneous groups and assign each group a case scenario for them to identify strategies of interventions as a solution for that case. An alternative to identify a written strategy of intervention is to give people the options to design a poster or prepare a skit that will result in a solution to the problem presented. Five to ten minutes of break time will be provided at the end of the second session. The third session will start after people come back from their short break. They will be asked to sit in a large circle to have a dialogue on the topic. During this session people can discuss, debate, and raise any last thoughts about the topic of this workshop. They will also be provided ten to fifteen minutes to ask questions. The workshop will end with the facilitator communicating a positive affirmation to leave a strong message about this topic so these counselors, teachers, clinicians, and other participants in this workshop can go out into their professional workplaces and promote for positive changes to help these youths. The facilitator should also leave a recognition message of the obstacles that the participants in this research has overcame and assist them in developing a sense of closure as they continue on with their lives. 64 Chapter 4 DATA AND ANALYSIS FINDINGS Introduction The purpose of this research is to identity stress factors among the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. This project is intended to study the interviews from these six Vietnamese participants and identify effective interventions and approaches to help these youth to successfully adapt to the mainstream society. The interview explored the experiences and the perspectives of these young people. The literature reviews in this project emphasized on the influences of family, peers, school, migration experience, social status, environment, and other factors that may lead to stresses for these adolescents when they first came to the United States. This is a pilot study of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents; therefore, the researcher studied each case carefully and analyzed the most common findings that occurred for all or most of the participants and then examined the least common findings which occurred to only a few or individual participant. This study included an explorative interview which consisted of open ended questions. The purpose of the interview was to digest in-depth into the experiences and perspectives of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. There were roughly eighteen main questions in the interview. The participants would answer these questions thoroughly. The responses these participants addressed would touched on different aspects which related to language and communication difficulties, family circumstances, peer pressures, financial factors, migration circumstances, academic factors, difficulties 65 of leaving the life in Vietnam, local environment factors, motivation factors, perspectives on ethnic identity, perspectives and reactions to racisms and oppressions, perspectives on minority and majority status, and proposals for intervention approaches to better assist the 1.5 generation. Limitations of this study included: First, since a lot of responses were based on past memories, it could be less accurate. Second, this study only included six participants so it did not completely represent the large general population. Third, some subjects were hesitant to become completely honest in their respond or comfortable in answering certain questions due to their personal reasons, so the researcher had to interrogate strategically and meticulously when asking certain questions. Fourth, males and females responded differently due to differences in gender interaction and the comfort level they had with the person who was interviewing them. For example, male participants were not as comfortable to share certain information with the female interviewer. Six participants were included in this study. Most of them are currently living in the Northern California region. One of the participants resided in California during his adolescent year and is currently living in North Carolina. The ages of arrival to the United States for these participants were from 15 to 18 years old. Most of them attended high school when they came to the United States. Only one participant attended Job Corps when he came here. They are currently adults now and are in their late twenties to early forties. 66 Language and Communication Factors The most common responses involved language barriers and the influence they had on communication which led to the struggles in adaptation. Five of these participants strongly felt frustrated with their language limitation and felt lonely and discriminated when they were in high school. One participant who attended Job Corps did not really address this issue, but he also agreed that acquiring English was a difficult process for him. Participant A felt uncomfortable to speak English because he afraid his accent might sound stupid and funny to people. Participant A said “I mean they just started making fun of me when I started to talk. Every time when I was trying to fit into a group of people, just because they were being here long enough than I had and they thought I was funny and they thought I was stupid at some points by accent and words. It was kind of hurt my feelings.” Thus, participant experienced difficulties with the peers and because of his language barriers. Participant B sensed that because of the language problem, he could not reach his full potential and hang out with the crowd that he wanted. Participant B stated “I was frustrated with was language barriers: Let’s just say I wanted to express something, I was not able to. For examples, like the crowd I wanted to hang out with, I was not able to because of my language and all that. When I read I didn’t understand. There were so many things I wanted to do, but I didn’t have the knowledge and the mean and the communication to do it.” Language barriers seemed to be a significant issue for participant B as well. 67 Participant J expressed that kids made fun of him and called him names when he could not speak English. Participant J stated “Well, the kids just made fun of the Vietnamese kids who didn’t speak English. They made fun of your accent, they called you names. Things like gook or VC.” Language barriers also played a large role in the adaptation process of participant J. Participant L felt alone and isolated and became less talkative because she was afraid to speak English to people around her. Participant L stated “I think racism still exists. The experience I had in high school kind of made me felt isolated and alone and shaped me into the person that I am today. I became less talkative because I was afraid to speak English and socialize with people around me. So coming to the United States really changed me. I was not like that in Vietnam. I was a very socialized kind of persons with many friends.” Participant L did not encounter the verbal insult; however, language barriers had led her to become more isolated and segregated herself from the mainstream society. Participant M also felt that language barriers led her to become more isolated, less confident, and less socialized than when she attended high school in Vietnam. Participant M stated “I had a lot of friends. I talked a lot in high school. Through the media and stuffs in Vietnam, I imagined the lifestyle here was different than what I experienced in high school in the U.S. Even though they didn’t say things and did anything bad to me. But, I could tell the way they looked down on me by the way I dressed and I didn’t speak English fluently.” Thus, language barriers were also a stress factor for participant M. 68 Even though, participant D did not really express his frustration toward language barriers due to the fact that he did not attend high school in the in the United States and did not have to encounter much trouble with the peers around him. He chose to enter the Job Corps and the environment there provided him with less pressure than the participants who attended high school when they came here. However, he also revealed how hard he had to work to acquire English. Participant D stated “Back in 1989 when I came here I spent nine months studying English for ten to fifteen hours each day before I went to Job Corp. I started from bottom and learned hard at that time.” In conclusion, all these participants experienced some levels of frustrations with English Therefore, most of these participants encountered difficulty with language barriers which made the adaptation process more difficult for them. Most of these participants were much socialized individuals when they lived in Vietnam. However, the language barriers had made it difficult for them to fit in and to communicate with their peers. Thus, it was common for them to feel isolated and alone. They felt stressful and frustrated under this circumstance. Family Circumstances Another common response revealed that family conditions had a large influence on the participants and their adaptations. The positive family environment tended to provide strong support to these adolescents in their adaptation process. Whereas, negative family conditions could make it hard for these young people to adapt to the new society. Participants A, J, D, and L were all experienced family problems while trying to adapt to the American society. Participant A lived in a family where he did not get along with his 69 father and he did not experience a strong family bond. His father was imprisoned in the Communist reeducation camp after the Vietnam War and became a different person after his release. Thus, for many of these participants, family circumstances played an important role in their adaptations. Participant A lived mostly with his mother and eventually ran away from home at a very young age. Thus, participant A did not experience that strong connection with his family and felt that he could not get much support from them. The conditions in the family remained the same when they moved to the United Statees. He still remained isolated from his father and his family. The family conditions also impacted his life in America. He stated “It was not a good condition. Everybody was in their own world and doing their own little thing. Mother and father were trying something to do their own little thing to make life more successful, but it didn’t turn out the way it should. We were not a close family. It was not that I recognized.” He also stated “I felt I was a normal kid. It was family situation kicked in and when you walked to the classroom you didn’t feel like paying attention because you had your mind elsewhere.” Participant A felt overwhelmed with his family and the conditions at that time to the point where it interrupted his schooling. He also made a statement about his father “I wish my dad would treat me a little differently. I have done a lot of things wrong. But, he would take it a little bit easier on me I could have been a better person. I could have been around still.” Participant A ended up seeking for external support from the wrong peers and eventually dropped out of high school and got into many troubles with the law. 70 Participant J also encountered family difficulty. His father came to the United States and remarried. He came to the U.S with his father and left his mother behind in Vietnam. Soon after that, his father sent him and his siblings to live with relatives and they were all scattered in difference places. He described the conditions while he lived with his aunt “Well, I was not taken care of and my aunt somewhat not being fair. So she was not seeing us as her own children. She had two kids and they both were teenagers at that time too. Things like I had to work to get things for me and my brothers because nothing was given by her. She mostly gave things to her own kids.” Participant J also did not have a close relationship with his father. He stated “Well, being a son. If he dies I probably would cry, but I’m not close to him. I know he is my dad and I care for him. But, it just I wish him the best. It just I couldn’t get close to him.” Participant J emphasized that he was on his own and made mistakes on his own without much guidance from his family. He stated “I have always been making my own decisions. I guess I grew up without much adult guidance. I just got used to making my own decisions.” Fortunately, participant J made mistakes and screwed up at some point in his life, but he was able to learn from them escaped the delinquency path. He eventually completed college and acquired a good career without much family guidance and support. Participant D also experienced family problems. He was born an Amerasian. His father was African American and his mother was Vietnamese. His father left when he was still an infant and his mother remarried and lived on the military base the majority of the time. She immigrated with his stepfather to the United States when he was one year old. He lived with his relative in Vietnam until he came to America at the age of 71 seventeen. His relatives did not treat him poorly, but they seemed to not have much expectations of him. He stated “I got no future. I didn’t live in the family where my relatives or my family pushed me toward any direction. So I never really had a vision or a setting for myself. I never paid attention to my school or my education even though I had some recommendations from my teachers.” He also expressed the reason why he did not want to find his real father when he got to America. Participant D stated “I think I had a chance, but I didn’t. I believe that my stepdad told my real dad that I was here, back in 1989. He didn’t make the trip to come and visit me and I didn’t have the choice to come and see him so I just let it go and my real dad passed away after that. Maybe ten years after and we lost all contacts.” Participant D also expressed how he felt about his mom. He said “I didn’t have anything against her. I didn’t hate her. It was just I felt I didn’t have a close bond with my mom and sometimes I really wanted to have that close bond with her. Everything was good, but I didn’t feel there was a bonding. I always wanted to have that experience, but it was not happening.” Thus, being away from his real parents, and living with relatives did not provide participant D with strong the family support and guidance to assist him in reaching his full potential that he would have yearned for. Participant D graduated from Job Corps with a technology degree in auto mechanics. However, he felt that he would have achieved more if he had the strong guidance and motivation from his own family. Participant L also experienced family hardship when her parents split and she lived in Vietnam with her mother before she was sponsored by her father to come to the United States. When she first came to America, she lived with her grandparents on her father’s 72 side of the family and they did not treat her well either. She felt she was being neglected by her relatives and her family when living here in the United States without her mother. Furthermore she did not have a strong bond with her father. She stated “I kind of don’t like him at all. I kind of hate him. He always has other women. But, sometimes I feel he is still my dad.” She also made a statement of how she felt about her father’s family. She said “They didn’t like my mom either because of how my dad twisted the story and blamed on my mom for everything. So his side of the family didn’t like my sister and I when we first came here. They let my sister walked to school in the morning in the cold even though they could drive her.” Participant L felt frustrated about her family situation, but she ended up using her frustration in a more positive way and proved to herself and others that she could do it. She eventually graduated from college despite all the hardships she stumbled upon. For all these four participants, family seemed to play a big role in their adaptation process. Whether they turned out successful or less successful, they seemed to be on their own in making their own decision when living in America because they did not have much guidance and support from their families. It was frustrated for them to deal with other stresses and pressures while at the same time they had to deal with family problems such as separation and neglecting. It was difficult for these young people to adapt to the new society when their families were not there to help them getting through the difficult times. 73 On the other hand, participants B and M were fortunate to have supportive families and that made it easier for them to adapt to the mainstream society. Participant B came to the United States with both parents through his uncle’s sponsorship. Participant B stated “They value family. Things like always be there for your family and help each other out. They just expected us to be a good person, do well in school, don’t do drugs, and don’t do ghetto stuffs like stealing. They would be supportive toward me.” Participant B lived in a typical Asian family with two parents and they were supportive toward him; thus, he did not really encounter any frustrations and stresses when dealing with his own family. They had family dinner and actually sat down and communicate with each other daily. Even though they did not talk much about their personal issues, but he still experienced consistent family communication and support. Participant M also came from a supportive family with both parents. Furthermore, her aunt who sponsored her family was very supportive toward them when they first arrived to America. She stated “When we came here she helped out our whole family. She pretty took care of everything. Not much financially, but mentally and transportation. She would take us to the doctor and grocery and thing like that. Until this day, she still does that to my mom. We had a close bonded family.” She also made a statement about her parents “They kind of quietly asked me how was school and thing like that. They encouraged me to do well in school because they felt that they didn’t want me to have a bad life later on.” Thus, participant B and participant D both had a typical and supportive family who was there for them and support them. Therefore, they did experience much stresses that derived from their families. Both of participants graduated from college and 74 obtained a good life. As a result, positive family conditions definitely helped these Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents to adapt to the new society. Most of these participants’ parents used less of authoritative parenting style when they came to the United States. They did not force their children to do certain things. However, they still had a set of cultural values and expectations for their children. They expected their children to be more culturally conservative and focus on their education. Nonetheless, most of these participants did not seem to have heavy expectations and pressures from their families. When asked about the values and expectations of their parents, participant A stated “I would say education. Education and religion, but they didn’t mention much about religion. It was just life and being successful. However and whatever it takes to become successful. They never really forced me or my brothers and sisters to do anything that we didn’t want to do. That was one good thing about my parents.” Participant B stated “Well, they were not really demanding or anything like that. But, they just protected me from let’s say go out late. But, they were not pushing me to be a doctor or anything like that.” Participant J also stated “My mom always said that whatever makes me happy. She didn’t force me to be somebody I didn’t want to be. She just wanted to make sure I have an education.” Participant M stated “They wanted me to have a happy and a good life. They didn’t expect much, they just wanted me to have a B.A and have a good job.” Participant L stated “My mom wanted me to be a traditional Vietnamese girl. She wanted me to be conservative and stay away from guys and take care of myself. But, she was more open minded than before.” Participant L also faced a little more pressure than other participants because her mom pressured her on some level 75 to go toward the medical field. She was a little overwhelmed, but her mom became more reasonable and understanding when participant L tried to explain to her about the difficulties she faced in America. Participant D lived on his own and attended Job Corps when he came here. He did not have much pressure from his family. He stated “I didn’t live in the family where my relatives or my family pushed me toward any direction.” Thus, for these participants, family expectations and pressure seemed to place less stress on them. Family circumstances tended to play a larger role than family expectations. Peer Factors Peer factor was another common source of stress for this Vietnamese 1.5 generation. These adolescents became withdrawn and isolated from people in school due to the ways they spoke, the way they dressed, and the ways they carried out themselves. They were not accepted by their peers and tended to become isolated. Some of these participants experienced discriminations, segregations, and isolations when dealing with peers at school. Some of the participants were made fun of and some were being ignored and left out. It was hard for them to fit in due to the age that they arrived to the United States. They came at the adolescent age and the need to fit in was important. However, being different was hard for them to get accepted by their peers. The majorities of these participants attended high school in Vietnam and were very socialized in their home country. They had many friends and did not encounter the kinds of problems that they did in the United States. Participant A experienced a great deal of peer pressures when he came to the United States. He did not have much support from his family so he turned more to his peers to 76 escape from his stresses. At school he also felt he was being suppressed by his peers in class and became very frustrated and overwhelmed. For example, he was being made fun of for his accent and the way he dressed and got into fights with kids who were constantly harassing him. He would fight back and eventually got into trouble at school. His loneliness and frustration had led him to join the wrong crowd which got him into more trouble. He stated “I was lonely and bored. But, once I got the chance to go out and explore myself, I was gone. I had a very disappointed feeling. I wanted to find a way out. I wanted to find things to do. I went to find friends and looked for friends and did whatever that I thought was fun and got into so much troubles.” He described that he would go and break into cars to steal stereos in order to get money to spend so he could get accepted by his friends. Most of the friends he hung out with were Vietnamese, Blacks, Laotians, and Hmong. They were kids who had bad influences on him, but those were the only people he could hang out with in order to escape from the stresses he faced at home and at school. Participant J also encountered the similar experiences as participant A. He experienced stresses from being neglected by his family and the difficulties he encountered in school. Therefore, he had done certain things to express his frustrations. Even though he did not hang out with the bad kids like participant A, he still committed things that could had gotten him into trouble. Participant A stated “In high school I was crazy, but wasn’t that crazy. You know like climbed out the window and go fight or something like that.” He would meet kids outside of school and fought with them because they made fun of him. However, he never really got in trouble because he never 77 got caught and did not do anything extreme that got him into deep trouble with the law as participant A. Both of participants A and J had similar response to their frustrations because they both find ways to escape their issues by drifting toward delinquency. Participant B also felt the pressures from peers because they would make fun of him about the way the talked, dressed, or acted. He stated “So I would wear high socks and shorts. They would make fun of me. We would go to the Thrift Store or Ross or something like that and we would buy used socks with logo. They would make fun of me and looked at it and say “oh that is very expensive socks, TAP or something like that.” I was like dam this guy was mocking me.” He also stated “I wished I was strong like them. I was skinny guy. If I was strong I would kick his ass. They were playing basketball too and would elbow me and stuff like that.” Participant B also felt frustrated because he was being bullied by his peers. However, he was able to ignore the situation rather than react in an aggressive way that would have gotten him in trouble. Participant M also felt the pressures from peers. However, she encountered different experience than the boys above. She felt that they were ignoring her and not accepting her. She did not have any concrete evidence that they made fun of her or treated her badly. However, she sensed the isolation through the ways the peers interacted with her around the school. She stated “I didn’t remember much, but I could feel that it was there. They wouldn’t talk to me or something like that. If I bump into them accidently and said excuse me, they wouldn’t care and just walked away and didn’t even say anything. I think it was more how I dressed and how I acted.” Participant M felt isolated and lonely 78 through the way she observed people around her. She said that she had very few friends in high school and most of the time she hung out with her sister. Participant L encountered the same experience as participant M. She felt that she was not being accepted by her peers and became very lonely in high school. She stated “I didn’t have many friends. But I hung out with two Vietnamese girls who came to America around the same time as I did. They kind of understand me because we were in the same boat. We didn’t know how to speak English well either.” She also hated physical education for the fact that kids in the class isolated her and looked down on her. She stated “When I tried to join into their team to play volleyball, that guy he thought that I did not know how to play and he didn’t want me to get into the team. He would isolate me and put me at the corner of the team which I did not do anything. I didn’t do anything I just stood there and looked at them play. He was my classmate P.E class. I felt left out because the ball didn’t even reach me.” She became isolated from her peers because she just came from a different country and could not speak English; thus, her peers had low expectations for her and treated her differently. Participant D did not encounter much negative peer pressures as the participants above because he did not attend high school and went straight to Job Corps instead. However, the friends he hung out with in Job Corps also had some kinds of influences on him. He got into the habit of drinking and partying because teenagers there did those kinds of activities. Nonetheless, they did not really commit anything bad besides doing a lot of partying and drinking. He stated “We went out partied and had fun. They were all good friends. But you know just what teenagers do. We were all hang around drinking 79 beer and going club. Nothing extreme. You know like other Asians, they came here and had no choices or chances. They didn’t have money and didn’t know where to get help and stuff like that. Job Corps would give them a place to stay. You earn fifty dollars for two weeks and you didn’t have to worry about eating and they trained you. We took that and we had fun with it.” Thus, the environment in high school gave these adolescents more stresses with peers. Whereas, those who exposed to trade school and job training environments such as Job Corps encountered less stress. Financial Factors Most of the participants encountered financial struggles when arrived to the United States. Many of them lived in the low income neighborhood. They often did not have the financial support to acquire things that other typical teenagers could afford such as clothes, food, transportation, or just money to go out. Some participants would work or find other ways to make money while attending school at the same time. Thus, financial factor was considered as a stress factor for these participants. Especially, for those participants who had the need to fit in by obtaining money to get certain things they wanted so they could feel accepted. On the other hands, those who felt they already had enough supports and satisfied with their circumstances did not concern much about making money to support themselves. Participant A’s family had to struggle financially and was not able to provide him with the things that a typical teenager would like to have. So in order to get the money and to be accepted by his peers, he ended up getting in a lot of troubles. He stated “My family was not rich and they didn’t support me with any money because they didn’t have 80 any. In order for me to have the money to fit in with the crowd I had to find ways to make money. The group of people I hung out with, they did bad things.” Participant A was under the pressure to get the money to get the things he wanted since his family was not able to support him financially. Participant J also faced with financially problems when living with his aunt. He said that his aunt did not provide him with much financial support because she favored her kids more. He stated “Well, I was not taken care of and my aunt was somewhat not being fair. She was not seeing us as her own children. She had two kids and they both were teenagers at that time too. I had to work to get things for me and my brothers because nothing was given by her.” He described that he worked in many places such as fast foods and retails to earn the money while attending high school. Participant L also encountered financial difficulty when she arrived to the United States. She was well taken care of when she lived in Vietnam with her mother. But, when she came here she had to work in order to earn the money to get the necessities that she wanted while living with her grandparents. She stated “I worked at the Asian supermarket for money because I didn’t get any money from my grandparents.” Thus, the need to work during high school also applied to participant L. Participant M also experienced difficulty with money. She expressed about her situation when she first came to the United States “I didn’t have a job. I didn’t make anything. So basically I just lived off of my parents. Let’s see, my parents. My mom she didn’t do anything. She just went to school. My dad he worked at a hotel. He basically supported my whole family and it was stressful.” She also said “But, anyway at school I 81 think the kids here were immature. I think I dressed kind of funky too. I didn’t have the money to dress like how I dress right now. I just dressed whatever.” She also felt the need to make money and started to find a job to earn money while attending high school. She stated “I actually started working and I was able to support myself.” So for participants A, J, L, and M, working while going to school or finding other means to make money were necessary because their families did not have the financial stability to provide them with what they wanted. Participant D and B were different cases than the participants above. They did encountered some difficulties with financial. However, it did not seem like a stress to them. Participant D came to America almost at the age of eighteen and decided to join the Job Corps instead of attending high school. He did not have the pressure to get the money to be accepted or getting things he wanted. He basically just wanted to get out of Job Corps and get a career. Thus, this educational institution was able to provide him with what he wanted despite the fact that he lived on his own and was independent when he came to the United States. He stated “Well, at that time I came here and was all brand new. I didn’t know much about anything. They only things I knew were somebody gave me a place to stay and trained me to become the person I wanted to be.” He did not express about the frustrations with financial problems because he was satisfied with what Job Corps provided him. They gave him and education, food, and a place to live. He earned fifty dollars for two weeks when working in the program at Job Corps and did not have to worry about anything else. 82 Participant B also did not seem to struggle much financially. He had to shop at Ross and the thrift store for clothes when he first arrived to the United States, but he did not feel the need to dress certain ways to fit in. So he did not need the money to purchase things that other teenagers would want. He stated “I was comfortable with the way I dressed. I didn’t feel the need that I had to wear baggy clothes that fit to the typical style at that time.” Participant B also received financial support from the family and did not feel the need to work in high school. He stated “They would be supportive toward me. If I wanted to by stuffs, they would save it up and get me it. Let’s say I needed a car, they would save it up and got me a car. If I didn’t have a car, they would drop me off to meet up with my friends. Sometimes they gave me money to take bus to go hang out.” Participant D and B were both satisfied with the support they obtained either from family or from other sources. They were satisfied with what they had and did not feel the need to get more money so they could purchase material things or just simply did not experience the struggles to acquire money so they could be accepted by their peers. Thus, they encountered less stresses when came to financial factors. Migration Circumstances Prior traumas and stresses encountered by these participants before they entered the United also could play a role in influencing their adaptation. However, those who came in as sponsorship and already had relatives to help them in the United States tended to encounter less problem than those who came in as refugees of War such as the boat people or people that migrated to America through the Humanitarian Operation which was the program that allowed families with members that were imprisoned in the 83 Communist reeducation camp to migrate to the United States. Participant B, M, and L came to America through sponsorship. Participant D also came in through two programs, sponsorship and Amerasian. Participant J escaped Vietnam by boat and was considered as a refugee. Participant A came to America under the Human Operation program. The migration stresses, and traumas they encountered prior to entering the United States could be the factors that influenced their level of adaptation when arriving to this country. Participant B, M, came to America through sponsorship program to reunite with their families. This program was known as the Orderly Departure Program (O.D.P). The process took about ten years. These two participants were sponsored by relatives; thus, they did not encounter any immediate family separation. They lived with both parents and all their siblings in Vietnam so they did not encounter any immediate family separation such as living away from their father or mother. Both participants seemed to be middle working class in Vietnam and did not come across much financial difficulty. They were not acquiring much hardship prior to their migrations to America. Participant B stated “We didn’t really have any stresses when leaving Vietnam. I was very happy. I was excited when I came here. Just something new and something totally different. I wasn’t escape Vietnam. But I really did want to come here because this is America.” Participant M stated “We were middle class. My parents had to quit their jobs in order to submit the paper work to come to America. My dad would be a driver for a living and my mom just stayed home because she couldn’t find a job. My aunt and uncle saved up money and sent us every month so that was how they helped us out.” Thus, both 84 participants M and B seemed to not struggle financially in Vietnam. Furthermore, they had relatives in the United States to support them and sponsored to America. Participant D and L also came to America through the sponsorship program or the Orderly Departure Program. The process also took ten years. However both were separated from one or both parents before arriving to the United States. Participant D was sponsored by his mom who he had not seen since he was one year old because she came to America with his stepfather in 1974. His real father was an African American man who left him when he was an infant so he never got a chance to meet his father. He lived his whole life with his relatives in Vietnam until he reached the age of seventeen. The extended family he lived with was a working class family. They made enough to get by so participant D did not express any financial struggles that may cause stresses for him in Vietnam. The main problem for him was the separation from his immediate family. Thus, the disconnection and the separation from his immediate parents gave him a sense of disconnection from his own parents. He felt less close to his mother and really longed for that close bond with her. Participant D stated “I didn’t have anything against her. I didn’t hate her. It was just I felt I didn’t have a close bond with my mom sometimes. I really wanted to have that close bond with her. Everything was good, but I didn’t feel that there was a bonding.” He would not want to find out about his real father because he never met him in the first place and he felt that his father did not want to come and see him. He stated “When I got here and I heard that my real dad didn’t want to come and see me for whatever reason I don’t know. I didn’t like that very much about it so if he didn’t want to come and see me that was fine. I didn’t want to see him either. Plus, I didn’t have a 85 chance to see him. So that was fine and I let it go.” He felt he would like to have the guidance and support from his own family to reach his full potential, but he did not get that opportunity. He stated “Anything you do you need guidance from whomever you live with. That way they best prepare you. You are just like a tool and whoever wants to use you for certain things, they have to be the one that push you.” Also, as an Amerasian he also faced with discriminations when living in Vietnam and in America. However, he was hesitant to consider it as an important issue to him. Participant D stated “In my whole life there is no discrimination that I feel in any circumstance. It’s just that some people they could make joke out of it, but I didn’t feel anything about it. I just moved on with my life. I’m a joker myself so I can adapt to it and go along with it and joke back.” He did not want to share much, but in the manner he expressed himself, he revealed that people looked at him differently and treated him differently because of his physical appearance. They also made joke out of it. However, he would say that did not bother him much. Participant L also was away from her father and lived with her mother in Vietnam throughout her childhood. When she came to America, she did not have much connection with her father and also disliked him for leaving her family. She also did not have a strong connection with her grandparents on her father’s side of the family because they have migrated to United States a long time ago. She did not really get the chance to know them, and they did not get the opportunity to get to know her as well. Thus, family separation through immigration really led to the feeling of isolation among family members. 86 Participant J and A somehow share similar circumstances even though they came through two different migrating operations. Participant J came to America by boat with his father and his siblings. He did not express any stresses he experienced during their journey of migration. They ended up on a Philippines island and were picked up by the American ship shortly after that. Fortunately, they did not have to face all the traumas and stresses as many other boat people did. However, his father was imprisoned in the Communist reeducation camp after the Vietnam War because he was the military officer for South Vietnam. When his father was released from the camp, his character changed and this led to family conflicts. His father left his mother and remarried to another woman. He became detached from his family and was less responsible toward his children than before he was imprisoned. Participant J believed that the Communist reeducation camp had a negative impact on his father and that led to family conflicts. He stated “We were very close to my dad. Things changed I guess after he had been in prison. Before the prison camp, he was a good dad. He always cared and make sure the kids were all taken care of. Before that he stayed in the U.S for six months and would go back to Vietnam for six months so he brought a lot of stuffs back for us. But, after he went to prisons things changed. He changed too.” His mother had to raise nine kids so participant J had to volunteer to leave his family to live with the grandparents. Fortunately, the grandparents were well off so participant J did not have to encounter any financial struggles while he was in Vietnam. He arrived to America with his father and siblings and left his mother behind. However, she (the mother) came to American through the Orderly Departure Program ten years later to reunite with the family. 87 Participant J was sent to live with relatives and did not live with his father when he came to the United States. He did not experience a close relationship with his father. Thus, he expressed that he was on his own most of his life without much parenting guidance. Participant J stated “I have always been making my own decisions. I guess I grew up without adult guidance. I just got used to making my own decisions.” When asked about the bond with his mother, he said that he had a good relationship with her and could talk to her about anything. Nonetheless, Participant J did encounter some struggles and became lost at a certain point in his life. But he was able to learn from his mistakes and overcame his hardships. Participant A came to the United State through the Humanitarian Operation because his father was the prisoner of war and was imprisoned in the communist camp for eight years. When his father was away, his mother was managed to raise the children by herself under extreme financial hardship. When his father was released, he became a different person. Also, the family economic situation was at its worst at that time. The family was just tried to make it day by day and just earned enough to put food on the table. His father did not treat the family well. He became depressed and took his frustrations out on his own family. He would beat up participant A and used discipline punishments toward his children. Participant A stated “I was terrified by my father. I didn’t something wrong, but I got beat up by him and stuff like that. Actually, he scared me away that was why I ran away. I didn’t want to get beat up again. I was basically was scared of my own dad that was why I ran away.” He also stated “It would be different. I don’t know how much of a difference it would be. But I am sure it would be different because if my father did not go 88 to prison for whatever that he had done during the war, he wouldn’t be the way he was and things could’ve been different. I could have been more successful with my life.” Participant A ended up ran away at the age of ten and lived on his own until his family was approved to come to the United States. He grew apart from his father and they both could not seem to deal with each other. When they came to the United States his father did not change the way he dealt with participant A. Thus, their bond grew further apart. Eventually Participant A showed his rebellion and his anger toward his father and family by getting into trouble, and ran away, and did things that his family would disapprove. As a result, in both of the cases of participants J and A, the negative impacts that their fathers acquired from the Communist reeducation camp really changed the way they treated their children and turned the father and son relationship toward a negative path. This usually occurred when a father became a bad role model and lost the respect from their own children. The traumas and stresses that the war brought upon these two families were tremendous; especially, after the father was imprisoned and became indifferent to the family and changed themselves negatively. Academic Factors Academic factors seemed to contribute much stresses to some of these participants. Learning English and catching up with their academic was a difficult factor for them. Some participants felt more frustrated than other depended on the circumstances that they faced. Most of the academic stresses came from language problems and how the system set up to teach them. Some participants felt they were not being challenged and the system treated them as though they were less intelligent. Some felt they had to work extra 89 hard to catch up and to learn the academic language in school, English. But overall most of these participants overcame the hardships and excelled in school and in life. However, they took more interest in other subjects which did not require much English such as Science, Math, and Computer. Participant B felt that the system had lower expectations for him because they placed him in the English as a Second Language (ESL) classes even though he was capable of being in the regular English classes and could learn more there. He stated “I had problems with a few teachers because they wanted to push me back to ESL classes. At that time I was ok to take Regular English. But, then they would keep pushing me back. They were like I should not take English this and that.” He said that when he was in Fresno, the school placed him in regular English class and he was motivated to learn. When he came to Sacramento, they had a large ESL program at the current high school that he attended, so he was forced to be in there for a while. He had to complain to different counselors before they took him out of those ESL classes. He thought the ESL test was biased because it did not measure up to his academic ability. They included words that he never learned before in the ESL program. He also complained that the ESL environment did not provide enough opportunity for the students to practice their verbal skill in English. It was more emphasized on completing easy worksheets and not promoting for challenging work. Also it did not provide these students the opportunities that allowed them to communicate to each other in English inside the classroom. He felt that he would be better off in a regular English class and was capable of taking it. He said that he already learned some basic English in Vietnam, and was taught the same things in 90 those ESL classes. He thought the program was not very beneficial toward helping him to acquire English. Participant B stated “Well, there were a lot of hard terms that they didn’t teach me and expected me to know and tested me on them. There were a lot of students that would move on to different classes, but I think their level was the same as me. See and I went to two different high schools. The first high school I went to was in Bakersfield and the majorities were Caucasians and they put me right away in regular English. I didn’t think at that time they even had ESL classes. I liked it more because I mean I got to read book such as the Old Man and the Sea. The course was more advanced so I liked it a lot. After that I moved to Sacramento and I went to JFK which had a big ESL Department. The majority was not the Americans. The majority of the students were Hmong, Vietnamese, and others. They wouldn’t let me take regular English.” He also said “They didn’t even let us practice English either. They didn’t even have a pronunciation class. We did worksheets and they were boring like heck. See the only time when I got to practice my English was in my regular classes, not my ESL class. So it completely defeated the purpose.” Despite his frustrations with his academic circumstances, participant B took interest in other subjects which included less English skill such as Math, Science, and Computer. Participant B went to college and graduated with a degree in computer engineering. Thus, his negative experiences with English had led him to take more interest in other subjects such as Computer and he eventually pursued his career which related to more Math and Science than English. Participant L also experienced the same thing. She said that those English as a Second Language classes were very easy. She felt like a Kindergarten in there. In 91 Vietnam she also already acquired some basic English such as basic grammar and vocabulary and felt that these ESL classes was very easy for her. She stated “I didn’t learn anything. It felt like a kindergarten class. I felt like a kid. The teacher showed us different objects like the apple and things in the classroom and taught us the names of those objects. Yes, those were very basic stuffs and I learned them in Vietnam.” Participant L also took more interest in classes such as Math and Science and thought she did well in those classes. She stated “I liked Math and Science most because I was good at them.” Participant L ended up studying science in college and graduated with degree in Biology. This was the same case as participant B because participant L encountered difficulty with English so she pursued her academic in the science path. Participant M did not express any frustration for being in the ESL class because she was only at that school for one year before she transferred to a community college. However, she also expressed her difficulty in understanding the subjects in school due to the language barriers. She thought her English was fine because she already learned some English in Vietnam and already graduated from the high school in Vietnam. However, when she came here things were different than what she expected. She had a hard time comprehending subjects in school due to her language barriers. Participant M stated “I felt like I had to start over just like other adults when they came over here. I thought my English was ok. But, I had a headache on my first day of school in my math class.” Also, participant M also found more motivation to study the subjects that required less English such as Chemistry and Math. She ended up pursued her study in Biology and is currently studying to become a Pharmacist. 92 Participant J did not express much about his academic struggles. He said he did learned things in the ESL program and was forced to pick up the new language because the majority of the students there were non-Vietnamese. He stated “I learned pretty quickly, I was the only Vietnamese there so I was forced to learn the language so I could communicate with people. So that was somewhat the advantage for me being the only Vietnamese.” He just said that he was an average student in high school. Participant J stated “I was just average. I was able to get directly to a university without going through a community college.” He also took more interest in the computer class because he could communicate in that class due to the fact that it required less English. He stated “Well, I had a lot of interest in computer. I started out as a hobby and ended up being a profession. I like computer and hated everything else, like history and I didn’t understand history and didn’t know why I had to learn it.” Participant J graduated with a computer engineering degree and is currently working in a computer software company. Participant D was the only person who did not attend high school and went straight to Job Corps. However, he also expressed his difficulty with his academic due to language barriers. He had to study extra hard to learn English prior to his enrollment at Job Corps. However, he said he was determined and was working really hard to learn English. He stated “When I came here and had to learn English. In Vietnam my family offered to get a teacher for me to come to the house and teach me English, but I didn’t feel it was necessary. So when I got here I had to push myself to learn English. I had to keep studying, and studying. Woke up and study until I went to bed.” Participant D also 93 chose to study in the field that was more hands on and required less English skill which was auto mechanic. In conclusion, English proficiency somewhat was the problem for these participants. They all felt some kind of language barriers and that led to academic difficulties. However, some of these students already acquired some Basic English in Vietnam and believed that the system lower their academic expectations and placed them in really easy English classes simply because they were newly arrivals. Some of them were frustrated with the ESL program; especially, participant B. Many of these students tended to do well and tried hard in school despite all the difficulties they faced. However, most of them took more interest in the subjects such as Computer, Math, and Science because they required less English. Leaving behind the Life in Vietnam For some of these participants, leaving behind the life in Vietnam was somewhat a frustration for them. They already got used to the environment back there. They made friends and became familiar with the lifestyle there. Some of them had the connections with the environment, the people, and the lifestyle there. Some of them also had boyfriends, girlfriends, or good friends that they did not want to lose. Some of them had to leave behind relatives such as grandparents and cousins. When they came here, they recognized that they had to give up all those in Vietnam. Especially, for this group of adolescents because they already lived in Vietnam for such a long time and were forced to give up what were important to them to come to a totally strange land where they did not feel accepted. Some participants would quickly adapt to the mainstream and leave 94 things behind easier than others. Some participants would try to relive the memory by longing to go back to Vietnam when they first arrived to America. So it would take a great deal of stress to learn to leave things behind and move on with their lives in a new environment where they often experience racism, and discrimination. Participant B felt he was a much socialized person in Vietnam. He was very talkative and was popular at school. But he became more isolated here and could not make many friends as when he was in Vietnam. He stated “I did miss my friends. It was frustrating because I didn’t make as much friends as I used to have. I was very socialized and popular in school. I was very socialized in Vietnam. When I came over here, I could not talk and could not communicate. In Vietnam my parents still controlled me in the house, but I still had a lot of friends. I loved to talk, and if I could not talk I could not make friends. That was sad.” He also had to leave behind his relatives and a grandmother in Vietnam. Participant L also was a much socialized person in high school when she was in Vietnam. She had a lot of friends and was very talkative. She described that she would go from one classroom to the next to talk to people throughout her high school years. She stated “I love high school in Vietnam. Basically I think in Vietnam the professors really loved me. All my friends they really liked to hang out with me. I had a lot of friends. I also got a lot of people to tutor me because my mom would hire them to tutor me, so I did really well at school.” She became very withdrawn when she came here. She felt the way she talked, dressed, and acted did not fit in with the peers here. She grew into a quieter person and remained that way until the current day. She also had to leave her mother 95 behind because her father sponsored her over here. Her mother could not come because her parents already divorced. She had to face with a great deal of stress of leaving her mother behind and leaving her friends and the comfortable environment to resettle in America. Participant M experienced the most stress of leaving behind things in Vietnam because she already had a boyfriend. She made a lot of friends back there and was quite popular. She was a very socialized kind of person and was a popular girl at school. However, she had to leave all those behind to come to a new country. She was hesitant to leave Vietnam and it took her parents awhile to convince her to go. She stated “Yes, I said I didn’t want to come here because I was dating. But, actually it started out in middle school. I said I didn’t want to go because my life was there and I didn’t want to leave.” She missed her boyfriend very much when she came here. She did not have much money at that time so she would write him mails and go online and chat with him because communicating through phone was very expensive at that time. They eventually broke up because they knew that it would not work out. She could not sponsor him over anyway due to her situation at that time. She had to learn how to deal with that difficulty and moved on with her life along with all the stresses that she faced in America. Participant D did not express much about his social life in Vietnam. However, he seemed to have a strong connection with the nature and the countryside back there. He felt close to that kind of environment and the people there. He thought the countryside was the best place he ever lived in and it helped to build his strength and character. He also had to leave that behind when he came to the United States. Participant D stated 96 “Everything was so beautiful there. I think I learned the best from them. They were nice and hardworking people. I didn’t have any problem growing up with them and learned from them.” Participant D also described that he was a socialized person in Vietnam. However, he did not have to leave anybody close in Vietnam because all his family was sponsored to the United States by his mother. He did not address of leaving any close friends or anything important behind. The countryside was his main emphasis. Participant J did not discuss much about his relationship with the environment in Vietnam. However, he expressed that he was more socialized and had many friends in Vietnam. Participant J stated “I was a socialized person. I had many friends in Vietnam. When I came over here it was hard for me to make friends. It was just hard because of language barrier that you couldn’t get through.” He also had to leave behind his mother back in Vietnam when he escaped by boat with his father and his siblings to America. Participant A was a much socialized person in Vietnam. He ran away from home throughout his life and learned to survive, meet people, and make money on his own. So coming here was something very restrained for him because he did not feel he could roam freely on the street and make money on his own like he used to do in Vietnam. He stated “I was young, but I already knew how to use money when I was little in Vietnam. I didn’t have any money because I couldn’t make any money which I used to make money on my own.” When the researcher asked about what type of person he was in Vietnam. He also stated “I was always been socialized.” However when he got here he felt isolated and alone because other kids would make fun of him which made him felt that he was being trapped in this society. 97 All these participants had something that they left in Vietnam. Some had to sacrifice more than others. Most of them were much more socialized and had many friends when they were in Vietnam. They had to learn to adjust to the new environment and worked extra hard to overcome the challenges they encountered in America. It took time for them to learn to deal with their frustrations and moved on with their lives in the new country. Neighborhood Environment Neighborhood environment somewhat influenced these participants. Most of the participants resided in poor neighborhood areas because they were not economically well off when they first came to the United States. For some participants the neighborhood seemed to influence them while for others it did not seem to have much impact. Even those who lived in the middle class neighborhood experience some kind of stresses that had to do with racism and discrimination. Participant A resided in a neighborhood where he considered it as ghetto. He did not witness any specific violence in the neighborhood because he was always away from home and would go to the nearby neighborhood to meet up with his friends. Those areas that he went to had the same kind of environment as the neighborhood his family resided in. He would meet friends that had bad influences on him and got him into so much trouble. When he was asked what kind of neighborhood he lived in he stated “Ghetto. The neighborhood was not great. But, again I was never home. So I don’t want to say something that was not true so it was my thought that the neighborhood was not that great. I really had not witness anything that was that bad or bad enough that cause me to say something about it. I got involved into some problems at the different neighborhood 98 and different area. My own family’s neighborhood is ghetto, but I didn’t witness anything that was bad. But, the neighborhoods that I got into problems with were not that far away either.” So for participant A, living in the low income area and associated with people around that environment had big influence on him. Even though he associated with people in the nearby neighborhoods, they were still in similar environment and the people he associated with in those low income neighborhoods really led to the choices that he made in the past. Participant D also lived in a low-income neighborhood. Most people there were working class. He would go to coffee shop and witnessed shooting and things like that, but it did not seem to influence him much. The peers he hung out with were mostly people at Job Corps. Thus, he did not do anything crazy beside drinking and partying. Participant D stated “I lived here all my life in Sacramento. I witnessed some shooting in the café and coffee shop. I lived in the environment like that so I got used to it. I just thought it was just another day. I lived near Job Corp on Middle View in south Sacramento. It was always around that area. I worked around Stockton Boulevard.” For participant D, his neighborhood did not seem to influence him much because he did not really associate with the peers in his neighborhood even though it was also considered as another disadvantaged neighborhood. Furthermore, he came here during his late teen and was enrolled in Job Corps; thus, he was more focused on getting a job and started working. He did not have much negative influences from the type of peers which Participant A encountered. 99 Participant J also lived in a poor income neighborhood. He stated “It was a lot of poverty. This was when I stayed with my uncle. We lived in a place where there were a lot of Mexicans. There were white people too. But you know, on the other side of the fence was all white people and one side of the fence was all Mexicans. The school was in the middle so it as a mixture of everything. There were couples of Vietnamese, but they didn’t speak Vietnamese.” He found more connection with the poor side and hung out with mostly Mexicans and had to learn some Spanish to communicate with them. Participant A would get into minor fights because he was made fun of at school. However, he did not engage into much trouble by hanging with the wrong crowd and got himself into any problem with the laws as participant A. He said that he hung out with mostly people at the Vietnamese Catholic Church because his friends were mostly Catholics. Therefore, participant D also did not expose much to the negative influences from the neighborhood or the local environment. Participant B lived in a low income neighborhood as well. He was in the government housing complex in a low income area. He did not witness anything much besides people partying a lot and sometimes cars got broke into. He was mostly in the house and did not go out to the community and was not hanging out with much of the peers in the neighborhood. Therefore, he did not really witness any negative events in that neighborhood. Participant B stated “We found mostly African Americans, and Mexicans. My apartment complex was a very small unit like a town house. I witness some domestic violence, but not shooting or anything like that. People next door partied and I hated it, but that was all. No major issues. The cops came once in awhile, but only 100 because people partied too much and they were loud.” Participant B did not go outside into the neighborhood much and did not associate with the people in local environment; thus, he was not aware of what was really going on in his community and was not impacted by the people who lived in that community. Participant L also lived in a poor neighborhood. She did not really expose to much of the events that were going on in her neighborhood because she was occupied with work and school. She would go straight home after school and work and did not go outside much. Participant L stated “I didn’t live in a good community. I remembered my grandparent’s house was on Power Inn and Gerber Road. I didn’t go outside much besides just went to school, went to work, and went home. So I didn’t know much about what was going on outside of my community.” Thus, participant L also lived in a disadvantaged neighborhood; however, she did not get affected by it because she did not go outside and did not associate with the local community environment. Participant M on the other hand lived in a middle income neighborhood. However, she experienced racism because she was the few color people who lived in that neighborhood. She felt she did not fit into that neighborhood because people would isolate her and treated her as an outcast. She did not experience any crimes or violence that may happen in a poor neighborhood, but she experienced discriminations because she was a minority there. She described her experience in her neighborhood “I think it was medium because all my neighbors were Caucasians. I remember this one very stupid and discriminating incidence. When I used to live in our old house, we were the only Asian who lived in that community. I didn’t even see any black people lived there so it 101 was mostly whites. This one year they had a barbecue by the park and invited everyone out. My cousin and I we went out too, but when I walked in I felt so strange because I didn’t know these people. They kind of ignored me and didn’t know who I am and probably the way I dressed not properly I guess. I didn’t know what I wore, but probably wasn’t nice. I saw this white guy and thought he was talking to me so I was looking around and said hi and I gave him something. But he just walked through me and just talked with someone else. He was around thirty something or forty years old. I was like, I hated it. I didn’t know who he was. The non verbal action made me felt uncomfortable.” Thus, participant M lived in a more advantaged neighborhood; however, she felt the isolation and discrimination within her neighborhood because she was the minority there. In conclusion, participants who lived in the neighborhood and had the interaction with their neighborhood tend to be impacted by it more than those who just stayed in the home or had less associations that local environment. For examples, participant A got influenced by the peers he hung out with in the low income neighborhood. Also, participant M who lived in a middle class neighborhood and experienced racism because she was trying to go out and associated with people in her neighborhood. This interaction had led her to acquire a sense of rejection and discrimination. Participant J who lived in the diverse neighborhood also associated with the minority there such as the Mexicans so he was influenced by this group of people and had to figure out ways to fit in. Participants B, L, and D also lived in low income neighborhood; however, they did not have much impact from it because they did not associate much with the people there and did not go out to the environment as much as other participants. So how much influence a 102 neighborhood had on the participants has to do with the level of contact they had with that environment. Motivation Factors Despite all these stress factors that influenced these participants’ adaptation process, these participants also addressed of some positives factors that helped to motivate them overcame the hardships. Some participants talked about the classes that motivated them to stay in school while other discussed about the influences of their families, teachers, peers, ethnic identity, and their own strengths. Some participants discussed about the relationship that they had with their ethnic community. While others emphasized more on personal relationships with certain individuals. Also, some participants discussed about their ethnic identity prior to their arrival to America and how the cultural environment in Vietnam gave them the survival skills and motivated them to get through their difficulties. There were also participants who discussed about their anger and the drive from within to prove to the world of their capability. Participant A did not get much motivation from any sources until he had his girlfriend and his kid. He also felt that he learned from his mistakes and did not want to repeat the same path again. Those were the main reasons why he got himself out of trouble and got his life together. If it were not for his family and his own realization, he would have ended up dead or in jail because of all the troubles that he got himself into. He said that once he had something that he cared for and once he had something that cared for him, his life just changed. He stated “Once you have your own family and the people that care for you and you have the people that you care for it just kind of hit you 103 and it would just change me. But, it took a while. Another thing is me from the beginning and I look back at my past and I don’t want it to happen to me again, so that is why I am who I am today.” Therefore, participant A’s motivations came from learning from his own mistakes and from his new family that he formed. There was no need for him to get the love and support elsewhere, such as from the friends who he used to hang out with before. Participant B felt that the discipline study skill he acquired in Vietnam really motivated him to overcome hardships. He stated “I think I got used to the way I studied in Vietnam and it helped me a lot such as disciplines and study hard.” He also talked briefly about his family support and the drive which came from his determination to prove to people that he could do it. For example, he would try to get out of the ESL class because he wanted to prove to himself and others that he could match up to higher expectations. Thus, found different ways to have the school placed him in regular English class. Furthermore, he liked computer and he loved read computer books back when he was in high school. This interest also motivated him to work hard and excel in school and in life. Participant J was motivated to become successful on his own without much parental guidance. He stated “Well, being on your own would make you very strong. A lot of trials and errors and eventually you make mistakes. As you grew older and interacted with people and you learned to stay away from the bad and go with the good.” He made mistakes and learned from them. He particularly stated that he was very motivated to go to computer class in high school and that was what motivated him to stay in school. He 104 could understand the subject and found it to be interesting. Participant J stated “I was always in the computer lab. I knew if I go home I would see my aunt and didn’t like it. I spent a lot of time at school and the only place we could speak the same language is the computer lab because computer language is universal. I loved computer. At that time there was nothing but only Apple computers. There was this guy and he was from Apple Company. He would come down and teach us how to write codes and stuffs.” He also found the support from the ethnic group. He was not catholic, but on the weekend his Catholic friends would take him to church. He stated “People there were friendly. They tried to guide you there because I know there were a bunch of kids there with no parents and I was happened to be one of them so they knew that. They saw me as their own children. Every night I would go and had dinner at their place. It was kind of an extended family.” Participant J found a sense of belonging at the church and felt he got some support at this ethnic and religious community. Participant L found the motivation from several sources of support. She stated “I guess my mom. Also, when I met my first boyfriend he encouraged me to speak English and try hard. I think he motivated me to speak English. Also, I think sometimes I felt angry at people and wanted to prove to them that I could be better than what they thought of me.” First and foremost she emphasized on her mother in Vietnam because she gained most of the emotional support through her encouragements and expectations. She expressed “I think I do better with my mom’s expectations. In Vietnam, when I had bad grade, she would hire tutor to help me. So I had to do well in school when I was in Vietnam. When I came here, nobody watched me. So I just tried, but if she would be with 105 me and she would push me harder I think I am the type of person that would do better if someone pushes me.” Her first boyfriend whom she met in school also played a part in it because he encouraged her to speak English when she was afraid to talk due to her language barriers. She also found the motivation through her anger and the urge to prove to the world that she could do it. Furthermore, she was motivated by some of her teachers and their positive encouragements and kind treatments. She stated “I think all the professors were really nice to me. I remembered one teacher was really nice to me. I was his favorite student. He favored me the most. Even though I did not know how to speak much English, be he kept calling me to come to help him with his stuffs. He even treated me out with ice cream.” Participant L received different supports and they made up for the lack of support that she received from her father and her family in the United States. Participant M found the motivations through several sources. She did not want to be looked down upon; thus, she pushed herself to work hard to change people perspective about her. She also looked forward to have a good life and motivated to acquire that through working hard in school. Participant M stated “I didn’t like the feeling of being looked down upon. I just didn’t want to be discriminated. My anger pushed me. I also wanted a good life too. I didn’t want to struggle later when I get older.” Also, she thought about her parents and all the hardship they had been through for her. She stated “My parents too. I think about all the hardships they have been through to get me here.” Furthermore, some of her teachers also made positive encouragements and helped her to get through those difficult times. She stated “I told my English teacher that I wanted to be a pharmacist and he was pretty supportive too you know. I knew I wanted to do it, but 106 I didn’t know if I have the ability to do it. My teacher he was always supportive because other teachers would not. They may talk me down or anything but his guy was supportive.” She also found the motivation to excel in math and science because she was good in them. Participant D found the motivation through his own strength and characteristic because he was on his own most of his life. He stated “I am easy going and high selfesteem. Sometimes I was born with the gift that I understand nature so I can adapt and absorb and live with it. I can adapt to different environment.” He also stated “I am the kind of person that if I wanted to do something, I would get it done.” He also used the cultural values he acquired in Vietnam to help him get through hardships. He stated “I think my best time was when I lived in the village. Everything was so beautiful there. People were so nice. I think I learned the best from them. They were nice and hardworking people. I didn’t have any problem growing up with them and learned from them.” Participant D lived in the countryside of Vietnam before and that place taught him a lot. He learned to be calm and dealt with situation in a more positive manner. That was one of the main motivation factors that he emphasized in the interview. In conclusion, all these participants had some kind of internal or external factors to help them to overcome hardships. These factors could include family, peers, ethnic identity, teachers, certain subjects, ethnic community, and their own drive for success. Perspectives on Ethnic Identity All these participants arrived to America and at some point they felt the need to fit in and be accepted by the mainstream society. However, they still hung on to their 107 Vietnamese identity. Some participants were lost and confused at some point when they were younger and wanted to assimilate so they could be accepted. Some participants were able to hold on to their identity despite all the stresses and pressures they had to face. Nonetheless, they all expressed that it is important to be Vietnamese and to be attached with their own ethnic culture. They all thought that is important to maintain their language and culture, yet think that bicultural and bilingual are importance for survival purpose because they live in America. However, they all would want to keep the Vietnamese language and culture and want to pass those down to their children. Participant A felt that he had a sense of confusion when he first came to America. He stated “I didn’t really know what I wanted to be, either more Vietnamese or Americanized or fit in or whatever. It was just a strange feeling and I cannot describe it. I was lost. I knew who I am, but didn’t know what to do. Like how to get there as quick as possible. But it was impossible to get into the group just like that.” Participant A knew who he was deep down inside; yet, he still wanted to be accepted so he was confused and did not know what to do. However, he considered himself as more accommodating than assimilating to the new society. But, he still preferred to be Vietnamese, yet still have a sense of balance to adjust to the new society. Participant A stated “Of course my own culture, Vietnamese. But, then again you have to balance yourself out because you live in America. You have to accept their culture and not forgetting your own culture and not forgetting where you came from and who you really are. Even though you are trying to be more Americanized or what not, you just have to have to balance yourself out. That is my own thought and that’s how my children will grow up to be. Don’t be too 108 Americanized because you have another culture that runs inside you.” Participant A utilized the approach of accommodation without assimilation. Participant B faced with less pressure to accommodate than Participant A. He wanted to acquire the American accent so he could communicate with people. However, he was fine with his identity as a Vietnamese when he was an adolescent. He stated “Sometimes I talked to a person, they would have a problem understanding what I was trying to say so that made me frustrated. It’s ok for me to have the American accent, but it’s not ok for me to lose the Vietnamese language because a lot of people who are Vietnamese and not speak Vietnamese at all.” Furthermore, participant B did not feel the need to fit in with the crowd by dressing certain ways because most of the friends he hung out with were students from the ESL program. They were just in the same situation as he was so he did not feel as much pressure. He stated “I had a group of ESL friends and they were in the same situation as I was and they didn’t know a lot of the language so I didn’t feel isolated in that way. Not like by myself. I never felt that I dressed differently from them, but I didn’t feel the need to dress like them because I was comfortable with the way I dressed. I didn’t feel the need to wear baggy clothes that fit the typical style at that time.” Thus, participant B was comfortable with the way he dressed and the friends he hung out with and faced less pressure to assimilate into the mainstream society. However, he said that it is positive to be bilingual and bicultural because it gives people different perspectives. Nonetheless, he would not think as himself as wanting to assimilate when he first came to the United States. He was firm about his ethnic identity. The only thing he wished he could achieve was to pick up the American 109 accent when speaking English so he could communicate more effectively in this society. Other than that he was fine with his identity as a Vietnamese. Participant L also did not face much pressure to change her ethnic identity so she could fit in. She did want to dress like her peers so she could become more fashionable, but not to fit in. She stated “Well, I didn’t feel I had to fit in. But, I think their clothes looked nice and I would like to have something like those. I wanted to dress like them, but no so I could fit in or anything like that.” Participant L felt that it was important to be bilingual and bicultural because that would help her to find jobs. However she did not feel the need to assimilate to become Americanized. Furthermore, her mother always reminded her to be a conservative Vietnamese woman. She stated “She wanted me to be very traditional Vietnamese girl. She wanted me to be conservative and stay away from guys and take care of myself.” Therefore, participant L already acquired the cultural values from her mother and knew what her mother expected of her. Furthermore, she did not hang out with the crowd that required her to change herself to get accepted. She mostly hung out with a few friends from her ESL classes and did not have much pressure from other mainstream peers in her school. Participant D came to America during his late teen. Furthermore, he did not attend high school in the United States. He chose to go straight to Job Corps to study auto mechanics. Thus, the friends he hung out with at Job Corps did not give him the pressure to assimilate like the high school students. Furthermore, he was easily accepted by the mainstream society because his physical appearance as an Amerasian. He stated “I was always Vietnamese, but people saw me as on the other side. Some people thought that I’m 110 Spanish or Jamaican. I was more adapted that way by the look.” Participant D also expressed that it was important for him to be bilingual and bicultural; however, one should keep their own culture. He stated “It is kind of interesting to know more cultures and languages. However, I think it is more important if they can hold on to their culture.” Participant D was strongly identified himself as a Vietnamese and believed that the cultural values he learned while growing up in the countryside were most important and precious to him. He would forever treasure the experiences and values he acquired in Vietnam. Participant M somewhat felt the pressures to become Americanized. She stated “I did want to become Americanized because I felt discriminated. When I was younger I also didn’t want to be Vietnamese. It was not that I didn’t want to be Vietnamese, but people who I hung out with were always drinking and things like that and I didn’t want to be like that. So I tried to be more Americanized and wanted to be more accepted.” The experiences participant M encountered was somewhat different than other participants. She hung out with the Vietnamese friends who gave her the bad impression about her own ethnic identity. Furthermore, she wanted to become assimilated so she could be accepted by her peers at school. She hung out with mostly Vietnamese friends when she transferred to community college. However, she said “I kind of hung out more with Canadian, Mexican, and Caucasian people. I had a good time with them, but it was still not the same. Deep down I think my non-Vietnamese friends treated me nice and everything, but some people in that group treated me as just a friend, not a close friend. I learned a lot from them actually. But, sometimes I just felt like when you are too nice to 111 people they would take advantage of you.” Participant M did not want to explain any further and she just left the statement as it is. However through her expression, she revealed that she was not comfortable with her non-Vietnamese friends either. As she got older, she felt that she grew closer to her Vietnamese identity. She stated “No matter what happen, I appreciate that I grew up in Vietnam. I realize the good values that I have in me until this day. If I was born here, I think I would be much Americanized and hung out with mostly white people. I value that and would not change it. Back then I would always want to be Americanized, but now I don’t want to. If I have a kid, I will teach him or her to speak Vietnamese.” Thus, participant M only wanted to become assimilated for a short period of time due to the negative experiences she had with her Vietnamese peers and the need to be accepted. However, she valued her culture more as she grew older. Participant J also had the pressures to assimilate because he lived in a community that did not have much Vietnamese. He felt the need to assimilate with his peers so he could fit in with the people in the surrounding environment. Participant J also encountered a different situation than the participants above because he lived in the environment where there were many Latinos. So he was also pressured to acquire the third culture to socialize with these peers. He stated “Yes, they were mostly Mexicans. It was because they were somewhat in the same situation because most Mexican kids didn’t speak English. So we took ESL classes so that was how I met them. So I ended up learning how to speak more Spanish than English.” Thus, people in his environment also influenced his ethnic identity formation. Participant J also stated “I think at that time I preferred to be more white than Vietnamese. If I stick with the Vietnamese I got ignored 112 by everyone. But, open up more and be like the rest of the kids I would be more accepted. But, I couldn’t pick both lives, so I chose to live the Vietnamese lifestyle.” Participant J also felt the pressures to be accepted and assimilated. However, he chose to stick to his ethnic identity at the end. Participant J felt that it was necessary to be bicultural and bilingual to adjust to the mainstream environment. He stated “Well at the workplace I have to be like them. At home I have to be myself. I mean it’s not that I’m not being myself at work. I’m just somewhat Americanized there. But, I guess just at home I be more Vietnamese than Americanized.” Participant J also felt that the needed to accommodate to adjust to the mainstream society; but, he still preferred to stick to his ethnic identity. In conclusion, most of the participants somewhat felt the pressures to become assimilated when they were adolescents. Some were actually confused, lost, and eventually drifted toward the mainstream American. However, at the end they still cling to their Vietnamese identity and felt that it was important for them to keep their ethnic identity. They wanted to accommodate to the mainstream society so they could function, but not giving up their identity to assimilate completely into this society. Perspectives and Reactions to Racism and Oppression All participants encountered some kinds of racism and oppression when living in the United States. Some experienced more than others; however, they all agreed that this society is not as just and equal. They continued to experienced racisms and discriminations while living here. Many participants experienced racisms and oppressions in school and outside of school. Some participant sensed that they were being 113 discriminated for their newly arrival status through the interactions they had with people around them. They were discriminated because of the way they spoke, looked, and behaved. Some were being insulted verbally and physically. Others were emotionally harassed, isolated, and discriminated by others. Here were some examples that the participants raised about the racisms and oppressions they encountered. However, different participants had different approaches in handling the situation. Participant A was verbally and physically harassed at school by a kid many times. When he stood up and fought back, he got into trouble with the school and was sent to the on-campus suspension. The school did not even investigate the incidence and simply blamed it on participant A. Furthermore, the other kid who triggered the event did not have to face any consequence. He felt that he was being treated this way because he was a minority. He stated “If I was a white boy and have done something like that and I knew how to speak up for myself, things could have been different.” Participant A also encountered racism and oppression at his worked place. He discussed of an incidence where he worked at a jeans factory and his co-worker was being unfair and continuously gave him the bad loads to work on. He filed a complaint to the manager, but the manager refused to do anything about it. Participant A was forced to take the problem into his own hands and ended up quit the job. His did not feel that it was fair. However he stated “That is everywhere in the world. It’s never fair anywhere.” He felt that racisms and oppressions are everywhere. However, he would take the matter into his own hands if he could not stop the problem. He would fight back to demand for his right and equality even if it meant that his action would get him into trouble. 114 Participant B also believed that racism and oppression do existed in this society. He felt that the school system hindered his success by placing him in the ESL program. He would describe himself as a “passive aggressive” person when came to the time for him to stand up for his rights. He would go to different counselors to discuss about the matter and found different ways to get out of the ESL program. He did not directly approach the teacher and expressed how he felt about the situation even though he disliked him or her. He also encountered racism when kids at school bullied him and made fun of him. However, he tended to ignore these and moved on with his life when came to peer problems. Participant B would fight for his right when he knew that he could do it without putting himself in the disadvantaged situation or at harm. He also felt that his English accent gave him the disadvantages in this society. He stated “If you are an Asian without the accent they treat you better.” He also believed that there was inequality between a white person and a person of color. He stated “Well, I think in term of oppression I think if me and a white person come in for a job interview, they would pick that white person over me. Probably the color of your skin and the accent too. I think it’s everywhere.” Participant B did feel that he faced disadvantages because of the color of his skin and the way he talked. Participant D did not expressed much about his perspectives on racism and oppression. However, through his expressions he revealed that as an Amerasian people looked at him differently. However he was able to ignore them and moved on with his life. He stated “In my whole life there was no discrimination that I feel in any circumstance. It’s just that some people they could make joke out of it, but I didn’t feel 115 anything about it. It just moved on with my life. I’m a joker myself so I can adapt to it and go along with it and joke back and make it release right there.” He dealt with the situation in a calm manner and he said that he acquired his calmness from the countryside in Vietnam. He learned to live with nature and his peaceful personality was revealed through the way he interacted with people. He did not let people perspectives run his life. Also he expressed that his physical appearance as an Amerasian probably helped him to become more adapted to the mainstream society. He compared the conditions in Vietnam to the United States and felt that it was still better here. He stated “Nothing is equal. Only one plus one equals two. When I lived in Vietnam I didn’t understand much about the communist and freedom of choices. I think it was normal because you lived there and the communist wouldn’t expose it to you and the hided it away from you. People who live in Vietnam right now, there is not much freedom for them or very limited. So I don’t really think about it here.” Participant M did not encountered racisms and oppressions through physical or verbal harassments. She hated her high school experience because she could sense that she was not being treated equal through people nonverbal actions toward her. She stated “Well, I felt isolated. I felt I was discriminated. They didn’t make fun of me, but they kind of ignored me.” For example, when she accidently bumped into the kids at school she would apologize to them; however, they would ignore her and continued walking as if she was not there. She sensed the isolation and wanted to be accepted by trying to assimilate and becoming more Americanized. She stated “I think back then I just didn’t want to be looked down upon. So I would think that I wanted to hang out with white 116 people and talk to them in their language. But, sometimes I think that I forced myself to be friend with them. It’s uncomfortable around them.” She definitely felt that racism and oppression existed. She believed that the way she dressed, spoke, and looked made people treated her differently. She strongly emphasized that her English accent really impacted how people perceived her. Thus, like participant B she also wished that her accent would get better so she could be more accepted by the mainstream society. Participant L also did not like her high school years. She felt a sense of loneliness and isolation when being at her school. She also became withdrawn and quiet due to her language barriers. She believed that both the American peers and the Vietnamese peers who lived here for a long time were not friendly toward her. She expressed that she hated her physical education class because kids in there would not speak to her and teach her how to play the sports. They would ignore her and isolate her from their team. For example, she would be placed at the corner of the court during a volley game because they assumed that she was not capable of learning how to play. The Vietnamese peers in that class was not very helpful toward her either. They could not speak Vietnamese well and did not show any effort to try to help or communicate with her in class. She stated “I felt isolated. I also felt many Vietnamese at that school were not friendly. In that class I know there were many Vietnamese. But, they didn’t even come to me and talk to me.” Participant L did not show her frustrations by fighting back or wanting to assimilate to become accepted. Participant L learned to focus all her energy on school and wanted to prove to people that she was more capable than they thought. However, she had positive thoughts about the American people as well because of the positive treatments she 117 received from her white teachers. She stated “I think some white people are nice, like the teachers in my school. They encouraged me to work hard.” Thus, Participant L encountered both racism and oppression from both her own people and the mainstream population. Thus, she looked at people more on the individual level, rather than the color of their skin. Participant J also felt a sense of racism and discrimination while attending high school. The kids there would make fun of him and calling him names. He stated “When I was younger back in high school there were more white people and less Asian kids so there were a lot of racism. I mean kids were just being mean.” However, participant J learned to fight back. He stated “Well, being a kid I was mean myself too. I would make fun of them and called them names back. People were making fun of me. I was not going to sit there and cried.” He described that he would meet the white kid outside of school and they would do fist fight. However, he found the supports from a few of his brothers’ Vietnamese friends and they would gang up to support each other every time a fight occurred outside of the school. Participants J took the matter into his own hand and resolved it outside of the school environment. Participant J felt that this society was not fair. He agreed that it was also not equal in the work place because as a minority he had to work twice as hard to get to where he wanted. However, he recognized that white people were still occupying higher positions and acquired more advantages than color people. 118 Perspectives on Minority and Majority All participants did not have much to say about how they felt about being a minority and what kind of feelings they have toward the majority. They just said that we all are created equal and they are all human and there should not be any difference. Even though they felt racism and oppression does exist; however, they did not feel any difference between minority and majority when living here. They were just a small group living in the United States. Nonetheless, some did express that we do not have as much power as the majority. Some expressed that they felt strange and lost when having to live among the majority. But, no one really digest deep into this issue. They seemed to be neutral on this. Proposals for the Intervention Approaches All participants had something to say about different approaches and intervention strategies the system should provide for the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents. Most of them wanted to create a support group in which these young people who share the same difficulties and circumstances can come together and talk about their issues. They also wanted to create fun activities for these adolescents to get involved in as a way to release their stresses. They also proposed for a support group where they could get their voices out to people who could make changes such as administrators or social justice advocates. They wanted their voices to be heard. They also wanted to bring older individuals who have been through the similar hardships and are now successful to come back and talk to these young people and hopefully they can give them some motivations to do the same. Most of the participants propose for counseling that can understand them 119 in term of language and culture. Bilingual counselors are preferred for most of these students. However, if the bilingual counselors are not available, they wanted counselors that can understand them and will be able to assist them rather than trying to emphasize their worldview on them. They said that they wanted empathy not sympathy. They preferred that the counselors understand them, listen to them, and help them find effective ways to solve problem. So for these participants having a support group, gaining opportunities to release their stress, getting their voices out, having a role model, and getting counselors that understand them are important. Participant A asked for the support from his family and friends. He preferred to have a counselor that would understand him and listening to him rather than trying to place their worldview on him. Participant A stated “Don’t command and boss me around please. Don’t just turn back and slap me in the face after I told you something. I think finding ways to understand and help me rather than commanding me would help.” Participant B expressed that it would be great to have a bilingual counselor due to his language barriers; however, he did not care as long as they could listen and understand him and help him to resolve the problem more effectively. Furthermore, participant A also wanted a support group which consists of peers who faced the same problems as he did. He used to be in a group home and had a positive experience with the support group. He stated “I was in a group home for a while and they did have a group every Wednesday. It was like everything you would tell your roommates and people in your group about everything and what you wanted to do to improve. That right there helped. Everybody shared their past and their experiences. Such as what should we do and the 120 steps that would help us. We took words from everyone. We put things together to help solve things. That was the group that I was into and it helped.” Since participant A did not receive much support from his family, he longed for that. He also needed the extra support from his school and community because he did not receive much support from home. Participant A said that he would not mind to speak about his experience to younger people so they could learn from his experiences and help these kids to avoid the negative experiences that he encountered in the past. He wished that he could gain these supports before and got some counseling. Participants A needed a lot of support from the system because he faced with severe emotional and mental stresses from both his family and the external environment. Participant B encountered less stresses than participant A. He came from a more supportive family and received more emotional and financial supports from them. He mostly felt frustrated with the language barriers and the low academic expectations he received from school. He disagreed with how the ESL program ran and would like to make the authority aware of his concerns. When asked about the type of support he would want, he stated “I think the group that I want to form consists of people like me, people who already overcame the difficulties, and a few people who never experienced it.” He wanted different people to become aware of the concerns and problems this group of students had to face. He also wanted to include people who have the authority to come to hear their concerns and hopefully they could do something to make changes. Participant D grew up without his immediate parents and did not acquire much guidance to reach his full potential. He lived with his relatives and they had minimal 121 expectations for him. They did not really emphasize on schooling and achieving high goals. Thus, when he came to American he also did not expect much of himself. He stated “I think if they have a program for those new comers to help them understand what they have here and there should be people that can guide them. I think that would be best because that way young people and those new comers would know what they have here and what they can get here. Sometimes there are other potentials for you to reach out there such as school and stuffs, but then again, a family might not know what to do to these kids. They should have a system that they can help these kids see their potential, vision, the future, and the opportunity that they offer here. If you want to sell something and you don’t advertise. Nobody would know how to buy it. You want a lot of people to achieve their goals and reach their potentials and help other people. I would like something like that for myself when I first came here.” Nonetheless, participant J did not address any stresses that he faced emotionally or mentally. He did not comment on wanting to receive assistance from counseling or the mental health system. However, he would like the extra guidance and support from the mainstream society so he could reach his full potential. Participant M came from a supportive family. Nonetheless, she faced with isolations and discriminations in schools. She preferred to have a support group after school with programs and activities for these youths to come together to have fun and to find a group that they could belong to. She stated “When you are young, you don’t want to talk about it. You just want to ignore it and try to avoid it. They need to have after school activities and hang out with a whole group of Vietnamese to help each other out. It creates an 122 environment where everybody can come together. They should have after school program which provides activities, hang out, and go eat to make you feel you are not alone.” For participant M, to have a sense of belonging in a group of peers and to have fun activities to do outside of school were important to her. She did not want any counseling or any mental help. Participant J also would like to have a support group. He felt that kids formed gang and got into trouble because they wanted to belong somewhere. He stated “A lot of kids in my situation would have formed a gang because when you form a gang you feel the love and somebody cares for you.” He preferred to have Vietnamese counselors if he needed to speak to someone about his issues because it would be easier for him to communicate. He stated “I just prefer bilingual counselors or someone who can understand where I’m coming from. But, for Vietnamese we come from the same culture so they would understand more.” Having a support group and Vietnamese counselors were important to participant J. Participant L also would like a support group that consist of Vietnamese members so she could share her concerns and find the emotional support in that group. However, she preferred people in that group to be older than she was. She stated “I don’t like to talk to people the same age as me because I feel they don’t understand me and they are very immature. They don’t treat me nice. Usually I think older people are better. At least they know other groups to introduce me to so I can learn from them. I need to get out some how you know. At home I was stressing out and I was stressing out at school. So I needed to get out.” Participant L also faced frustrations both at home and at school. Thus, 123 to have a support group that helped get her to get out of this stressful environment once in a while seemed to be helpful for her. Differences between Males and Females The interesting finding between females and males in this study was females tended to be more comfortable to share their personal issues than their male counterparts. The two females, participant L and M seemed to be more opened about their conversation and were not hesitated to answer any question that was being asked. They were more open and honest with their answers. However, some of the males seemed uncomfortable to answer certain questions and tended to put on a wall when their pride was being attacked. They seemed to want to make the impression that they could get through hardships easily and did not want to portrait themselves as being weak. The interviewer was a female, so that probably was the reason why the females were more comfortable talking to the female interviewer than the males. Also, the females seemed to encounter nonverbal discrimination in the mainstream society, whereas the males encountered more physical and verbal harassment from their peers. Maybe this was the reason why some of the males tended to get into more trouble at school because they would fight back and would not stand the harassments. The females on the other hand did not experienced much of the insults and the discriminations in those ways, so they would just quietly isolated themselves and became withdrawn from the crowd. The males’ characteristics were also more aggressive than the females. However, it also depended on the environment that they were raised in prior to coming to the United States and the circumstances they experienced when they arrived to America. 124 Difficulties during the Interview It was difficult to interview some of the participants in this study because they tended to not think deeply about the issues and were likely to bury them inside unless someone dig them up. These participants did not recognize these issues as their problems or stresses at the beginning of the interview. They may feel stressful when they first arrived to America. However, when they talked about the past, they seemed to just accept that it was normal for them to go through the hardships and stresses. They did not feel those issues were problematic until the researcher started to interview them and asked them to dig up their feelings and past experiences. Some of the participants even had a hard time remembering the experiences and the feelings they had in the past. Also, these participants came from the Asian culture and tended to keep their personal issues to themselves. They did not get used to share those issues with another person; especially, someone who did not know them on a personal level. This explorative interview was somewhat new to some of the participants. They did not get used to express to people about their personal experiences and feelings. All of these participants did not have the opportunity to receive any counseling helps or the assistances from the mainstream society when they were adolescents. Furthermore, they did not have chances for open conversations to discuss about their problems and issues with their own families. Thus, it was common for these participants to feel uncomfortable to share certain things with the interviewer. The researcher had to be sensitive and had to recognize when to stop digesting into certain issues that made these participants felt uncomfortable. 125 Summary In summary, all these Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents encountered stresses and pressures when they came to the United States. Those who attended high school experienced more stresses because of significant peer pressures in that environment. Language barriers were the number one stress for these adolescents. Language barriers had led to communication difficulty which led these adolescent to feel isolated, discriminated, and less confident when interacting with the mainstream society; especially, their peers in school. Next big stress factor is the family circumstance. The adolescents who came from a more supportive family tended to encounter less stresses than those who came from a non supportive family. The hardship was enormous when they had to face with family problems and also had to face external pressures from school, peers, language, and the outside environment. Peer factor was another big stress on the list; especially, for those who attended high school. Furthermore, most of these adolescents had to work to support themselves while attending school because their families could not have the financial stability to provide them with all their needs. Thus, financial factor was another big stress for these adolescents. Migration circumstance played a big role in their adaptation process. Those who faced traumas and stresses prior or during their migration encountered more stresses. For example, the participants whom fathers were imprisoned in the Communist reeducation camp after the Vietnam War tended to encountered more stresses because their fathers was severely influenced by the traumas and stresses in the camp. Therefore, this led to the negative impacts the father imposed on the family. This also led to family stress and the adolescents who lived in the 126 family had to suffer under this circumstance. In addition, academic factor was a significant stress factor for these students. They came to America and had to face with language barriers which hindered their ability to excel academically. Language barriers also prevented them from acquiring a normal social life because they found it difficult to communicate with the mainstream society. These adolescents had to work twice as hard to achieve in school. They tended to avoid classes that required a lot of English and went for classes which required less English such as Math, Science, and Computer. Leaving the life in Vietnam was another stress factor. These adolescents grew up in Vietnam and lived there for most of their lives until they came to America. They had to give up friends, relatives, and the familiar environment there to migrate to this country. Furthermore, they faced discrimination and language problem here and felt isolated and alone. They sometimes longed to go back to live in Vietnam. However, they had to learn to adjust to the American society and learn to let go of their past. Neighborhood did influence some participants. However, it was not a big stress factor. The local environment only influenced these adolescents when they interacted with the people and the local environment. Although these participants faced with many stresses when arriving to America, most of them turned out fine and were able to excel in this society. All these participants had motivation factors that helped them getting through the hardships. This motivation factors included family, teacher, peers, ethnic identity, and their drives from within. Nonetheless, these participants believed that racisms and oppressions exist in this society and everywhere else in the world. All these participants witnessed and experienced racisms and oppressions while living in America. They felt 127 comfortable as a minority group living in the United Stated; however, they believed that they faced disadvantages because of their minority and newly arrival status. They agreed that the majority group had more advantages in this society. Different participants proposed different approaches to assist the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents to better adapt to the American society. Most participants wanted a support group that could provide them with the assistances to help them getting through the hardships. How they wanted the group to run depended on their needs. Furthermore many participants wanted to talk to counselors that could understand them. Some preferred Vietnamese counselors because of language and cultural barriers. Overall, the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents had spoken out about their experiences, and gave their perspectives and proposals for the intervention approaches to help this group of adolescents to become better adapted to the mainstream society. 128 APPENDIX A Consent Form You are being asked to participate in a project which will be conducted by HongAn, Doan in the Bilingual/Multicultural Education Department (BMED) at California State University, Sacramento. The purpose of the study is to investigate the stress factors of the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents in order to provide a workshop to inform educators, mental health workers, and counselors about the challenges they encountered and to come up with the appropriate support system to assist this group in meeting their challenges of adapting to the American culture. The Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents are immigrants who migrated to the United States during their teenage years and whose life experiences include two or more nations, cultures, and languages. You will be given an interview which includes questions about your experiences in the United States that are related to your migration, schooling, ethnic identity, family, community, and social context. You will not be asked to disclose your name or private information. Pseudonyms will be replaced for real names. All data and records will be discarded after the project is completed. An audio recording device and notebook are the only equipment that will be used during the interviews. The audio recording will be used in the subsequent transcription in order to avoid losing or misinterpreting information from the subjects during the interview. Notes, consent forms, and audio recordings will be placed in a locked cabinet in my room at home. All audio recordings and private information will be destroyed after the study has been completed. The time frame when all the information will be destroyed is 6-12 months after the study. You will be asked to share personal stresses and traumas during the interview. Sharing personal stresses and traumas might lead to psychological risks. The psychological risks associated with discussing traumas involve discomfort, anxieties, and depressions. Thus, the researcher is aware of these risks when conducting the interview. Prior to the interview, the researcher will inform you that you do not have to answer any question that make you feel uncomfortable or causes you to have any emotional traumas or psychological harms. Thus, you can skip the question if you do not feel comfortable responding to it. If you feel uncomfortable in continuing with the rest of interview, the researcher will stop the interview with no repercussions. This interview may take up to three hours. Your participation in the study is complete when the interview is finished. There will be no follow up session or any other obligation from your side after this interview. Awkward, painful, or discomforting feelings may occur after the interview. Here are some of the referral resources for you to seek for assistance if needed. You may contact the Southeast Asian Assistance Center in Sacramento at the email, seacenter@sbcglobal.net or at the phone number, (916) 421-1036. The contact information can be found on the http://www.saacenter.org. You can also contact the 129 Recovery Inc. in Sacramento at (916) 483-5616. You also can contact the Department of Health and Human Services of Sacramento under the 24 hours mental health hotline for adult at (916) 732-3637. Notice that you can skip any question or request the researcher to stop the interview if you encounter any uncomfortable feelings. This research will not benefit you personally. However, a study like this will help to raise awareness of the problems and struggles that the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescent encounters in the United States. This study promotes the development of a supportive system that will provide a positive educational and social environment for the 1.5 generation adolescent who shares the same experiences as these Vietnamese youths. The experiences and knowledge you share with the researcher will help to raise awareness about the problems that exist among the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents and their struggles in the American society. Pseudonyms will be used in this research. Furthermore, the information you disclose to the researcher will only be used for the purpose of this study. Nonetheless, the results of the study might be shared with the participants, education community, and subsequently disseminated to the public. Your participation in this research is completely voluntarily. There will be no compensation. If you have any question about this research, you may contact Hong-An, Doan at (916) 802-7953 or email at hongisfunky@yahoo.com. You may also contact the faculty sponsor, Forrest Davis at (707) 998-1330 or email at frdavis@sonic.net. You may decline to participate in this study without any consequences. Your signature below indicates that you have read this page and agree to participate in the research. Please date and sign below. I am giving the permission to be interviewed: Yes ________ No_________ I am giving the permission to be audio recorded: Yes ________ ___________________________ Signature of the Participant No_________ ________________ Date 130 APPENDIX B Interview Questions General Migrating Information 1. When did you come to the United States and how did you come here? a. What date did you arrive in America? b. How old were you when you came here? c. Who did you migrate to America with? d. Which wave of migration were you under (Ex: Boat People, the Orderly Departure Program (O.D.P), Amerasian Homecoming Act, Humanitarian Operation (H.O), or others)? The Conditions during the Migration 2. Describe the hardships or stressful events that you had to go through during your migration. a. If you escaped Vietnam by boat, please explain any hardships you experienced during your stay in the refugee camp prior to your arrival to the United States. b. If you migrated through other waves of migration, please explain any hardships or difficulties you encountered during your journey to America. The Conditions in Vietnam 3. Describe the conditions you lived under when you lived in Vietnam during your teenage years. 131 a. While in Vietnam, what social economic class did you and your family belongs to? b. Did you and your family struggle financially in Vietnam? c. What did your family do to make a living? d. Did you work in Vietnam during your teenage years? If so, what did you do? e. How did the Vietnamese Communist government treat your family? f. Has your family encountered any sufferings that were caused by the Vietnam War? For example, if your father or mother worked for the South government before the Vietnam War ended, he or she might be put into the reeducation camp after the Communist government took over the country. g. What were the main reasons your family left Vietnam to come to America? The Conditions during the First Two Years in America 4. Describe the conditions you and your family lived under during the first two years you lived in the America as an adolescent. a. What social economic class were you and your family belonged to? b. Did you and your family struggle financially? c. What did your family do to make a living? d. Did you have to work to support yourself in America during those first two years? If so, what did you do? 5. Describe the neighborhood you resided in during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent. a. Was it upper class, middle class, or low income class neighborhood? 132 b. Did you witness any violence or crime in your neighborhood? Please describe it. c. How did people treat you in your neighborhood? d. Did you hang out with the people who lived in your neighborhood? If so, how often did you hang out with them? e. What kinds of activities did you do when you hung out with the people in your neighborhood? Peer Factors 6. Who were the peers you hung out with during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? a. What nationalities were they? b. How frequently did you hang out with them? c. Describe their personalities and what kind of relationship you had with them? Did you have a close friendship or just casual friendship with these peers? d. Did you feel comfortable around them? e. What kinds of activities you normally did with these peers? 7. Did you encounter peer pressure during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? If so, please describe those pressures (Ex: pressure to act, dress, and talk certain ways to fit in with the mainstream American culture) 8. How did these pressures make it difficult for you to adapt to the mainstream American society? 133 School Personnel Factors 9. Describe any problems you encountered with the teachers and other school personnel during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent. a. How did these teachers and school personnel treat you? b. Were you happy with your teachers and other school personnel during these two years? 10. How did the problems you encountered with teachers and other school personnel make it difficult for you to adapt to the mainstream American society? Academic Factors 11. Describe your academic achievement in school during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent. a. What classes were you enrolled in? b. Did you take any Advanced Placement or Honor courses? c. What was your grade point average during these two years? d. What were the subjects you struggled with the most? Family Factors 12. What were the Vietnamese cultural values and expectations your parents wanted you to maintain during the first two years you lived in America as adolescent? 13. How did your family show their support towards you during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? a. Were they involved with your academic and social life? b. Did you have close bond with your family? 134 14. How was your communication with your family during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? a. When did you sit down and talk to them members in your family? b. How often did you communicate with your family? d. What did you normally talk about? c. Did you have family dinner daily? e. Did you feel comfortable sharing your personal problems with your family? Ethnic Community Influences 15. Describe the Vietnamese ethnic community you participated in during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent. a. Were there any Vietnamese schools, churches, temples, etc..? b. Were you involved with any of these Vietnamese ethnic organizations? c. How often did you get involve with these Vietnamese ethnic organizations? d. What kinds of activities did you do with these Vietnamese ethnic organizations? 16. Please explain your experiences with the Vietnamese ethnic community and how you felt about it. 17. Do you think your involvement with the Vietnamese ethnic community helped you to better adapt to the mainstream American society? If you think it did help you, please explain how it helped you? 135 Motivation Factors 18. What do you think were the main factors that contributed to your failures in school during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 19. What do you think were the main factors that contributed to your successes in school during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 20. What do you think were the motivations that helped you to overcome your hardships during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? Perspectives on Ethnic Identity 21. Did you identify yourself Vietnamese, Americanized, or bicultural during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 22. Were you considered yourself wanting to becoming Americanized, remaining Vietnamese, or trying to hold on to your Vietnamese identity while adjusting to the mainstream American society during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 23. Why do you think you wanted to become Americanized, Vietnamese, or keep your Vietnamese identity, but at the same time accommodating to the mainstream society during these first two years? 24. How important was being both Vietnamese and Americanized to you during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 25. Why was it important to acquire both cultures when you lived in America during those first two years? 136 26. Did your perspective about bilingual and bicultural change once you reached adulthood? Please explain those changes? Why do you think your perspective changed or not changed? 27. What did you think were the negatives and the positives about being Americanized during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? Did your opinion change once you reached adulthood? If your opinion did change, please explain those changes? Why do you think your opinion changed or not changed? 28. What did you think were the negatives and the positive about being Vietnamese during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? Did your opinion change once you reached adulthood? If your opinion did change, please explain those changes? Why do you think your opinion changed or not changed? Perspectives on Racism and Oppression 29. How do you think the mainstream American society treated you when you first arrived to America as an adolescent? a. Were you being treated fairly? b. Did you experience any discrimination and racism? c. Describe two of the most racist or discriminating incidences that you can remember during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent. d. How did those incidences make you feel? 30. How did you feel about being a minority in America and what kinds of feelings you had toward the majority during the first two years you lived in America as an adolescent? 137 a. Did you have any uncomfortable feelings for being a small group of Vietnamese immigrants living in America? b. What did you think were the disadvantages that Vietnamese immigrants faced in America? c. What did you think were the advantages the American majority had in America? 31. Did your perspective about minority and majority change when you reached adulthood? If your perspective did change, please explain these changes? Why do you think your perspective about minority and majority changed or not changed? Proposals for a Support System 32. What type of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American society during the first two years you lived in the United States as an adolescent? a. What kinds of counseling would you prefer? b. Did you prefer a Vietnamese counselor or an American counselor? c. Why would you prefer a Vietnamese counselor or an American counselor? d. Describe any support group you would like to have. e. Describe any intervention strategies and approaches that you would want professionals who work with the Vietnamese 1.5 generation adolescents to apply when working with this group of Vietnamese teenagers. 138 APPENDIX C Interview Transcriptions Name: Participant A Researcher: When did you come to the United States and how did you come here? Participant A: September 21, 1994 with family. I arrived here when I was around 14 years old. Researcher: Tell me about your family when you were in Vietnam. Participant A: Well, we came from the poor family of course and I was born in the middle part of the country called Da Nang, Vietnam. We moved up to the mountain and stayed there since 1982 or 1983 and we stayed there until the day we left Vietnam to go to America in 1994. I would say about 10 to 11 years. Researcher: Describes your living conditions in Vietnam. Participant A: I was the bad kid. I had to do things to support myself. I basically came out of the poor family so I had to find ways to survive and live on my own a lot. Researcher: Where did you live when you lived on your own? Participant A: No, I did not live with my family. I did live with my family for some of the time, but I was out. You can call me like a “run away.” I ran away for many years. You know back and forth until the day we came to America. Researcher: Tell me more about your experiences when you ran away and lived away from home. Participant A: I had bad experiences and good experiences. I had it all and I’m using those experiences right now to help my life and they help a lot. The conditions of living 139 when I was on the run, I was pretty much at the bus station. What I did to survive was helping the people around the area cleaning buses, sweeping the floor, and doing whatever it took to earn foods. Researcher: How old were you when you ran away? Participant A: I was nine years old. Researcher: What caused you to leave home at that time? Participant A: I was terrified of my own father. I did something wrong, but I got beat up by him and stuff like that. Actually, he scared me away that was why I ran away. I didn’t want to get beat up again. Basically, I was scared of my dad that was why I ran away. Researcher: Who was your dad? Why did he become the person that you afraid? Participant A: He became the way he was, I would say mainly it was because he was a prisoner of war. After he served his time in the Vietnam communist prison I think he was a victim as well. That was why he turned out like that. Researcher: Do you think things would’ve been different if your father was not imprisoned and you didn’t have to be under that kind of circumstance? Participant A: It would be different. I don’t know how much of a difference it would be. But I’m sure it would be different because if my father did not go to prison for whatever that had done during the war, he wouldn’t be the way he was and things could’ve been different. I could have been more successful with my life. Researcher: Do you think the influence of the war and your father’s condition had strong influence on your life? Participant A: It could be. I can blame it a 100%, but it could be. 140 Researcher: Tell me about the conditions at home when your dad was away. Who did you live with and how was the living condition? Participant A: I stayed with mom. It was horrible. We had to struggle. We had to whatever it took to survive. My mother had to do a lot. She had to work real hard. She had to wake up early in the morning and went to sleep in the middle of the night to try to make a living and tried to get through the hard time and stuff like that. It was very difficult. Researcher: What was she doing to make a living? Participant A: She would buy things and resell them. She also worked in the rice field. I mean a lot of things. She did whatever it took to bring the food to the table. Researcher: Were you by yourself or did you have other siblings? Participant A: I was the only child at that time and then my sister came and it was harder because there were more members in the family. My sister was born when my dad was released from the prison. But, he was arrested again for the second time. Researcher: How did you come to America? Participant A: We were sponsored by the United States government because my dad was the prisoner of war. That was how we came over here. Researcher: Since you said you ran away until you came to America. What age did you come home and how did you come home? Did your family have to go and look for you? Participant A: To make long story short, I was on the run, but my parents went and looked for me and tried to bring me home before the interview day. But, I couldn’t remember all that. They found me and I came home and I stayed home for a little bit, but 141 I left again. Why? I don’t know. Sometimes I thought it was more fun to be on the run than staying at home. Researcher: What kinds did you encountered when you first came to the United States? Participant A: Language, friends which I didn’t have many friends, and money. I was young, but I already knew how to use money when I was little back in Vietnam. I didn’t have any money because I couldn’t make any money which I used to make money on my own. Researcher: Did the stresses and hardships from Vietnam influence you in America as well? Participant A: Somewhat it did. Researcher: How was your dad when he came to the United States? Did he remain the same as he was in Vietnam? Did he change? Participant A: My father didn’t really change. Not that I recognized. Now he did, but awhile back he didn’t. Researcher: How did he treat his family when he came to America? Participant A: Well, I don’t want to say it. It was just the way he was not supposed to. Can I just end right there? Researcher: What were your expectations for yourself when you first came to America? Participant A: Well, I expected to go to school, to finish, and to have a bright future and all those stuffs until things felt apart. Researcher: What caused things to fall apart for you? 142 Participant A: Again, my father. It sounds like I’m doing the blame game here, but somewhat he was involved. Researcher: What did you think of America when you first came here? Participant A: America is great. I recognized that America has a lot of opportunity for people who come from the foreign country like Vietnam. Researcher: What didn’t you have in Vietnam that you have here? Participant A: They have nice car. I get to drive by myself. I didn’t have that kind of opportunity when I was in Vietnam. Researcher: Describe the struggles you encountered in school with peers, teachers, and administrators, etc? Participant A: I didn’t really have any problems with school. It was stresses from the family that got me in trouble. Researcher: Describe the conditions in your family at that time. Participant A: It was not a good condition. Everybody was in their own world and doing their own little thing. Mother and father were trying something to do their own little thing to make life more successful, but it didn’t turn out the way it should. We were not a close family, it was not that I recognized. Well, maybe let me take that back. Maybe because I was always out and was never home that was why I didn’t recognize some kind of relationship of my family. Researcher: Did you feel any pressures from peers and any kind of discriminations from people you around you? 143 Participant A: No. I felt I was a normal kid. It was mainly family situation kicked in and when you walked to the classroom you didn’t feel like paying attention because you had your mind somewhere. Researcher: Describe your academic situation at that time. What kind of classes did you take? What classes motivated you? What grades did you received? What were you good at? Participant A: Some stuffs I was good at and some stuffs I was not so good at. Whatever I wanted to be good at, I could be good at. Whatever I didn’t want to be good at I could just dumped it and put it aside. Researcher: What subject did you motivated to study at that time? Participant A: English. Yes, ESL. I just wanted to learn English so I could go curse people out. I was just kidding. Don’t write that down. But I mean, I got people laughed at me all the time and people made fun of me and said that I could not speak English right. I still can’t, but still better than back then. I wish I can see other people that made fun of me. Researcher: How did they make fun of you? Give me some examples. Participant A: I mean they just started making fun of me when I started to talk or you know. Every time when I was trying to fit into a group of people, just because they were being here long enough than I had and they thought I was funny and they thought that I was stupid at some points by accent and words. It was kind of hurt my feelings, but I am over with. 144 Researcher: How about your ESL class? What kind of level was it? What kind of expectations did they have for you? How did you feel about it? Participant A: It was at my level. I learned it pretty quickly. I mean they put out a really good program for ESL students. Researcher: What school did you attend? Participant A: I went to Valley High, Mc Clatchy, and then back to Valley High. Researcher: Why did you moved to different schools? Participant A: It was my dad that moved me around. Researcher: How did you identify yourself when you came here? Did you want to become more Americanized or Vietnamese? Participant A: It was kind of in between. I wanted to be Americanized, but I was too old to be one. Right now I do recognize myself that I am half and half. I can be more of my own culture when it comes to that time or the environment or the people around me. I can be much Americanized when I’m around people that are Americanized. Researcher: Did you want to be accepted by the peers when you first came here? What was the major problem for you when you were in school? Participant A: I think the bigger issue was language. If you couldn’t talk and you couldn’t understand, people would make fun of you. I mean miscommunication was leading you to misunderstanding and stuff like that. So that was the biggest issue I believe. Researcher: What type of person were you when you were in Vietnam? Participant A: I had always been the socialized person. 145 Researcher: What grade did you last attended in Vietnam? Participant A: Fifth. Researcher: How did you feel when you came here and had to struggle with family, language, and communication issues? How did you deal with those issues? Participant A: Lonely and bored. But, once I got the chance to go out and explore myself, I was gone. I had a very disappointed feeling. I wanted to find a way out. I wanted to find things to do. I went to find friends and looked for friends and did whatever that I thought was fun and got in so much troubles. Researcher: Describe the troubles you got yourself into. Participant A: Well, I went and stole stuffs. I stole cars. I went and stole car stereos and did whatever it took to make money to spend, have fun, and fit in with the crowd too. I got caught and got myself in trouble. I got put on probation and everything. 80%-85% of why I got in troubles was that I wanted to be accepted, but the rest I just wanted to do it. In the group that I was hanging out with at that time they were all doing their thing and of course my family was not rich and they didn’t support me with any money because they didn’t have any. In order for me to have the money to fit in with the crowd I had to find ways to make money. The group of people I hung out with, they did bad things. Researcher: Describes the friends that you hung out with. Participant A: They were mostly Asians. Some of them were Blacks. Vietnamese, Chinese, Laos, Hmong, you name it. Researcher: How old were you at that time? Participant A: I was around sixteen or seventeen. 146 Researcher: Describe the neighborhood that you lived in when you first came to America. Participant A: Ghetto. The neighborhood was not great. But, again I was never home. So I don’t want to say something that is not true so it was my thought that the neighborhood was not that great. I really had not witness anything that was that bad or bad enough that cause me to say something about it. I got involved with into some problems at the different neighborhood and different area. My own family’s neighborhood is ghetto, but I didn’t really witness anything that bad. But the neighborhoods that I got into problems with were not that far away either. Researcher: Describe the community you lived in at that time. Were there any Vietnamese churches, schools, or temples? Were you involved with the community? How did you feel about it? Participant A: I did get involved for a short period of time and then I got tired of it so I left. Researcher: What caused you to not be motivated to not stay with the ethnic community? Participant A: Well, once I got out and had fun with other friends. I thought street fun was more fun than community. Researcher: What kind of Vietnamese community did you involve in? For examples, churches, temples, schools, etc. Participant A: Church. I thought it was good, but then again they were not fun enough for me. 147 Researcher: How did you feel about the Vietnamese community at that time? Participant A: I mean the Vietnamese community was great. I recognized that the parents were strong. I mean not my own parents, but Vietnamese parents in general. They were doing great. There were a lot that I needed to learn from older people of my own community which I did not. So that was how I felt. Researcher: Did you have any role model that you looked up to? Participant A: To be honest with you, I didn’t have any role model to look up to. I looked up to myself after all that I had done. I turned myself back around and I think I am my own role model. Researcher: Who were most supportive toward you and helped you a lot when you were in trouble? Participant A: I would say my mom. She has been there any moment of my life. Not that my dad wasn’t, he was too, but in a different way. Researcher: Describe your family. What were their values and expectations? Were they supportive? What did they do to show their involvement in your life? How they raised you up? What kind of bond did you have with them? Participant A: I am proud of my brothers and sisters. Somewhat I am disappointed. But I hope that it will get better. As far as caring and loving, we do have a strong relationship among brothers and sisters. We do. About my parents, I don’t know what to say really. I can write a book. My parents relationship is like a love and hate relationship. I cannot describe because they are not old school and they are not new school. They cannot figure out who they really are. They can’t prove themselves. I mean I have no word for it. They 148 stuck in the middle. They cannot find ways out. They want to be old school, but then again they want to be new school. Researcher: What kind of parent style did your dad have when he came to America? Participant A: It used to be his way or no way. Researcher: How was his parenting style influencing you? Participant A: I just turned around and behaved the same way. It was my way or no way. So I was pretty much the same as he was. I did learn from him a big lesson. Researcher: What lesson was that? Participant A: Not to be like him. But, I am somewhat like him because we are the same blood. It is just in the blood. Researcher: What were your parents’ values and expectations? Participant A: I would say education. Education and also religion. But, as for me they didn’t mention much about religion. It was just life and being successful. However and whatever it takes to become successful. Researcher: Did they force you to do certain things? Participant A: No, they never really forced me or my brothers and sisters to do anything that we didn’t want to be. That was one good thing about my parents. Researcher: Would you wish that they pushed you harder and had more expectations for you? Participant A: No, it could be worst. I’m kind of glad that they let me be who I really am. Now I know myself. I don’t really like to be pushed to do things. I want to take it easy. I like explanations. I like it relaxing. I don’t like to be forced or pushed to do things. When 149 we first came to America, they did have some little force on our future to just like try harder. But, like I said I got out of the house and the family early. I was really never home so I didn’t get much of family attention. Researcher: Do you wish that you would’ve had that family attention? Participant A: Well, I wish that my dad would treat me a little differently. I have done a lot of things wrong. But, he would take it a little bit easier on me I could have been a better person. I could have been around still. Researcher: How do you want your dad to support you so you could be more successful? Participant A: I don’t mean that to support me for the things that I have done wrong. He had the right to be angry and stuff like that. But, after so many years and a long period of time, the still hasn’t forgotten about it. It was always coming back around and around his mind. Researcher: Forget about his past or forget about your past? Participant A: Well, both. Not to forget completely because nobody can forget about the past. But, forgiveness is what I expect in a family relationship. I feel that he has not forgiven me for what I have done. That is my biggest concern. He hasn’t let it go yet, and never will. I tried to get things back together just to get our relationship heals up, but it didn’t work out. Maybe our personalities and attitudes don’t go together. Researcher: You didn’t have a close relationship with your dad. Did you have a close relationship with other people in your family? Participant A: Yes, my mom. I did talk to her about almost everything. Probably 99% of my problems. 150 Researcher: How important was being bilingual and bicultural to you when you first came here? Participant A: I felt strange. I didn’t know what to do. I didn’t really have any choice so I just blended in and tried a little harder. When I first came, I didn’t really know. Of course I wanted to fit in with friends and everything. I couldn’t get it because I couldn’t understand a word that they were saying and they couldn’t understand a word that I was trying to tell them. I didn’t really know what I wanted to be, either more Americanized or fit in or whatever. It was just a strange feeling and I cannot describe it. I was lost. I knew who I am, but I didn’t know what to do. Like how to get there as quick as possible. But it was impossible to get into the group just like that. But, I mean after awhile being made fun of I just got used to it and tried to live with it. Researcher: Which culture do you prefer to choose now? Participant A: of course my own culture, Vietnamese. But, then again you have to balance yourself out because you live here in America. You have to accept their culture and not forgetting your own culture and not forgetting where you came from and who you really are. Even though you are trying to be more Americanized or what not you just have to balance yourself out. That is my own thought and that’s how my children will grow up to be. Don’t be too Americanized because you have another culture that runs inside of you. Researcher: Do you think having your own ethnic culture makes you a stronger person? Participant A: Yes, very much so. 151 Researcher: What are the positives about being Vietnamese? Participant A: I don’t know. Just a lot and everything. Being Vietnamese, we are strong and we stand up for our own people. We do show a lot of respect to others because that is our culture. We have to show respect to others. Researcher: What are the negatives about being Vietnamese? Participant A: They always want to take the shortcut. I think for the older generation and us, we are easily offended. Also, they are being very nosy and always yapping about other people craps. I do that to so I’m not going to lie. Researcher: What are the positives about being Americanized? Participant A: Freedom, benefits, get to drive my own car, opportunity, and there would always be a second chance for everybody. Everybody makes mistakes and they can get back on their feet if they want to. I would say opportunity and a second chance. Nobody is going to go down for no reason. Researcher: What are the negatives about being Americanized? Participant A: I’m telling you, American people are nosy too. They eat too much. They got fat. Research says that in the next ten years if America doesn’t change their diets, 100% Americans will be overweight. Researcher: Were you considering yourself assimilating or accommodating when you first came to the U.S? Were you wanting to become more Americanized or more Vietnamese? 152 Participant A: When you first came you didn’t really know what you wanted to become. You just slowly changed your personality. I was slowly adjusting myself to be American, but not immediately being one because I couldn’t. I think I was more accommodating. Researcher: Tell me the main factors contributed to your failures and successes? Participant A: Main factors led to my failures were friends, and myself and not pulling myself together and not focus. The main factors led to my successes were my wife and my kid. Researcher: Where is your life now if you didn’t have your wife and your kid? Participant A: Probably in jail or maybe deep under. Once you have your own family and the people that care for you and you have the people that you care for it just kind of hit you and it would just change me. But, it took awhile. Another thing is me from the beginning, and I look back at my past and I don’t want it to happen to me again, so that is why I am who I am today. Researcher: What do you think about the American society in term of racism and oppression? Participant A: it depends on the area where I am at. It depends on people. It is really everywhere. It’s just how you react to it. If they look at me and I feel that they don’t like me then I just walk away from it. I’m not going to turn back and say whatever. Yes, I just walk away. But, I do feel that they do have that issue, but it doesn’t bother me really. Researcher: How about in high school? How did you react to racism and oppression? 153 Participant A: I didn’t really care. That was not really my issue because I’m the kind of person that is really open and be friendly and socialized. So that was there issue and I didn’t take it and make it my issue. Researcher: How do you feel when you not being treated fairly? For examples, at your school or the job place. Participant A: That is everywhere in the world. It’s never fair anywhere. Researcher: Have you ever experienced something like that? Being treated unfairly. Participant A: Yes, nine year ago when I worked at a place called BFG Wear. My jobs were to pack and fold the jeans. Before the jeans were coming to me through a cart, a guy had to come through and pulled the cart and put it at my station. He always gave me a bad cart which would take me a lot longer to complete the work. The faster you make the more money you make kind of thing. If they gave me a bad bundle, then I could not make much. I went and complained to the supervisor and I got nothing back in return. I also complained to the department manager, but I also didn’t get anything back in return. That right there made me feel that I was being hated and being treated unfairly. I felt bad so I quit. Actually I didn’t quit. I cursed them out and got fired. I would fight back for my right. I don’t walk away peacefully that easy. Because of my temper and my personality, I didn’t give up just like that. Sometimes I knew that I was wrong, but I just had to speak up for it and I walked out. I just don’t turn around and walk out peacefully. Researcher: How do you feel about being a minority in America? Participant A: I feel the same. I mean we are all human being and it doesn’t matter where you are on earth. You are just a human being. I don’t really have any different 154 feeling. I feel comfortable here in America and when I go back to my own country, I feel comfortable there too. You are who you are. It doesn’t really bother me. I feel like a human being that deserves a piece of land somewhere on earth. That’s it. Researcher: How did you feel toward the majority when you first came here? Participant A: I felt very little. I was nothing and in the middle of nowhere. I felt strange. Researcher: Tell me about a time when you felt much discriminated and being treated unfairly. Participant A: Well, one time at school when I was in seventh grade. I would say the first couple months in school in America and there was this Mexican kid who was in the same class as I was. He would make fun and me and kept on hitting my table for days after days and I kept ignoring him. I couldn’t say anything back because I could not speak any English. One day I couldn’t do it anymore and I was really mad so I stood up and I flipped his table up and I punched him in the face and smacked the crap out of him. It was a big fight and I got in trouble and got sent to OCS. I got to go there for the whole week. It made me sad because I mean didn’t start anything and I just trying to befriend with myself after all those that I have been through and nobody recognized anything and nothing happened to that kid and I had to pay my time sitting in the room with four walls by myself. I didn’t think it was fair. They didn’t investigate anything. All there was in the report was I beat somebody up. Researcher: Do you think they would investigate if it was a white kid? Participant A: I do think so. If I was a white boy and I have done something like that and I knew how to speak up for myself, things could have been different. 155 Researcher: What types of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American culture or society? Participant A: If I could turn back time, I expect my family to treat me a little bit better. Friends could have helped me to get through the hard time. I should have asked for counseling at that time. That would help. It would be a big help. It was very frustrating and very hard. I would stand up and tell me about my past experiences if that is necessary to help change the system. To me it was not that I could not pick up in class. It has to do with mentally and emotionally that had nothing to do with the classroom. I would like to have a counseling group with the people that were in the same shoes so we could explain to each other and learn from one another. Maybe we could share and get out of what we were into and to make things better. I think that is a good idea. You need to get together with the people that have the same issues as you and talk about it, maybe you can find your way out instead of you struggling all by yourself. Researcher: What kind of counselor would you prefer to help you? Participant A: Now I would rather have an American counselor. But, back then because of my language I would rather have a person that I could understand and I could understand that person. As long as they are willing to work and understand where I came from and who I really am. I don’t like it when people try to talk me into this or talk me into that or force me to do something. I just need them to understand me and help me get out of it. Not just tell me things and tell me what to do. They can sit and listen to me after they understand. Lets say if I steal a car and I want them to say that I have grown up, and ask me if that is a good thing to do. But don’t tell me that stealing a car is bad and so on. 156 I already knew that. Stealing a car is bad, don’t do it again, or so on and so on. I already know it. Don’t command and boss me around please. Don’t just turn back and slap me in the face after I tell you something. I think finding ways to understand and help me rather than commanding me would help. That would help a lot of other people too. I was in a group home for awhile and they did have a group every Wednesday. It was like everything. You would tell your roommates and people in your group about everything, and what you wanted to do to improve. That right there helped. Everybody shared their past and their experiences. Such as what should we do and the steps that would help us. We took words from everyone. We put things together and worked together to help solve things. That was the group that I was into and it helped. Researcher: What are you currently doing for a living right now? Please describe your current living conditions. Participant A: I am currently living with my girl friend in North Carolina. We both are nail pedicurists. Our son is currently living with my parents because it is tough for us to find a stable job and stay at one place. 157 Name: Participant B Researcher: When did you come to America and how did you come here? Participant B: I came here through sponsorship of my uncle. The process took about ten years. We didn’t expect that we would go. It came as a surprise for us so now we are here. When I first came here I thought everything was really big and huge. Everything looked so new, so fancy, and so rich compare to what we had in Vietnam. I came here with my family in 1998 and I was fifteen years old at that time. Researcher: How was your life in Vietnam? What was the condition like? Participant B: We were middle class. We were not really rich or really poor. We just had a house to live and we worked, but there were not any hardship that we experienced at all. So it was pretty ok. Researcher: Describe any stresses you had before, during, and after you came to America? Participant B: We didn’t really have any stresses when leaving Vietnam. I was very happy. I was excited when I came here. Just something new and something totally different. I wasn’t escape Vietnam. But I really did want to come here because this is America right. Researcher: What about America that you wanted to come? Participant B: Well, wealthy, freedom, a lot of things to do. The country is bigger so there are a lot of things to see. You get to do a lot of things and it’s open. Researcher: So for you, you don’t leave for economic reason? 158 Participant B: Well, we didn’t have everything we wanted in Vietnam. For examples, we didn’t have computers and we didn’t get to see things. Just we didn’t have those kinds of luxuries. We just stay at home. But, we did know that when we come here we were hoping that we would have a better life. From all the movies we saw and the people that came back from America. Researcher: How did you identify yourself ethnically/culturally when you first came here? Were you trapped in between two cultures? Participant B: No actually I was not trapped between two cultures because culture wise I was ok with both and opened with both. But, the only thing that I was frustrated with was language barrier. Let’s just say if I wanted to express something, I was not able to. For examples, like the crowd I wanted to hang out with, I was not able to because of my language and all that. When I read I didn’t understand. There were so many things I wanted to do, but I didn’t have the knowledge and the mean and the communication to do it. Researcher: How about family pressures. Did you feel that you were expected and demanded to do something that you didn’t want to do? Participant B: Well, they were not really demanded or anything likes that. But, they just protected me from let’s say go out late or going anywhere. But, they were not pushing me to be a doctor or anything like that. Researcher: Were you disagreeing with your parents about certain things at some points? Participant B: Yes, I disagreed that the kept me in the house too much. When we came here I was the one that knew the most English so anywhere they went, they needed me 159 with them so I could translate and help them with paperwork. So I got stuck with that for a long time. I also had to help my sister with homework. Researcher: So it was not really cultural conflicts for you, it was more of family obligation? Participant B: Yes, but it’s not really in term of culturally. But, the only cultural related was clubbing because I didn’t get used to that kinds of atmosphere. Researcher: Did you feel isolated when you were in school? Participant B: No, because in school I had a group of ESL friends and they were in the same situation as I was and they didn’t know a lot of the language so I didn’t feel that I was isolated in that way. Not like by myself. I never felt that I dressed differently from them, but I didn’t feel the need to dress like them because I was comfortable with the way I dressed. I didn’t feel the need that I had to wear baggy clothes that fit to the typical style at that time. Maybe in high school I would wear pants that have pockets on the side or something like that. Researcher: Were you the passive and laid back kind of kid? Participant B: Yes, you can say that. I was not urging to be fit in anything. The major thing for me was language barrier. I felt not confident to talk to like American or something like that or being friend with them. Researcher: Were you more associated with the American culture or the Vietnamese culture when you first came here? Participant B: Vietnamese, totally Vietnamese. 160 Researcher: So you wouldn’t think that down the line that you want to become more Americanized? Participant B: I do wish that I was popular. But, for me the term Americanized, the way I define it may be different. I did wish that we have money and nice car and nice clothes to wear. But, I would not associate those things with the term Americanized. Those terms are more like well off and wealthy. I just wanted a comfortable life, rather than to be a certain way or talk a certain way. For me, the term Americanized means that you don’t know your language and culture at all. I did want to keep that. I did want my accent get better, but I did not want to lose my Vietnamese language. Researcher: Why would you wanted your accent to get better? Isn’t that a way to become Americanized? Participant B: Because sometimes I talked to a person, they would have a problem understanding what I was trying to say so that made me frustrated. It’s ok for me to have the American accent, but it’s not ok for me to lose the Vietnamese language because a lot of people who are Vietnamese and not speak Vietnamese at all. For me, that is not ok. I did wish that my accent get better but I would not trade off for the other one. Researcher: Describe your feelings when you first attended the American school. Participant B: I was like “wow” they have everything here. Everything seemed so new, so much stuffs. They have projectors, they have fancy calculators, they have rulers, and many pencils. Each of us have different desk. I was just surprised and didn’t expect for those. Researcher: Describe to me the peers. How did they treat you? 161 Participant B: Well, in some of the classes the kids would give me attitude and made fun of me, but most of them were ok. Researcher: How would they make fun of you? Participant B: So I would like wear high socks and wearing short. So they would make fun of me. We would go to the Thrift Store or Ross or something like that and we would buy used socks with logo. They would make fun of me and looked at it and say “oh that is very expensive socks, Tap or something like that.” But, it was the cheapest socks we could find, it was dirt cheap. I was like “dam this guy is mocking me.” Researcher: Were you expected this to happen in high school? Participant B: I wasn’t expecting this because in Vietnam I was a popular kid at school. Here, I felt like nothing. I was like I didn’t know anything to talk back to that guy u know. I was like forget it. I just laughed it off and walked away. I just ignored that dude. Researcher: Did you wish for anything to be different or you wanted to revenge? Participant B: Yes, I wished that I was strong like them. I was a skinny guy. If I was strong I would kick his ass. They were playing basketball too and would elbow me and stuff like that. Researcher: Do you consider yourself as being bullied at school? Participant B: I wouldn’t consider it as bullying. It was just one or two occasions. Researcher: What made you think those kids picked on you? Participant B: I think it was because I was different. I was not born here. I was the small Asian dude. Researcher: So were you aware of this and felt angry about it? So you did have stresses? 162 Participant B: Yes I did. But, for me I didn’t think about it until we dig it up. I tried to search my memory and took it out. But, if you ask me right now to close my eyes I wouldn’t think that would be the first thing pops up in my mind. When we dig it up then I think about it, but other than that I have nothing. Researcher: So the same incidence happens again, would you connect that back to the past? Participant B: No, if the same incidence happens again I wouldn’t connect back to that time of high school. Researcher: Describe the struggles you encountered with peers, teachers, and the administrators. Participant B: I had problems with a few teachers because they wanted to push me back to ESL classes. At that time I think I was ok to take regular English. But, then they would keep pushing me back. They were like I should not take English this and that. That was the English part. But, all the math and science they didn’t have any problem with those. They let me took all those. Researcher: How did they judge your English ability? Based on a test or something else? Participant B: Yes, they judged me based on the test. Researcher: How did you think you do? Participant B: Horrible because I didn’t know anything. Researcher: Do you think that test measured up to your academic ability? Participant B: The first test, yes, but the sequence of test. I mean I didn’t think it was fair 163 Researcher: Why do you think it was not fair? Participant B: Well, there were a lot of hard terms that they didn’t teach me and expected me to know and tested me on it. There were a lot of students that would move on to different classes, but I think their level was the same as me. See and I went to two different high schools. The first high school I went to was in Bakersfield and the majorities were Caucasians and the put me right away to regular English. I don’t think at that time they even had ESL classes. I liked it more because I mean I got to read the book, The Old Man and the Sea. The course was more advanced so I liked it a lot. After that I moved to Sacramento and I went to JFK which had a big ESL Department. The majority was not the Americans. The majority of the students were Hmong, Vietnamese, and others. They wouldn’t let me take regular English. Researcher: How did you felt about it? Participant B: I felt angry because I saw people moved on to different classes and I did want to go to college and they kept holding me back. Researcher: How was this led to your college choice? Participant B: It was part of it that I couldn’t get in certain schools. But, mostly it was my problem and I mostly blamed myself. But, part of it I felt they were holding me back because all these requirements and I wasted two years in ESL. Plus, you could only be in high school for certain length. You could not be in high school forever right? Not like in college. So couldn’t take A.P History and A.P this and A.P that. So they were wasting my time. But, I had to go to community college. 164 Researcher: Describe the academic achievement in school and listed the types of classes you enrolled in. Participant B: Well, most of it the first two years I was in ESL. Researcher: What did they teach you in ESL? Participant B: Like grammars and few words. Like kindergarten stuffs. Very simple and basic stuffs. After my junior years that was when I started to take honor classes. But, for my math and science I have been taking honor since ninth grade. All the math and science I had no problem with taking the advance classes. But, all the literature like reading and stuff like that I would take regular classes. Researcher: Well, how did you improve your English since they placed you in ESL for a long period of time? Participant B: Well, honestly my English was very terrible in high school with talking and everything like that. But I got a little bit better in college. But, in high school I was hang out with fobbish people like me so my English would not get any better. But, I did spend a lot of times reading books such as comet books and stuff like that. I think that was what helped me a lot. They didn’t even put me into an American class so how could they expect me to learn American accent. Researcher: In the American classes, did they let you talked in your own language? Participant B: Heck no! Yes, English only. They didn’t even let us practice English either. They didn’t even have a pronunciation class. Yes, we did worksheets and it was boring like heck. See the only time when I got to practice my English was in my regular classes, not my ESL class. So it completely defeated the purpose. 165 Researcher: Who were the peers you hung out with inside and outside of school? Participant B: Fobs! Researcher: Describe the fob. Such as their nationality, what were they like, etc…. Participant B: Vietnamese, Chinese, Hmong. People that didn’t know English very well. Researcher: Did you hang out with any Caucasian friends or other races? Participant B: No, I didn’t have any Caucasian friends. Researcher: Did you have peer pressures that pulled you away from your parent’s rules? Participant B: No, not really. Because for examples, like Chris and John. We knew what time we were going to go and what time we had to go back and that was what I told my parents. None of them pressured me into go hang out and drink. None of that. I didn’t have a lot of friends either. Just those people. I would socialize with the friends of my friends, but I wouldn’t hang out with them much either because I didn’t even have the mean to go out. Also, the language barrier and I couldn’t go out much, and couldn’t stay out for long. Researcher: What were your family expectations for you? Participant B: They just wanted me to finish with school. They did expect me to do well and all that, but they wouldn’t I have to be this or that. They just nagged once in awhile such as why don’t you study this or that? Where do you go for school? Why don’t you stay home and help your sister? As long I made progress, it was fine. But, somewhat they expected me to get 3 point something but not like 2 point or something. Researcher: What if you brought home a C? What would they do? 166 Participant B: They would yell at me. That was it. But, in Vietnam they would hit me. I never really get the concept of grounded because I was being home all the time. They would not say no to me in term of watching TV or playing video games. In the U.S they didn’t control me like in Vietnam. I didn’t feel suppressed because you don’t know about the things you don’t have when you don’t have right? Researcher: How did you feel about the teachers here versus the one in Vietnam? Participant B: They were more open than in Vietnam. In Vietnam they would hit you, but here they don’t hit you. Only the ESL classes that I felt oppressed, but in the regular classes the professors were very nice. Researcher: Did you already learn English in Vietnam? Participant B: I only learned may be about basic grammars and regular grammars. But, not much of talking either. Only the basic like good morning, how are you doing. Researcher: Describe the neighborhood you lived in at that time? Participant B: Well, we were in the government housing at Rio Lane by River Side. It was less than middle, but I wouldn’t call it poor. They had a lot of old cars in that neighborhood, but I don’t think there was any gang. It was an ok neighborhood. We found mostly black, African Americans in that neighborhood and some Mexicans too. My apartment complex was a very small unit like a town house. I witnessed some domestic violence, but not shooting or anything like that. People next door partied and I hated it, but that was all. No major issues. The cops came once in awhile, but only because people partied too much and they were too loud. 167 Researcher: How was the condition at that time? What were your parents do? What kind of jobs they had? Participant B: My mom was doing nail, and my dad was doing newspaper for awhile and then he did nail, and before that he did some assembly stuffs. Researcher: How about the time the spent with you? Participant B: They mostly worked. They worked from about 6 AM to 7PM. We did have dinner with our parents. Weekend we went shopping. Not really shopping, but we went window shopping. Researcher: What were your responsibilities with your sister? Participant B: Helped her with homework. I just took care of her and played with her. Researcher: Describe your Vietnamese community at that time. Were there any Vietnamese community schools, churches, temples, etc.? Were you involved with the ethnic community? Explain your experiences with the Vietnamese community and how you felt about it. Participant B: I didn’t even know about them. I was just at home most of the time. My dad would go to the Vietnamese area to do grocery, but I didn’t involve in anything at all. Researcher: Did you go to temple at all or Tet festival? Participant B: Yes, I went to temple for the Buddhist main holiday and New Year, but we went very seldom. Researcher: Did you know the people at the temple? Participant B: Heck no, I didn’t even know the monk at the temple. 168 Researcher: Describe your family. What were their values and expectations? Were they supportive? How did they show their involvement in your life? How they raised you up? What kind of bond did you have with your family? Participant B: They value family. Things like always be there for your family and help each other out. They just expected us to be a good person, do well in school, don’t do drugs, and don’t do ghetto stuffs like stealing. They would be supportive toward me. If I wanted to buy stuffs, they would save it up and get me it. Lets say if I needed a car, they would save it up and got me a car. If I didn’t have a car, they would drop me off to meet up with my friends. Sometimes they gave money to take the bus to go hang out. Researcher: If you were to date, how would they handle that? Participant B: They didn’t really be upfront with me. But, from their action I could tell they approved or not approved. With my ex, they didn’t say anything, but they were not really happy about it. Sometimes I lied to them too, for examples, if I go somewhere far I would say I go somewhere near. They never really talked about it. Researcher: During family dinner, what did you and your family talked about? Participant B: Well, just about the things happened that day, the economy, and other family members and how they were doing. But, not much about what I did in school and personal issues. For us, talking about personal issues was like a taboo. Researcher: Were they promoting for you to get involved in the community? Participant B: They were less concerned about me involving in the community. Researcher: How important was it for you to be bilingual and bicultural when you came here? 169 Participant B: I think it’s important because you must know where you came from that would give you different perspectives. You need to talk to your parents and your parents in the language that they can understand in order to have a close connection with them. It’s good to know new things, but you must know where you came from because that would give you a different perspective. If you don’t have the bilingual then you actually know only one thing. So it’s good to know. Researcher: What are the pros and cons about being Vietnamese and being American? Participant B: The pros about being Vietnamese are that you are very family oriented, you eat a lot of good foods, and you can put up with a lot more hardships. The bad thing about it is we are very introverted, never speak up, close minded, opinionated, and nosy, don’t stand up for themselves. Researcher: How about the pros and cons of being American? Participant B: Open minded, liberal, realistic, freedom. Those are the positives. The negatives are too self-centered, so more about individual. No long term planning, just about today and live for today kind of mentality. They have terrible food because they don’t know how to eat. Not so open minded with different cultures and still have a lot of discriminations. Researcher: Were you considered yourself assimilating or accommodating to the mainstream society? Participant B: I think I was accommodating. I opened to new ideas. I tried to open to the liberal things that American does. I tried to live and enjoy here and today a little bit and work hard/play hard too. I tried to live more realistic. I accommodated in school by 170 sometimes wearing more modern clothes. I tried to pick up the accent. But, at home I still spoke Vietnamese and watched Vietnamese movie, at Vietnamese food, hung out with Vietnamese friends. Researcher: What would happen if you refused to accommodate? Participant B: I would be an outcast because the biggest thing is the communication. If you don’t accommodate and you don’t talk right and don’t talk correctly, then who are you going to do business with or who are you going to communicate with or work with. You cannot just work with the Vietnamese community. That was the reason why I wanted to become like them because you live in America. If I have perfect action I don’t care if I dress like this. I really don’t. Researcher: What were the main factors contributed to your success or failures in school? Participant B: In term of successes, I think I got used to the way I studied in Vietnam and it helped me a lot. Such as discipline and study hard. For me, failures was like I took things the easy way out. I was more easy going and just tried to get by. I regret doing that because I should have made the best out of my time and I did not. Researcher: What do you mean by being the best? Participant B: I mean that I needed to pick the career that I want and put all the work and soul into it. I wanted to be an engineer, but I just live through it and not really tried. Part of me was when I was at home and thought about a program, sometimes I got really excited. But, when I got stuck under a certain authority or somebody gave me a guideline to follow through then I switched back to my passive and careless mode. Just like when I 171 was at home. Since my parents said I could go far from home, then I just whatever. Community college is fine. Researcher: Did you want to go to the community or you chose it yourself? Participant B: Part of my parents wanted me to go there because it was closer to home. I think I accommodated them because when they said about it, I thought about situation and thought it was ok. Researcher: What if you really wanted to go far but they made your go there? How would you handle that? Participant B: I would prove to them that I can do it and I go. But I also was ok with the community college because it was easy for me. I didn’t have to take SAT and all that. Researcher: What do you think about the American society in term of racism and oppression? Participant B: I was experience things like going to the market or the mall and some people gave me attitude and I could totally tell. It was very frustrating me. But I didn’t experience discrimination in term of people hitting me or not giving me a job. But, I didn’t think much about it because if they didn’t bother me I didn’t really care to think about it much. But now at work if people stepped on me I would snap them back. But back then I wasn’t thinking about racism or issues like that much. I just know I got pissed off and went home and cursed about those who made fun of me in my mind, but not really think about the issue. Researcher: Tell me about a time when you felt most prejudiced or oppressed when you were an adolescent? 172 Participant B: I think it was when in high school they didn’t let me move out of ESL. I was just cursed at them in my mind. I couldn’t do anything about it. But, I went to talk to different counselors and finally one counselor let me out. I had an English professor wrote a letter for me. I was transferred to a regular English class and got an A in that. I actually got lucky I got an A because that class was so easy. I challenged authority, but not directly. Let’s say if that lady pushed me down. I went home and thought about it and talked to another person about her. I attacked from different angle. I’m more like a passive aggressive kind of person. Since now we are digging it up, I am more aware. But, back then my mind wouldn’t think about these concepts and issues. Researcher: Do you want to propose for any changes to make things better for kids like you? Participant B: I think that we should not put ESL kids together because you don’t expect a bunch of kids who don’t know things together and expect them to learn from each other. It’s just like a blind is leading a blind. So they should be mixed up. Just put them to regular classes. They may not do well, but at least have a buddy system that somebody is helping them out rather than just have them learn like boring stuffs. I just hated the ESL thing. Well, at that time I didn’t think the American system was bad. I thought it was excellent. Just the ESL part that was frustrating me. Other than that, the school I went to they had everything. They had different courses and I was very excited about the courses and it was just good for me. Researcher: How about what you left back in Vietnam? Did you miss your friends or the environment there? 173 Participant B: Yes, I did miss my friends. It was frustrating because I didn’t make as much friends as I used to have. I was very socialized and popular in school. I was very socialized in Vietnam. When I came over here, I could not talk and could not communicate. In Vietnam my parents still controlled me in the house, but I still had a lot of friends. I loved to talk, and if I could not talk I could not make friends. That was sad. Researcher: What kind of support would you like from the system? Participant B: I think the group that I want to form consists of people like me, and people who already overcame the difficulty, and a few people who never experienced it. Researcher: Why would you want to talk to people who never experienced it? Participant B: Because I want the third person point of view. If you feel depress, I you don’t want to talk to just a depress person. So it’s kind of good to talk to people who never experienced the stress. I want a mixture of the three groups. Maybe an authority or someone that has the power that can change things and hear us out. Researcher: What kind of system would you want to measure up to your true academic ability rather than the ESL test? Participant B: I prefer a project. For example, a project that I can go out and do a presentation or a paper of subject that you like. I also would like more challenges in the classroom rather than the boring work. Researcher: Why did you think the test was bias? Participant B: Not everyone is a test taker. You cannot measure knowledge through memorization. The test was more based on what the teacher thought was important rather than what the students would know or would like to learn. 174 Researcher: How would you like the classroom environment to be like? Participant B: In class we didn’t have much talking. So I would like for more chance to practice verbal communication. The problem was there was a lot of Chinese in that class. When we do worksheet, they spoke Chinese. Me and two other guys were the only people who speak Vietnamese. Hmong and them too. I didn’t feel that we learn the English part of it. Let’s say in other subject matter, you can ask you friend in your language is fine. But, in English you need to have the chance to practice that. So I want English only in the English classroom. I also would like more challenges in the classroom rather than the boring work. Researcher: Describe to me your living conditions right now. What are you doing for a living for a living? Who are you living with? Participant B: I graduated from U.C Davis in 2004 as an electrical engineer. I am currently working at Intel, an electrical engineering company in Folsom, California. I am still single and living with my parents. 175 Name: Participant D Researcher: How did you identify yourself ethnically/culturally when you first came to America? Did you want to become more Americanized or Vietnamese? Participant D: Always Vietnamese, but people saw me as on the other side. Some people thought that I’m Spanish or Jamaican. I was more adapted that way by the look. Researcher: How did you feel when people looked at you that way? Did you feel they discriminated you in anyway? Participant D: In my whole life there is no discrimination that I feel in any circumstance. It’s just that some people they could make a joke out of it, but I didn’t feel anything about it. I just moved on with my life. I’m a joker myself so I can adapt to it and go along with it and joke back and make it release right there. Researcher: Did you wish that you could say something back to them? Participant D: No I don’t recall any of that. I am born natural that way. Things just get by me. Researcher: How do you describe your characters as a person? Participant D: I am an easy going, high self-esteem. Sometimes I was born with the gift that I understand nature so I can adapt and absorb and live with it. I can adapt to different environments. Researcher: Tell me a little about your family? Participant D: I was born and my mom and dad left for the army so I lived with my grandma and my six aunts. We grew up with them and we moved from one place to 176 another. We moved three places, but I lived with them from 1970 to 1989. My mom got to America in 1974 for a visit and she stayed back. It was only me in Vietnam. Researcher: Do you have any siblings? Participant D: I have two half sisters that were born here. Researcher: When your mom came here did she reunite with your dad? Participant D: No, she came here with my step dad. She came for a visit and she liked it here so she stayed. Researcher: How long did you stay with your mom in Vietnam until you lived with your relatives? Participant D: I don’t know because my mom lived with my grandma and sometimes she worked she stay in different places and from where she worked to where we lived it was kind of far so there was no transportation to come so she stayed in the camp where she worked at. She worked in the base so that was how she met my step dad and that was why she came here to the United States for a visit. Researcher: Have you ever met your real dad again? Participant D: I think I had a chance, but didn’t. I believe that my step dad told my real dad that I was here, back in 1989. He didn’t make the trip to come and visit me and I didn’t have the choice to come and visit him then so I just let it go and my dad passed away after that. Maybe ten years after and we lost all the contacts. Researcher: If you were to have a chance to meet you dad, would you do it? Participant D: Before when I was you, and I got here and I heard that my real dad didn’t want to come and see me for whatever reason I don’t know. I didn’t like much about it so 177 if he didn’t want to come and see me that was fine. I didn’t want to see him either. Plus, I didn’t have a chance to see him. So I told him that’s fine and I let it go. But now if I have the chance I will see him anyway because I’m growing older and I think more clearly. Researcher: Did you have any hatred toward your dad and mom for leaving you? Participant D: I don’t recall because I was born and raised without dad so that was just my nature. Researcher: How did you feel about it, not having your dad to be there for you? Were you angry about it? Participant D: I spent my childhood in the village. The nature is beautiful so there was no negative thinking. I never got mad until I got to the city. Researcher: Why when you got to the city you got angrier? Participant D: It was just the way you adapted and interacted with other people and you learned from them. Some you thought were good and some you thought were bad so you just learned to pick up. That was how you learn new attitudes and new characteristics. Researcher: Did you move to the city by yourself or with family? Participant D: We used to live in Bien Hoa. After 1975 we moved to the countryside all the way to Soc Trang, far away. We lived then for seven or nine years and we moved back to where we came from, which was Bien Hoa. We all moved together. I still lived with my grandma and my aunt at that time. Researcher: When did you come to America and how did you come here? Participant D: I came here when I was seventeen. I went with two different departures in which one was the ODP and the other one was the Ameriasian. 178 Researcher: So did you bring your family here under the Ameriasian? Participant D: No my mom sponsored them here. When my mom came here back in 1974 she tried to sponsor my family. She did the paperwork, but the paperwork didn’t pass through. The communist took over so we were stuck. We started file the paper in 1979 and ten years later we came here. Researcher: How was America different than Vietnam when you came here? Participant D: When I lived in Vietnam, there was still not that much going on. I got here to Sacramento, and nothing much changed. But, it was just that I saw a lot of cars, roads, and people. I came on November so you look in the sky and with all the clouds and just humid and the weather didn’t look clear so I thought nothing is better than Vietnam. But again, looking at the streets and stuffs, they were better and nicer and you didn’t see a lot of houses because back in 20 years ago, there weren’t many houses here in Sacramento. Researcher: What kind of economic condition you have in Vietnam? Participant D: I don’t know. 98% of Vietnamese were poor so we were around there. We were just like a working family and tried to survive. There were stresses, but I didn’t really notice them because what I did in Vietnam was different. I was that guy that always went out to the forest and collected the branches and woods. So that what I did a lot and I went home and helped with making assembly crafts at home. That was our normal life. We stayed together and did things together and I just needed to do what I needed to help them out. Researcher: Your whole family came to the U.S the same time as you? Participant D: Yes, we all came, but one aunt stuck back. 179 Researcher: Why didn’t you attend high school in America? Participant D: I came here I was late seventeen and almost eighteen. I got two ways at that time. I didn’t know much, but my family planned it for me. Either I would go to the Job Corp or I would go to the army. I called both places and we went to apply for both places. The military called me and also Job Corp called me. But, actually called me first so I took that. Researcher: So at that time going to college for you was not that important? Participant D: School for me was not something I was interested in. Back in Vietnam either, I didn’t go to school a lot. I did go to school and completed ninth grade. That was my highest education. I completed ninth grade when I was fifteen or sixteen. Something around there. Researcher: What about school that did not motivate you? Participant D: Because back where I lived I did a lot work, and work so our family we didn’t put emphasis so much on school. So education wasn’t that important. We were born and raised that way. We were working people and all we did was work and tried to survive. Researcher: If you came to America and had a chance to go to high school, would you go? Participant D: I don’t know to be honest. I don’t think that would change me because from the beginning I was like that. I just grew up like that. Researcher: What did you see yourself do later in life when you were an adolescent and just came here? 180 Participant D: I got no future. I didn’t live the family where my relatives or my family pushed me toward any direction. So never really had a vision or a setting for myself. I never paid attention to my school or my education even though I had some recommendations from my teachers. When I went to Job Corp they asked me if I wanted to go back to my college by getting my GED. There was a plan for me to get my GED, but I didn’t even bother to get the education degree. So I just went there for trade school in auto mechanic technician. I learned a little about computer programming and how to operate it. I was more like a manpower kind of person. I didn’t want to be in one place and doing something over and over again. I didn’t want the same environment, same task, I wanted something different. Researcher: What kind of friends you hung out with inside and outside of school? Participant D: I was at Job Corp for about two years. I completed the Job Corp and met some friends. We went out partied and had fun. They were all good friends. But, you know just what teenagers do. We were all hang around and drinking beer and going to club. They were all typical teenagers. Nothing extreme. You know just like other Asians, they came here and had no choices or chances. They didn’t have money and didn’t know where to get help and stuffs like that. Job Corp would give them a place to stay. You earned fifty dollars for two weeks and you didn’t have to worry about eating and they trained you. We took that and we had fun with it. Most of my friends were some Job Corp and we met their friends so we just kind of hung around. That was how we knew more people that way. They were mostly Vietnamese and Ameriasians. When I was in Job Corp and lived in the dorm, I met different people from different nationalities. But, I grew 181 closer to the Asian group because I am very Asian. Those friends came here recently too and the longest they stayed here was five to ten years. So they were all like me probably. Researcher: Describe any struggles you encountered in Job Corp? Participant D: Well, at that time I came here and was all brand new. I didn’t know much about anything. The only things I knew were somebody gave me a place to stay and trained me to become the person I wanted to be. Researcher: How about the language issue? Did that cause you any problem? Participant D: Well, I was the kind of person that if I wanted to do something, I would get it done. Back in 1989 when I came here I spent nine months studying English for ten to fifteen hours each day before I went to Job Corp. I started from the bottom and learned hard at that time. Researcher: Where do you think you got your strength from? Participant D: I think the motivations were my family and the people around me. I think my best time was when I lived in the village. Everything was so beautiful there. People were so nice. I think I learned the best from them. They were nice and hard working people. I didn’t have any problem growing up with them and learned from them. Researcher: Did your spiritual and religious life have anything to do with that? Participant D: I was so young. So I didn’t pay attention to that. But, you know in Vietnam when you went to church, your grandma took your hand to church. That was what happened to me daily. Researcher: How your training as a Catholic impacted your character when you came to America? 182 Participant D: I got here and I didn’t go to church. I didn’t attend much church because first I didn’t have any transportation. Second, there was no Vietnamese church. But, the most was no transportation so I stayed home for seven to eight months so I got used to it. When I got to Job Corp, none of my friends were really Catholic or people that would go to church or worship so I lived with that life. Sunday and Saturday were all drinking. I didn’t go to church because I didn’t like something. Just that you got used to it and you just had fun. It was just time for me to escape, so I did escape for a long time. From the time I came here until 1995, when I got married that was when I got back to Jackson, the Vietnamese church on Jackson. Researcher: When you talked about escape, what made you escaped? Participant D: Just like I said, I didn’t have transportation. When you didn’t go to church you just got used to it. When I was younger, my grandma always took me to church so I just went. It was like a routine for me. Researcher: What made you realize that you wanted to attend church again? Participant D: I think it was all happen naturally. I knew my wife and she was not Catholic, but she went to church on Jackson. I was like ok I’ll go and that was when I got back to church. I just happened to go back. Researcher: Describe the neighborhood you lived in at the time when you first came here? Participant D: I lived here all my life in Sacramento. I witness some shootings in the café and coffee shop. I lived in the environment like that so I got used to it. I just thought it was just another day. I lived near Job Corp on Middle View in South Sacramento. It was 183 always around that area. I worked around the Stockton Boulevard. I didn’t live with my mom, but my mom lived in Citrus Height and El Camino. I didn’t live with my mom a lot though. When I lived at Job Corp, I went back and visited sometimes. But, it just I don’t know, I was the kind of person that you could throw me anywhere and I could survive. Researcher: Did you have a close bond with your mom? Participant D: I didn’t have anything against her, I didn’t hate her. It was just I felt I didn’t have a close bond with my mom and sometimes I really wanted to have that close bond with her. Everything was good, but I didn’t feel there was a bonding. I always wanted to have that experience, but it’s not happening anytime. Researcher: Why do you think you didn’t have a close bond with her? Participant D: I don’t know. Even when I lived with my grandma from the time I was one until I grew up, I didn’t feel any bond, but there was no special bond. Researcher: Who did you normally talk to if you wanted to share something or had a bad day? Participant D: I don’t think there was any bad day for me. I don’t remember, I just didn’t keep track of the bad things. When the bad things happened, it happened, and when it was over, it was over. I didn’t keep track of them. Researcher: Would you want to have a close bond with your mom if you have the opportunity? Participant D: I don’t know. This is what I feel now. If a person that I can share something with is the person that can understand you and when you talk to them you feel there is a conversation. If you share your knowledge and issues with somebody and they 184 can’t you and in turn around they kind of help them too you know. I just don’t have that figure that I can come to in my life. I don’t know, I don’t really think about whom I should come to when I get into something. I don’t remember I share anything with my grandma and don’t remember if I did. I don’t remember sharing my hardships to anyone. Now I talk about it, but talk a little about it doesn’t mean anything. Researcher: Who did you look up to when you were seventeen? Participant D: I don’t know. No I didn’t really have a role model. Researcher: Describe the Vietnamese community you lived in at that time. Were there any Vietnamese schools, churches, temples, etc.? Were you involved with the ethnic community? Explain your experiences with the Vietnamese community and how you felt about it? Participant D: I didn’t know any community. I had a chance to come to the Vietnamese church on Jackson Road one time when somebody took me there. I think it was my mom and her friend who took me there once and I never had any other interact with other Vietnamese community. Researcher: Did you become involve with that church community? Participant D: It started back in 1996. I knew my wife in 1994 and we got engaged in 1996 and we went to church so I went to ask the choir to join to sing. They said ok and I joined the choir. People said you join the choir to meet a girl, but I actually met her outside and join the group later. She brought me back to church. Researcher: Who else did you hang out with besides the friend at Job Corp? 185 Participant D: At that time, I also hung out with my uncles. I hung out with those two guys most of the time. My one of my uncles got a little body shop so after I graduated I went there and worked with him. Both of them were my aunts’ husbands. I worked with him and talked with him everyday. In 1989 he went to Job Corp and he saw my aunt’s picture and that how he met her. On the weekend, I went to one of my uncle’s house and we drank all weekend from Friday, Saturday, to Sunday. Researcher: Describe your family. What were there values and expectations? Were they supportive? What did they do to show their involvement in your life? How they raised you up? Participant D: I don’t remember. I don’t remember of any expectations. They might ask me to keep on going to school, but I didn’t know the point for going to school. Just go to school to learn to read, you can read when you are in third grade. When I was young I don’t recall that they really push me to any level of education. The highest education my family members got to was twelfth grade. After twelfth it just stopped. Education for us was not that important. Researcher: How important it is being bilingual and bicultural to you? Participant D: Good. I can talk to you and they don’t know anything I’m talking about. Actually, it is kind of interesting to know more cultures and keep the languages. I think it’s more important if they can hold on to their culture. They environment that they lived before truly make them who they are. That’s the most interesting part for me. Researcher: Have you ever wanted to learn more about the African culture or wonder how it is like to be raised up in an African family? 186 Participant D: I don’t know. But whichever family that I live with and push that, I might. Anything you do you need the guidance from whomever you live with. That way they best prepare for you. You are just like a tool and who ever want to use you for certain thing, they have to be the one that push you for that. Researcher: Would you ever want to get in touch with your father’s heritage if you get the chance? Participant D: I don’t, I really don’t think about it. I’m fully packed with what I have learned so to input another in for me, there must be an environment where I have to be in to start develop that. But, now if I need to learn how to play the piano, then I’ll do it. If I need it then I’ll do it. Researcher: What do you think about the American society in term of racism and oppression? Do you think this society is really fair and equal? Participant D: Nothing is equal. Only one plus one is equal two. When I lived in Vietnam I didn’t understand much about the communist and freedom of choices. I think it was normal because you lived there and the communist wouldn’t expose it to you and they hide it away from you. People who live in Vietnam right now, there is not much freedom for them or very limited. So I don’t really think about it here. Researcher: How did people treat you in Vietnam and also here since you’re an Ameriasian? Participant D: I have seen people become hateful toward people around them. It’s all come down to your personality and how you build the situation. If I don’t like that and you just come to me and say black this or black that, if I don’t like that in me already and 187 that word become annoying. But other than that if you just call me black normally, it’s just another word. I’m part black so I’m fine with that. I am not offended by that. But, I have seen people around me that did have anger and they did act stupid or sometimes when you went to the public area or the local market square, some people they did discriminate you. It’s just depending on which way you chose to react to it. Some of them, they got them good, so they hated them so much. But I have seen that the government didn’t treat us good at all back in Vietnam, but then again when a lot of Ameriasians received the order to go back to the United States, and they started doing bad things, like fighting and stuffs like that. It also depends on where you lived. I lived in a peaceful neighborhood environment. When people called me this and that, I didn’t really keep it and wanted to get mad or get even. I think the best year I had was when I lived in the village. It taught me a lot on how to be calm and how to treat other people nice even when people got mad at you. It was just the environment that taught me so much. Researcher: Describe the life in the village. Participant D: We lived in a rice field. All we did was growing rice all day long. We had farm, so every house would have a farm in the back. Far out there was a rice field. You lived and you worked. If you couldn’t make enough then you worked for other people to get money to the market once every couple weeks to buy some trading such as meats or anything. Mostly, you ate fish. For meat, you ate mostly chicken because you raised chicken. My family members were all farming. I started to work in the rice field when I was five. We didn’t have buffalo. Those with the buffalos to help them were rich. We were basically the bottom farmer. During that time I lived with my seven aunts, my grandma, 188 and my granddad. So I lived with a bunch of girls. My grandpa sometimes got drunk and acted up. But, me and my younger aunt we were just normal and calm people. Researcher: Were you being whooped hardship disciplined in anyway? What kind of parenting style did you get from your family? Participant D: There was no domestic violent in Vietnam, if you didn’t do something, they just going to hit you so that was just normal. My family was easy. They didn’t really set the future for me. I lived with my grandma and grandpa and they didn’t set the vision or future for me so I was the kind of guy that could go wherever I wanted and did whatever I liked. If you went out and played so much and didn’t get things done, you just got whooped. But that’s how it was. Researcher: How was it like living with family in America? Participant D: I lived with Uncle Phuc too, but you have to know that when I lived in Vietnam I just lived in a house and I didn’t have to pay rent and got used to it. But here I also didn’t pay rent for Uncle Phuc. I thought it was normal, but was an issue for them too. After awhile my aunt told me that I had to pay rent and stuff like that. That was how I know. My uncle he lived here for a long time and knew the routine and the cost of living here. Researcher: What are the pros and cons about being Vietnamese and being American? Participant D: The positives of being Vietnamese are I get all I want. I am Vietnamese. We have more family bond. I think the bond is the most important thing. I don’t have any negatives of being Vietnamese. I don’t have any negatives of being American either. Being Vietnamese gives me the bond and the culture that I like, and being American gives 189 me the freedom that I want and updating my knowledge and myself to be better. So they both have positives. Researcher: When do you become emotional about something? Participant D: I got more emotional at the age when I went out and dating. Before sometimes I did cry a little bit when I thought about my mom. Sometimes I felt that I loved her, but most of the time I didn’t feel the bond. I just felt I loved her and I just had tears in my eyes when I went to sleep. It was in the moment. I came visit her once in awhile. With me and my mom, sometimes I didn’t call her for a month. I’m the kind of person that if I’m there then I’m there. I don’t call. I just want to have that bond with her. I want to see how that would push me. I just want to have a taste of having a bond and being close to her. In Vietnam I only lived with her for two years of my life. So I do want that. Even with my grandma, I lived with her for all my life, but I didn’t even feel that bond. I guess another thing I don’t have too, it’s a close friend. I have many different types of friends. It’s like this, when I spend time with you, I want to spend time with you and do all I can with you or with a group of friends that I am being with and after that I go on to a different group and I don’t have to worry about you anymore. I see them, I still talk to them, but I don’t call and don’t get attached to them. Researcher: Did you have family dinner in Vietnam? Participant D: We didn’t have that choice. There was time for you to eat, if you don’t eat you would starve. But here in America, no meal or dinner. I ate when I felt like it. Even now I’m married and my wife made dinner sometimes, but we didn’t eat together. 190 Researcher: How did you feel about being a minority in America? What kind of feeling you had toward the majority? Participant D: I don’t have that feeling. When I first got here I didn’t know about minority or majority. You just wanted to fit in. You didn’t really think about it. Talking minority is more on the community level, not the personal level for me. I don’t think I’m a minority. I’m just a person and you are a person. There is no different within that. Even in Vietnam, I didn’t see my skin that much. I just have what you have. I talk like you talk so I just consider who I am. I don’t really become aware of my appearance. I don’t have any guard on. Researcher: So why do you think you got through so much add on to what you learned from the countryside? Participant D: I usually don’t worry much about money. Somehow I know that when I need money, I can get it. Making money in America is not hard. You can make money anywhere. Also, my expectation in life is not high. I set my expectation low. I just want a little house where I don’t have to do a lot of work. I just want to live an easy life. I don’t want to live in a big house and drive nice car. Those are nice but I don’t expect for those. When I was young, I didn’t have that. There were no people who set goals for me to achieve. So I don’t really have those in mind and never have any guidance. Researcher: Do you think that is actually good for you? Participant D: It is good and bad. It’s good because you don’t have to worry a lot because your life is so easy. The bad thing about it is that it might set your personality 191 downward. You lack the potential and I think I have a lot of potential. For me, the potential is what can you contribute that’s count. Researcher: What was the most stressful thing for you when you came to the United States? Participant D: Well, when I came here and had to learn English. In Vietnam, my family offered to get a teacher for me to come to the house and teach me English, but I didn’t feel it was necessary. So when I got here I had to push myself to learn English. I had to keep studying, and studying. Woke up and study until I went to bed. I couldn’t really do anything at that time because I didn’t have transportation and couldn’t go no where. So I chose to study to learn to speak English. But, I didn’t really stress about it. I just did what I needed to do. I am very focus when I need to do something. When I want to learn something, I will learn it and get it. That’s who I am. Researcher: What type of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American society? Such as supports to help you relieve your stresses in school and at home. Participant D: I think if they have a program for those new comers to help them understand what they have here and there were people that can guide them. I think that would be best because that way young people and those new comers would know what they have here and what they can get here. Sometimes there are other potentials for you to reach out there such as school and stuffs, but then again, a family might not know what to prove to these kids. They should have a system that they can help these kids see their potential, the vision, the future, and the opportunity that they offer here. If you want to 192 sell something and you don’t advertise. Nobody would know how to buy it. You want a lot of people achieve their goals and reach their potentials and help other people. I would like something like that for myself when I first came here. Researcher: What kind of mental health or counseling service would you like the system to have? Participant D: I can really speak about that because I didn’t encounter anything like that. But, these people have to know where these kids are coming from and what kind of problems they have. You just have to dig inside to find the struggles they face. Some people just need the money because they have family in Vietnam to support. You have to find out what they want first, in order to offer what is available. For me, I can’t speak for myself because I didn’t have that issue. There are things that happened for me, but when it’s gone it’s gone. There is nothing for me to hold back. Researcher: Have you ever miss your real dad and wanted to see him? Participant D: There was one time I wanted to look for him. I just wanted to see how he looks and what he was going to say. I wanted to understand why he didn’t want to come and see me when I got here. I wanted to talk to him and get to know him. But, I didn’t get a chance. I tried to ask my mom, but she said she didn’t keep any paper. I don’t know anything between my real dad and my mom either and my mom is not the type that would talk about it. She has things that she keeps and I don’t ask about it. Researcher: You seem like a neutral person and don’t get mad easily. So what really made you mad in the past? 193 Participant D: Well, I remember one time in Vietnam I came to see my friend, and this guy there beat me. I told him to go ahead and beat me, but if the next three days I see you pass by the bridge I would kill you. I waited for him for three days and he didn’t pass by. After those three days, I called it even which meant that he showed me the respect that I wanted so that was all I wanted. I just want to let people know that they should not mess with me even though I’m a peaceful man, but if they mess with me you are going to end up not so good. I noticed that I get more temper when I lived in the city because I learned bad things. But, in the village you didn’t see all of those. Researcher: How is your current living condition? Are you single or married? What are you doing for a living? Participant D: I am currently married and living with my wife. I work at an auto mechanic shop in Sacramento. On my spare time I help with the choir at church and thing like that. 194 Name: Participant J Researcher: Please tell me a little about your family history before you came to America Participant J: My dad was in the reeducation camp. So we had 9 kids in the family. I’m somewhere in the middle. My mom had to take care of the kids. My dad first got out of prison in 81. My mom sent my dad, myself, and two brothers to escape Vietnam by boat. My dad remarried when he got here. So my siblings and I lived at different places. So imagine the stress of being a teenager. Especially, being a mail teenager was tougher. This was because I had to think about the future and it was the stress itself. During that time my dad wasn’t here for us. We were all up here and he was in LA. So we struggled a little bit, moving from family to family. Researcher: Did you live with your siblings at that time? Participant J: Well, for a short moment we stayed together. Shortly after that, about a year we split up because my older brother he stayed here and I moved to San Diego. My younger brother went with this family my dad knows, or something like that. Researcher: How old were you at that time? Participant J: I was sixteen at that time I think. I came to America when I was around fifteen. Researcher: Describe your living conditions in Vietnam? Participant J: Well, the conditions, we lived in Saigon and half of the time when my dad was in prison I had to stayed with my grandma which is my dad’s mom because my mom was just by herself with nine kids so she had to split them up. None of the kids wanted to go so I had to volunteer so I left and I stay with my grandma for a few years. Maybe two 195 years. But, my grandma is from the North region of Vietnam, and she was very traditional and very difficult. So I had to go stay with my aunt from my mom’s sister for a couple of years and I was lucky then because I was the only boy in that family. But, in general we know that the life in Vietnam was not the best at that time because everything was run by the government. There was no market. Everything was provided by the government. There was a place that people came and got in line to get their food every morning. Researcher: How was the financial situation for the family you stayed with at that time? Were there any economic struggles? Participant J: No, I was lucky because my aunt was well off. Research: Did you have a close bond with your mom? Participant J: My mom she came here after and I haven’t seen her in 10 years. She stayed with me for a little bit. But, you know I worked all the time so she decided to go and to stay with my sister. Researcher: How about your dad? Why didn’t you stay with him? Participant J: Well, we came here at the same time. But he met a female in the refugee camp. He got remarried. He doesn’t want us to stay with him. Researcher: Where did you stay? Participant J: Well, I stayed with my aunt for a little while. But you know because I was a teenager and always messing around and stuffs so she kicked us out. So we stayed with other families that we know. 196 Researcher: Describe to me your migration experience and the period you escaped from Vietnam to here. Participant J: I was somewhat lucky because it only took four days to get to a small island which was part of the Philippine. The Philippine is close to Vietnam and the boat died so we had no choice but to stay in the Philippine. So after that they came after two weeks with a big ship and picked us up and brought us to a Philippine island called Palayan. I think we stayed there for about four months. Researcher: How were the conditions in the camp? Participant J: Well the conditions in the camp were not the best conditions that you want to live in. But, according to most people they preferred to stay at that camp because it was somewhat they gave you the freedom to go wherever you wanted. There was no fence no gate. You can go out to town every morning. But just before night time after 10 P. M you had to come back and they did roll call and stuffs. Plus, I was too young and didn’t have to do anything at that time because my uncle from the U.S sent us the money month so we didn’t have to struggle or anything like financially. Researcher: Did you witness any hardships from other boat people or anything that cause you to become traumatized? Participant J: Well I had seen people came in and only four people left on the boat of about hundred people originally. I had heard people eating other people to survive but, I didn’t witness anything like that on my boat. So we were lucky that everybody survived. Researcher: Were there any peer pressures when you came to America? 197 Participant: Well, I was not taken care of and my aunt was somewhat not being fair. So she was not seeing us as her own children. She had two kids and they both were teenagers at that time too. Things like I had to work to get things for me and my brothers because nothing was given by her. She mostly gave things to her own kids. But you know we were close so we share a lot. But at that time I had to get a job and I was in high school. Researcher: Where did you work? Participant J: I worked at many places. Like fast-food to retails. Researcher: How did you handle your situation being in the situation that you were at that time? Were you showing your rebellion or anything like that? Participant J: Yes, I got crazy a little bit. That was like later on in life. But in high school I still had guardian so I could not get too crazy. But, I did sneak out during the night and went do some crazy stuffs. Researcher: What kind of crazy stuffs? Participant J: You know, party. In high school I was crazy, but wasn’t that crazy. You know like climbed out the window and go fight and something like that. Researcher: Did you ever get arrested by cops? Participant J: No, not when I was in high school. Only when I got into college that was when I got a little more into trouble with the law with fighting and stuffs. But when I was in high school, I didn’t have a whole lot of freedom because I still had to stay with the guardian. But, once you eighteen you get out and you are on your own so nobody watch you. 198 Researcher: When you reached eighteen where did you go? Participant J: Just hung out with friends. But, there were points in my life that I thought it was not going to be good because I had no family, I had nothing and no support from anyone. Researcher: How did you survive? Participant J: Well, I had a job. I was working at a gas station. Researcher: Describe to me your feelings when you first stepped into the American school? How was the environment? Participant J: It was terrible. I didn’t know a word of English. But, some kids were very mean and some kids were very good. Researcher: Describe how the mean kids treated you and possibly made you felt frustrated? Participant J: Well, they would tease you because you didn’t speak English. They would make funny noise like Vietnamese accent. Usually the American kids that did that. But, this school had a lot of Mexicans. There were about 50% Mexican and 50% White. Researcher: Did you live in San Jose at that time? Participant J: No, I was in L.A at that time. Researcher: Describe the neighborhood you lived at that time. Participant J: It was a lot of poverty. This was when I stayed with my uncle. We lived in a place where there were a lot of Mexicans. There were white people too. But you know, one side of the fence was all white people and one side of the fence was all Mexicans. The 199 school was in the middle so it was the mixture of everything. There were couples of Vietnamese, but they don’t speak Vietnamese. Researcher: Describe to me the struggles and frustrations you had with the peers, teachers, and administrators at your school. Participant J: I never had any problem with them because I never complain to them so they didn’t know anything Researcher: So if you would’ve said something, what would you say to them? Participant J: I’m not sure. But, most kids would like to complain about they wanted to be treated fairly. But, somewhat I know that I didn’t speak English. In a way that I think they had the right to make fun of me. Researcher: How about the friends you hung out with? Participant J: Yes, they were mostly Mexicans. It was because they were somewhat in the same situation because most Mexican kids didn’t speak English. So we took ESL classes so that was how I met them. So I ended up learning how to speak more Spanish than English. Researcher: When you were in the ESL classes, did you feel they challenged you in any way or did you learn anything? Participant J: I did learn something. I learned pretty quickly. I was the only Vietnamese there so I was forced to learn the language so I could communicate with people. So that was somewhat the advantage for me being the only Vietnamese. Researcher: Did you wish that there was a support group that could communicate in your own language? 200 Participant J: Yes, I would love to have that. But, just like I mentioned there were only two Vietnamese at the school. They were both white people in away because they didn’t speak Vietnamese. Researcher: How were you like when you were attending school in Vietnam? Were you a socialized kind of person or otherwise? Participant J: I was a socialized kind of person. I had so many friends in Vietnam. When I came over here it was hard to make friends. It was just hard because of the language barrier that you couldn’t get through. But, in a way I felt that if I want to communicate with these people I had to learn Spanish so started to learn Spanish to communicate with them. Researcher: Describe your academic achievement in school? What kind of classes you enrolled in and did you feel about your academic achievement? Participant J: Well, just average. I was able to get directly to a university without going through a community college. Researcher: What university did you attended? Participant J: UCSD Researcher: Describe the Vietnamese community you lived in at that time. Were there any Vietnamese schools, churches, temples? Were you involved with the Vietnamese ethnic community? Explain your experiences with the Vietnamese community and how you felt about it? 201 Participant J: I moved up here to San Jose to stay with my aunt for the rest of my high school years and attended high school in Cupertino for three years. There was only maybe ten Vietnamese. There were some spoke Vietnamese but the rest spoke English. Researcher: Besides school time, did you hang out with the people in the Vietnamese community such as the ones at churches or temples? Participant J: I usually hung out with people at church because most of my friends were Catholic. On the weekend they would pick me up and I went to church with them. That was the only time I get to communicate and socialize with the Vietnamese people because in school we only had few Vietnamese people. Researcher: How did you feel about that church environment? Did you find the support there? Participant J: People there were friendly. They tried to guide you there because I know there were a bunch of kids there with no parents and I was happened to be one of them so they know that. They someone saw me as their own children. Every night I would go and had dinner at their place. It was kind of an extended family. Researcher: What happened if you didn’t have this group? Participant J: I guess I wouldn’t have a choice but to hang out with other kids outside of that. I probably would be whitewash by now. There was point in my life that I was very whitewash. Researcher: So did the Vietnamese community help you keep your identity in anyway? Participant J: yes 202 Researcher: What were your reasons for wanting to become Americanized at a certain point in your life? Participant J: Well, it was not that I wanted to become Americanized. Just that I got influenced by the people I hung out with. There were about twenty Asian kids and among those there were only 9 Vietnamese. Many of them hung out with white people and very few that bonded together and supported each other. Researcher: Were certain points during your adolescent period that you wanted to be more Americanized than Vietnamese? Participant J: I think at that time I preferred to be more white than Vietnamese. If I stick with the Vietnamese I get ignored by everyone. But, if I open up more and be like the rest of the kids I would be more accepted. But, I can’t pick both lives, so I chose to live the Vietnamese lifestyle. Researcher: Why did you choose that? Participant J: Because I felt closer to them. I felt closer to the Vietnamese people than the rest of the kids. Researcher: Do you think the time you spent in Vietnam and growing up there had anything to do with your choice? Participant J: I tried to stay in the Vietnamese community as much as I could. But, I definitely lost some of that. But, even now that there are certain things care too much that I don’t care. Things like Tet and stuffs like that. I don’t care too much about it so I lost a little bit of my identity. Researcher: Describe your family. What were their values and expectations for you? 203 Participant J: Well, like all the Vietnamese parents, they wanted their kids to be successful. They wanted their kids to be close to the siblings. Just like all the Vietnamese parents. Researcher: How did they show their support toward you? Participant J: I have always been making my own decisions. I guess I grew up without adult guidance. I just got used to making my own decisions. Researcher: When you were living with your grandparents, how did they raise you? Participant J: As you know, all the people who came from the Northern region were very difficult. They were being very structured. Just daily average meal you know. You had to go from the oldest ones all the way down to the youngest ones. So it was all very structured. They definitely didn’t want you to be bad. They always corrected you about every little thing. Researcher: How about their parenting style? Were there any severe disciplines or punishments involved? Participant J: No not my family. My family was mostly spent a lot of time talking to the kids. So there was never any violence in the home. We were lucky that we never got beat up or anything like that. Especially my mom, when I did something wrong she always found ways to make me felt comfortable by talking to me and making me understand. I absolutely could come and talked to her. Researcher: How about was the bond between you and your family? Participant J: I didn’t speak to my dad very frequent. Maybe once a year. Now that I married, I speak to him a little more. 204 Researcher: How do you feel about your dad? Participant J: Well, I’m just being a son. If he dies I probably would cry, but I’m not close to him. I know he is my dad and I care for him. But, it just I wish him the best. It just I couldn’t get close to him. Researcher: Did you ever have other man figure in your life that you looked up too and he guided you? Participant J: No, I was on my own. I just had to make my own decisions and they were both good and bad. Researcher: Did your family have high expectations for you? Participant J: No, not really. My mom always said that whatever makes me happy. She didn’t force me to be somebody I didn’t want to be. She just wanted to make sure I have an education and do what I like. Researcher: How important it is being bilingual and bicultural to you? Participant J: personally I don’t think it’s important at all. It’s not for me. It’s with the people at work and with the everyday live. You might have some advantages having to know another language, but I don’t think that’s the key to survive. So for me it’s not that important. Researcher: So what is your key to survive? Participant J: My key for survival is to work hard and work smart. Researcher: What are the positives and the negatives about being Vietnamese? Participant J: Well, being Vietnamese, I think if I’m whitewash then I wouldn’t know the culture. But, you know I appreciate culture. It can be Vietnamese or any other types of 205 cultures. I just want to know we are being appreciated. Good way I should be Vietnamese is that I can be closer to the Vietnamese community and later would pass on to my children. Researcher: How about the negatives about being Vietnamese? Participant J: I’m very proud to be Vietnamese. There is nothing wrong with being Vietnamese. Researcher: How about the positives about being Americanized? Participant J: The positives about being Americanized is at the work place you have to be recognized by them and respected by them. In this country you have to live by their rules. You have to be one of them. You can’t really be otherwise. Researcher: What are the negatives about being Americanized? Participant J: Well, I don’t see any negative about being totally Americanized. I think being Vietnamese or being American is just the same. There are no negatives for both. Researcher: Were you considering yourself assimilating or accommodating to the main stream American culture? Why? Participant J: Well at the workplace I have to be like them. At home I have to be myself. I mean it’s not that I’m not being myself at work. I’m somewhat Americanized. Bu, I guess, just at home I be more Vietnamese than Americanized. Researcher: How about when you were fifteen and in high school? Participant J: Well, I tried to be both. I tried to accommodate both. Researcher: What were the main factors do you think contributed to your failures or successes in school and in life? 206 Participant J: I think the main factor is adult guidance. You know, sometimes you just don’t know what’s wrong and what’s right and you just have to use your common sense. Common sense is not often wrong or right. So I think that is the main factor. Researcher: When you talked about adult guidance, who guided you? Participant J: I didn’t have that. So I had to do a lot of trials and errors. Researcher: So when you faced failures, what led to your failures? Participant J: I didn’t have the guidance and support so the decisions I made were not good sometimes. Researcher: Where did you find the strength to get through the obstacles you faced? Participant J: Well, I think being on your own would make you very strong. A lot of trials and errors and eventually you made mistakes. As you grew older and you interacted with people and you learned to stay away from the bad and go with the good. Researcher: What do you think about the American society in term of racism and oppression? I mean in term of being treated fairly and equally. Participant J: Well, when I was younger back in high school there were more white people and less Asian people so kids so there were a lot of racism. I mean kids were just being mean than some serious issues. Researcher: Do you think we live in a fair society now? What do you think? Participant J: No, I mean nothing is a fair society. Depends on the workplace. As a computer software we are dominated by Asians so we somewhat run the show. Some other workplaces you have to work harder to get to where you want to be. But, if you look 207 at the very high positions, the majority of them are still white people. But, I mean I don’t think its racist. Researcher: How did you handle the authority? Did you challenge them? Participant J: Yes, I did challenge them. At school it’s different because the white kids think they are smarter than the Asian kids. Researcher: So how did you want to change their mind? What would you say to them? Participant J: Well, being a kid I was mean myself too. I would make fun of them and called them names back. People were making fun of me, I was not going to sit there and cried. But in the corporate world it’s different. In the corporate world it’s more professional so you have to deal with them more professional. Researcher: How do you feel about being a minority in America? Participant J: I guess we’re lucky that we’re in California. So that minority status does not apply to us. I don’t feel I’m a minority group. All the Vietnamese and Asians are here. Researcher: What kind of feelings you have toward the majority? Such as the white people. Participant J: I respect them just like I respect Vietnamese. Researcher: Have you ever questioned how the government runs or how the majority runs the country? Participant J: Well, with the news and media, the government doesn’t like the illegal immigrant or alien issues. They don’t have the right to suppress anyone. They are just not being fair. Researcher: Do you think when can fight against the authority as a minority group? 208 Participant J: I know people can fight as a group. Even individual like Martin Luther King. It changes a lot. People can change whether individual or in a small group. I think if they bond together they can change. Researcher: Teenagers like you came here tended to face with a lot of stresses? Did you speak up about it with a counselor or anyone like that? Participant J: No, I would stay away from them. That’s how teenager is I guess. We just don’t want to share and want to be close to our own people and keep it to ourselves. We think that whether we tell them or not they wouldn’t care. Researcher: What type of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American society? Such as supports to help you relieve your stresses in school and at home. Participant J: It’s tough that the school doesn’t know about the stresses. I think all schools should know about it. They should open their eyes wider to see some kids who face troubles not just the Asian kids. Things can happen to any kid. Being a teenager itself is already tough. There are a lot of pressures. I think the teachers and school authorities should have some ways to recognize that. I guess one way of doing that is to communicate with other kids and encourage those kids to speak up for him or her. Researcher: You could’ve chosen the wrong path, but you did quite well. What happened? Participant J: I was in the middle of the road. I felt on this side of the road and tried to pull myself back. So it was tough. 209 Researcher: Do you think the lack of communication and bond you had with your dad really influenced you? Participant J: Well, I think most kids run away because they can’t communicate with their parents. They don’t feel the love and they feel unwanted. Well, certain families some kids are being treated better than others. But, in my family we are lucky because my parents treated us the same. So I know a lot of runaway kids ran away because they are being treated unfairly or in other case don’t have parental guidance. A lot of kids in my situation would have formed a gang because when you form a gang you feel the love and somebody care for you. You feel the bond. Some other kids their parents wouldn’t treat them well or they would beat up the kids so that might led to the runaway. In some schools they do recognize some kids that are in trouble, but in some schools they would ignore that. Researcher: Do you want that support group? Participant J: Well, it’s kind of tough. It’s always good to have a support group and know that someone cares. Researcher: What kind of support group would you want? Participant J: Well, I think for Vietnamese in general they would prefer Vietnamese counselor that speaks their language because it is easier for them to share because they understand than white people. I just prefer bilingual counselor or someone can understand where I’m coming from. But for Vietnamese we come from the same culture so they would understand more. 210 Researcher: Tell me about a time when you felt most prejudiced or oppressed when you were an adolescent living in the United States. Please describe your experience. Participant J: Well, the kids just made fun of the Vietnamese kids who didn’t speak English. They made fun of your accent, they called you name. Things like gook or VC. Researcher: Did they ever pick a fight with you? Participant J: Yes, all the time because I’m the type of person that would fight back and not just ignore it. If they called me a name, I would turn around and I would call them name back and we would do fist fight. Researcher: Did you get in fights in school? Did you get in trouble with the authority? Participant J: No we fought several times, but never got caught by the authority. Well, it wasn’t that big because Vietnamese at that school were so little. We only had a few people. But we had older people who are my friend’s brothers and they would go to the community college and grabbed the older people and waited for these white kids come to fight with them. We just set up fights outside of school and when cops came we would just run. We did that very often. But, no guns or anything like that involved. The community was pretty small and the kids were actually good kids. Most of the kids who lived in that areas were very professional and their kids somewhat were smart. It’s just being a kid, you just have to stand up for yourself. Researcher: How often did you fight? Participant J: Well, roughly once a month. We had to stand on our ground .for ourselves and show that even we were small, but you can’t mess with us. We usually won. When the white kids fought, they fought by themselves and nobody helped them. But, when they 211 fought with Vietnamese a kid, they fought with all Vietnamese. So it was kind of like we bonded together and they kind of had to give up. We only had few kids at school, but when we were in trouble we could get other kids from other schools to come. I think at that time we know everybody. All the high school kids knew everybody from churches or from places we eat. Back then we had small places that we eat. Researcher: What year did you arrived here? Participant J: 1982 and there were not many places to eat. I think there was only one place down in Santana Road. So every weekend all the kids would get together there. I knew all the kids from different high schools. Researcher: What kind of system of support do you want this society to provide for the kids who come here as generation 1.5 and face similar situation as you are? Participant J: Well, the minority they definitely feel more comfortable with other minorities. They certainly don’t want to share anything with the majority because they don’t feel that they fit in and they don’t feel that they are being understood or treated fairly. Personally, I would feel a lot more comfortable if I have to speak up to Mexican, Black, or Chinese than White people. I think most minorities from the third world somewhat share similar situation. You know the poverty and the country being at war and things like that. Researcher: Did you have any grudge or hatred toward the communist government in any way for imprisoning your dad. How did you show it? Participant J: I did, I would do crazy things like passing out flyers. Like anti government flyers and got in trouble several times when my dad was in prison. 212 Researcher: Do you think your life would have been different if your dad was not put to the re-educational camp? Participant J: Yes, it would’ve been so much different. I would have some guidance. Of course my mom was busy taking care of nine kids and being a boy you know if you’re a boy and you’re in trouble, you don’t want to tell your parents because you would be in more trouble. So you kind of hide it and pretend to be some good kid. You know with my dad around when were kids, we would go do something every weekend. We were very close to my dad. Things changed I guess after he had been in prison. Before the prison camp, he was a good dad. He always cared and make sure the kids were well taken care of. Before that he stayed in the U.S for six months and would go back to Vietnam for six months so he brought a lot of stuffs back for us. But, after he went to prison things changed. He changed too. Researcher: What are you doing now in term of life and career? Participant J: I run an engineering group. I’m the director of software engineer. Researcher: Is this something you enjoy doing? Participant J: Yes, I enjoy doing it. Researcher: So is this what you always wanted to do when you were in high school? Participant J: I wanted to be like what other kids wanted to be. Like a medical doctor. But at that time I just happened to like computer too. I was always in the computer lab. I knew if I go home I would see my aunt and I didn’t like it. I spent a lot of time at school and the only place we could speak the same language is the computer lab because computer language is a universal language. I didn’t have to speak English, but all the 213 nerdy kids hung out in the lab. I was not nerdy, but I enjoyed computer. I loved computer. At that time there were nothing but only apple computers. There was this guy, he was from the apple company. He would come down and taught us how to write codes and stuffs. Just very basic stuffs, but you had to use your imagination to create something so it was really enjoying. It could be a blank screen, and now you could make a man looks like a fingers walking across the screen. That was like a big deal for me. Researcher: Was computer your motivation to stay in school? Because it seemed like you had a lot of interest in computer. Participant J: Well, I had a lot of interest in computer. I started out as a hobby and then ended up being a profession. I like computer and hated everything else. Like history and I didn’t understand history and didn’t know why I had to learn it. It’s not like it’s going to help me with college or anything like that. But, as I grew older realize it is important to have all those stuffs. Overall, I really enjoyed computer. 214 Name: Participant L Researcher: When did you come to the United States? Participant L: I came to America when I was 16, almost 17. Researcher: How did you come to America? Participant L: Family reunion, yes family reunion. Researcher: How about the date you came? Participant L: I don’t remember exactly, but around October, the end of October 2002. Researcher: Tell me about your family in Vietnam, such as the family and living conditions back there. Participant L: Well, I think we had a good life. My mom did everything for us. She took real good care of us and we didn’t have to do anything. We just went to school, went home, slept, and studied. Yes, we didn’t really have to do anything. Researcher: I noticed you didn’t mention about your dad. How about your dad? Where was he? Participant L: My dad left us to go to America when I was 11. He left for another woman. He came back and took my sister and I to the U.S after 5 to 6 years later while my mom still stayed back in Vietnam. Researcher: So how did your mom manage to take care of you and your sister in Vietnam? I mean financially. Participant L: My mom had a business. She opened a restaurant. Researcher: Describe any stresses and frustrations you encountered while you were in Vietnam which might be related to family circumstance or other factors? 215 Participant L: Well, when we were in Vietnam, my mom and dad was arguing everyday. They fought everyday. My dad always smacked things. My mom always got mad. My dad always came home late. My mom didn’t let him get into the house and he hits the wall and stuffs. I felt very stressed out because I felt I did not have a very happy life within my family. But, about financial we were fine. Researcher: If you were to chose, would you prefer to have a good family over good financial? Participant L: I want both. But, it’s better if you don’t have to stress out about family. Just like the saying “when you get along and work together, everything can be achieved.” Researcher: Now describe your high school experience in Vietnam? Participant L: Well, I love high school in Vietnam. Basically I think in Vietnam the professors really loved me. All my friends, they really liked to hang out with me. I had a lot of friends. I also got a lot of people to tutor me because my mom hired them to tutor me, so I did really good at school. Researcher: Did you learn English in Vietnam? Participant L: Not a lot. Just a little and the basics. Researcher: Describe your friends in Vietnam? Participant L: They were really nice to me. I was really talkative. I talked a lot. I liked to go all around all the class at school all the time and talked with people. I’m not a shy person. 216 Researcher: Describe to me the experience you encountered when you came to the United States. How was it like for you at school? Participant L: I didn’t like school at first because I was very lonely at school. Well, I didn’t have many friends. They only friends I had were two Vietnamese friends and some other people, but I didn’t hang out with them much. Researcher: What school you went to? Participant L: Florin High School. I attended one or two months of tenth grade before I went to the next grade. Researcher: Were you put in ESL class? Participant L: yes, but I didn’t learn anything. It felt like a kindergarten class. I felt like a kids. The teacher showed us different objects like the apple and things in the classroom and taught us the names of those objects. Yeah, those were very basic stuffs and I learned them in Vietnam. Researcher: Did you feel they lower the academic expectation for you since you already learned these stuffs in Vietnam and still being placed in the ESL class? Participant L: Yes, but I also took some math and some other classes too. Such as, math, biology, P.E, ceramic, and some other classes. Researcher: So which subject motivated you most? Participant L: Math because I’m good at it. Researcher: Describe your academic achievement in school and list the types of class you enrolled in. 217 Participant L: I took ESL English, Math, Science, Social Studies, P. E, and some other classes. I actually did well in all of them. I got straight A’s . I like Math and Science most because I was good at them. Researcher: Describe the peers you hung out with at that time? Participant L: I didn’t have many friends. But I hung out with two Vietnamese girls who came to America around the same time as I did. They kind of understand me because we were in the same boat. We didn’t know how to speak English well either. I also had a white male friend. He was nerdy, but very friendly to me. He was a lonely person too, but he was very smart. Researcher: How did you identify yourself ethnically and culturally when you first came to the United States? Participant L: I guess I was really FOB (fresh off the boat). Well, I wore mostly clothes from Vietnam that my mom sent for me. I did not go shopping at all. At that time I thought the kids around me dressed really ugly. Yes, I didn’t like how they dress and I thought my fashion was better. But, later I felt a little embarrassed. Researcher: At that time, had you ever felt you need to get those kinds of clothes to fit in with your peers? Participant L: Well, I didn’t feel I had to fit in. But, I think their clothes looked nice and I would like to have something like those. I wanted to dress like them, but not so I could fit in or anything like that. Researcher: How about language issue? Did you think that language isolated you from other people? 218 Participant L: Yes, of course! Definitely! I did not speak English at all. I was like muted. I was afraid to speak English. I think if I were to be in middle school when I first came here, it would better because I think people in middle school are still kids and they might be nicer than people in high school. In high school, people hang out in their groups and they don’t want to hang out with you. Researcher: So tell about an incidence which you felt most isolated in high school. Participant L: I hated P.E class because I did not play volleyball, basketball, golf, or any sports like these in Vietnam. So when I came here in the middle of the semester. I didn’t know anything. There was this Vietnamese girl, she was supposed to translate for me, but she was born in the U.S so she did not speak Vietnamese much. She didn’t understand so she couldn’t translate for me. So the professor tried to explain the rules to help me know how to play the sports. But, actually I didn’t understand her either. That made me felt frustrated. But not just that, when I tried to join into their team to play volleyball at that time and that guy he thought that I did not know how to play and he didn’t want to get me into the team. He would isolate me and put me at the corner of the team which I did not do anything. I didn’t do anything I just stood there and looked at them play. He was my classmate in P.E class. I felt left out because the ball didn’t even reach me. Researcher: If you could say something to him, what would you say? Participant L: You have to teach me how to play. You cannot just put me to stay there. It was not fair, I want to learn. Yes, I need to learn you know. I felt I isolated. I also felt many Vietnamese at that school were not very friendly. In that class I know there were many Vietnamese. But, they didn’t even come to me and talk to me. 219 Researcher: Were most of them born here? Participant L: I don’t know. But there was only one girl who talked to me, but she didn’t know how to translate. Researcher: So how was it different than in Vietnam? Participant L: I came here I became very shy because I didn’t know how to talk. My high school experience here also discouraged me to learn English. Like I was afraid to talk and afraid to speak English. Researcher: What motivated you to get to where you are today? Participant L: I guess my mom. Also, when I met my first boyfriend he encouraged me to speak English and try hard. I think he motivated me to speak English. Also, I think sometimes I felt angry at people and wanted prove to them that I could be better than what they thought of me. Researcher: Did you encounter any problem with teachers? Participant L: No, I think all the professors were really nice to me. I remembered one teacher was really nice to me. I was his favorite student. He favored me the most. Even though I did not speak much English, but he kept calling me to come to help him with his stuffs. He even treated me out with ice cream. Researcher: Describe the neighborhood community you lived in at that time? Participant L: I didn’t live in a good community. I remember my grandparent’s house was on Power Inn and Gerber Road. I didn’t go outside much besides just went to school, went to work, and went home. So I didn’t know much about what was going on outside of my community. 220 Researcher: Describe the Vietnamese community you lived in at that time. Were there any Vietnamese schools, churches, temples, etc? Were you involved with the ethnic community? Explain your experiences with the Vietnamese community and how you felt about it? Participant L: No, I didn’t know where to go to join the community. I was not in any group. I just stayed home all the time. I didn’t have the chance to know about it. Researcher: How did you feel about the Vietnamese community? For example, if you ever get a chance to come into contact with them? Participant L: I felt very happy. Even when I saw a Vietnamese on the bus, I felt very happy because I think we spoke the same language so it was easier for us to talk. It would be nice if I had a chance to join a group or community. Researcher: Describe your family. What were their values and expectations? How they raised you? Participant L: My dad didn’t expect anything out of me. He wondered why I had to go to school. Why couldn’t I just go to work? My mom expected me to become a pharmacist or a doctor. Sometimes it could be frustrated because I didn’t speak English very well and it was really hard for me to do well in biology class. But, actually I tried hard. Researcher: Do you think your mom’s high expectations helped you to try hard and set high expectations for yourself? Participant L: I think I do better with my mom’s expectation. In Vietnam when I had bad grade, she would hire tutor to help me. So I had to do well at school when I was in Vietnam. When I came here, nobody watched me. So I just tried, but if she would be with 221 me she would push me harder. I think I am the type of person that would do better if someone pushes me. Researcher: How about her values? Participant L: Well, she wanted me to be very traditional Vietnamese girl. She wanted me to be conservative and stay away from guys and take care of myself. But, now she is kind of open minded more than before. She called me a lot to check on me even I lived in the U.S. Every time when I went out late, my dad would threat to call my mom. But, I don’t think he did. Researcher: What kind of relationship do you think you had with your mom? Participant L: Back then in Vietnam, my mom was very strict. Every morning she would call my sister and I up around six AM in the morning even I wanted to sleep more. We had to wake up immediately. She would hit me if I misbehaved. There were rules I had to follow. However, I know she really loved us, but we just had to follow rules. I didn’t hang out much in Vietnam. I just went to tutor and went home. I could not go out past 8:30 PM at night. But now she is more open and easy to talk to. Researcher: How about when you came to the U.S? Did she call to check on you? Participant L: She couldn’t really check on me since she was in Vietnam. But I felt, I need to follow her rules. When I went home late, I just felt bad. I think she kind of brainwashed me. She trained me well. Researcher: Do you think being a single mom really made her being more difficult on you? 222 Participant L: I think so. When I was in Vietnam, she always told me to be careful. When I was four years old, she made me learn the home address, phone number, her full name, and the direction to get home just in case if I get lost. She is a person like that. She was strict in that sense, but materialistically, whatever I wanted I got. Researcher: Did your mom ever move on to a different relationship after your dad left? Participant L: No she didn’t. She just stayed like that. Researcher: Describe your mom character. Participant L: I think she is strong. But, but actually when my dad just left her she was really not in a good mood all the time. Everything was down. She was really hard on us. She hits us all the time when she was frustrated. She hits me more than my sister because my sister was very little. Researcher: How the business first started in Vietnam? Was your dad involved? Participant L: My dad didn’t do anything with the business. My mom started out and ran it. I remembered he only went hang out, drinking, and made my mom bought him car and things like that. He just didn’t do anything. She was going to use her money to buy land to plan rubber trees. If that happened, we would be millionaire by now because rubber trees business is doing really well right now. She bought herself a small piece of land and also planted rubber trees on her own with no one to help her out. My dad took the rest of the money to buy the car. My grandparents from my dad side of the family also pressured my mom into buy the car for him. Researcher: How did your parents get those kinds of money? 223 Participant L: They started out really poor. But my mom worked really hard to build it up. Without my mom my dad couldn’t do anything. Right now my dad is in debt. Now look at my mom, she has everything even she is in Vietnam. Researcher: How about your grandparents from your dad side? Where are they now? Participant L: They were sponsored by my great grandparents to come to the United States. My great grandparents were full Chinese and settled in the U.S long time ago from China. But, I don’t know through what kind of migration. So my dad is full Chinese, but he was born in Vietnam. He learned how to speak Vietnamese when he was married to my mom. Now he speaks Vietnamese and doesn’t speak Chinese anymore. Researcher: What do you think about your dad? Participant L: I kind of don’t like him at all. I kind of hate him. He always has other women. But, sometimes I feel he is still my dad. But, I think when he loves someone he loves them very much. But, he can leave them very quick too. Back in the day both sides and of the families didn’t want my mom and my dad to get married. But, my dad left his family to be with my mom. His family was wealthy too. However, he preferred to stay with my mom in a small shack and worked for low wages. But I don’t know what happened to him. Researcher: What about your dad side of the family? How did they treat you when you first came here? Participant L: They didn’t like my mom either because of how my dad twisted the story and blamed on my mom for everything. So his side of the family didn’t like my sister and I when we first came here. They let me sister walked to school in the morning in the cold 224 even though they could drive her. I had to take the public bus to school. I remembered my grandpa would ask me to get off the jumper house. Why didn’t he ask other cousins? I remembered they bought a box of mangos, and I asked them for one. My grandma would offer me the hairy one, which was not very good. I didn’t even know how the smoothie at Huong Lan tasted like. They never really took me to eat out. I worked at the Asian supermarket for money because I didn’t get any money from them. My grandparents picked me up late all the time, so the manager had to fire me because they couldn’t wait for me late outside every time. My aunt in law was the only one who treated me nice. She hooked me up with a job at this current apartment I live right now. I told the manager about the circumstance and she got me a place to live here. I didn’t want to stay at my grandparent’s house because I didn’t want to depend on them and I didn’t want them to look down on me and my sister. Researcher: Where was your dad? Did he help you guys? Participant L: He was in San Diego. He would send us 200 bucks each month. But, I gave that money to my grandparents because I thought money was the issue and that was why they didn’t treat us nice. But, that didn’t seem to help either. My dad came back and stayed with us when we got this apartment. Before that, we just lived with our grandparents. Researcher: How important is being bilingual and bicultural to you when living in the United States Participant L: I think it’s good to be bilingual because you will be able to find jobs easier. It is an advantage. 225 Researcher: Do you think being connected with your cultural root and lived by your mom’s values helped you to stay strong? Participant L: Yes I do think so. Researcher: What are the positives about being aVietnamese? Participant L: I think Vietnamese people are strong, they always be there for families. Researcher: What are the negatives about being a Vietnamese? Participant L: We tend to be passive and keep things inside. We need to be more open and talk about our problems. Researcher: What are the positives about being an American? Participant L: We have more freedom and opportunities here than in Vietnam. They are also very encouraging and positive. They don’t use much punishment, but use more positive ways to help you to be better. Researcher: What are the negatives about being an American? Participant L: They are very outspoken and talk more about how they feel. However, I don’t like it when they are being nice to me, but I don’t know what they think on the inside. Researcher: How did you deal with your stresses and frustrations during your high school years? Did you talk to someone? Participant L: I talked to people sometimes. Like chat with close friends in Vietnam, or to professor Khai, who was a Vietnamese professor at the high school. Researcher: Were you considered yourself assimilating, or accommodating to the main stream American culture? Why? 226 Participant L: I just learned things that were good for me. But I didn’t want to change to be like people around me so I could be accepted. I like fashion and I like shopping. I like to look good. But, I am still Vietnamese. So I think I was more accommodating. Researcher: What do you think about the American society in term of racism and oppression? Participant L: I think racism still exists. The experience I had in high school kind of made me felt isolated and alone and shaped me into the person that I am today. I became less talkative because was afraid to speak English and socialize with people around me. So coming to the United States really changed me. I was not like that in Vietnam. I was a very socialized kind of person with many friends. Researcher: Tell me about a time when you felt most prejudiced or oppressed when you were an adolescent? Participant L: I think it was the P.E class back in high school when I got put to the corner during the volleyball game. Researcher: How do you feel about being a minority in America? What kind of feelings you have toward the majority? Participant L: I don’t have any problem being a minority. You face more disadvantages, but I guess that’s the way things are. I think some white people are nice, like the professors in my school. They encouraged me to work hard. Researcher: What factors contributed to your failures and successes? 227 Participant L: I think my mom, and the anger I had inside that pushed me to prove to people that I could do it. When I failed, it was because I didn’t try hard enough and slacking off. Researcher: Where are you at right now in your life? For examples, list the schooling you acquired, the type of career you have? Participant L: I just graduated from college with a B.S degree in Biology. I am currently working in a lab on campus as student assistance. I would like to continue to apply for pharmacy school. If that doesn’t work out, then I want to go to trade school for a medical assistance career, or respiratory therapy or something like that. It is just hard out there right now. Researcher: What type of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American society? Such as supports to help you relieve your stresses in school and at home. Participant L: Yes I do want the support. Well, I hope that at least one or two people in that support group are Vietnamese so they can understand me more. I hope I can share my concern to others as well. After they listen to my story hopefully some changes can be made. They don’t have to be the same age as I am. I don’t really like to talk to people the same age as me because I feel they don’t understand me and they are very immature. They also don’t treat me nice. Usually, I think older people are better. At least they know other groups to introduce me to so I can learn from them. I need to get out some how you know. When I was at home I was stressing out and when I was at school I was stressing out. So I needed to get out. 228 Name: Participant M Researcher: When did you come to the United States and how did you come here? Participant M: I came to America in 2000. I came with my family. My mom’s sister sponsored our family over. It was a long process which took about ten to eleven years. Researcher: Describe your family economic situation in Vietnam. Participant M: We were middle class. But, most of the time my parents had to quit their jobs because they worked for the government in the railroad industry. They worked in the office. But, when we submitted paperwork to come here, they had to quit their jobs. Researcher: Was your dad involved in the Vietnam War? Which side? Participant M: I think the South side, but not high ranking or anything like that. But, my two uncles was a high ranking medical doctors in the army. When the South lost the war, they both had to go to the Communist Re-education camp. They lost everything and they had to escape Vietnam by boat in 1980. Another uncle received the scholarship to come to America to study to become a medical doctor. But the rest of my family came over by boat. Researcher: So which family member sponsored your family over? Participant M: My aunt from my mom side of the family because she has the most financial stability. Researcher: Did your relatives in the United States support your family financially you all were still in Vietnam? Participant M: Yes. Like I said my parents had to quit their jobs in order to submit the paperwork to come to America. My dad would be a driver for a living and my mom just 229 stayed home because she couldn’t find a job. By aunt and uncle they saved up money and sent us every month so that was how they helped us out. Researcher: So how old were you when you came to the U.S? Participant M: Like eighteen. Researcher: Did you attend high school here? Participant M: Well, I graduated already. But, my aunt suggested that I should go to school here for an extra year to learn English and I did. Man, I hated that school. I didn’t like the school I went to. It was different. Researcher: Tell me what you hated about it? Participant M: I felt like I had to start over just like other adults when they came over here. I thought my English was ok. But, I went to school I had a headache on my first day of school in my math class. I don’t know, it was just different environment and the language barrier too. When we came over here we were poor and it was worst than before we came. Before we came our uncle and aunt would send us clothes and money. I didn’t have a job. I didn’t make anything. So basically I just lived off of my parents. Let’s see, my parents. My mom she didn’t do anything. She just went to school. My dad he worked at a hotel. He basically supported my whole family and it was stressful. My mom she was weak, so we thought that it was best for her just to go to school. My mom she got an A.A degree in child care. But, afterward she couldn’t find a job because her English was limited. But, anyway at school I think the kids here were so immature. I think I dressed kind of funky too. I didn’t have the money to dress like how I dress right now. I just dressed whatever and didn’t speak English as fluently as right now. 230 Researcher: What kinds of miserable experiences that you had to go through in school? Participant M: Well I felt so isolated. I felt I was discriminated. They discriminated against me and my sister. They didn’t make fun of me, but they kind of ignored me. I went to this school for a year. The students they tended to hang out in a group. Like Asians hung out with Asians. Researcher: What kind of peers did you hang out with? Participant M: I hung out with couples of Vietnamese. But, I mostly hung out with my little sister. I had my own friends too, but I was shy and didn’t know what to say. I couldn’t speak much English anyway. Researcher: Compare the high school experience in Vietnam and here. Participant M: I had a lot of friends. I talked a lot in highs school. Through the media and stuffs in Vietnam, I imagined the lifestyle here was different than what I experienced in high school in the U.S. It was like, what the heck it is this? I felt discriminated. Even they didn’t say things and did anything bad to me. But, I could tell the way they looked down on me by the way I dressed and I didn’t speak English fluently. But, I think not everybody were like that. I just think those kids were just immature. But, the professors they tried to help me out and everything. When you came here you felt you had nothing. No friends or anybody. So it was stressful. You felt lonely. I had to adapt to the new environment and I didn’t even have a car so I went to school with my bike. When my mom had money she got a car and drove me to school. Researcher: Were you dating in Vietnam before you came? 231 Participant M: Yes, that was my second boyfriend. We went through school for three years. I dated my first boyfriend, but he turned out to be a jerk. I dated him for a year and a half. I found out and I broke up. I started to date my second boyfriend for six months before I came here. I knew that when I left Vietnam, our relationship was pretty much over. But, I couldn’t say that to him. He still had hope. But, I think deep down he knew it too. But, we didn’t want to accept it yet. So I came over here and I missed him a lot. It was really difficult because I was involved with him. But, then I didn’t have money. To make a phone call was really expensive back then, but it is cheaper now. It was so expensive so we just wrote letters every week. He would do that with his own money. We talked and I cried because I missed him a lot. Everyday I would go home and checked my mailbox to see if he sent me anything. I spent most of the time at home online chatting with him. I was so sad. After a year I realized it was going to be hard. But, even if I wanted to sponsor him over, I couldn’t. I had to stay here for at least five years and I had nothing in my hands. I didn’t want him to wait and I didn’t want him to wait for me neither. I broke it up with him after a year and I started dating someone else. But, I don’t know. I don’t know how to explain it. But, there were times I just wanted to go back to Vietnam and live there. But, then I knew if I do that then my parents would be sad. Plus, what would I do in Vietnam? I am glad that I came here because I don’t think I would go to college there. If I could get in I don’t know how I could pay for it. I don’t know what I supposed to do there either even if I get accepted. But, whatever I do, I always miss the time I had in Vietnam. Life was perfect like the friends and the environment. But, I was so 232 high maintenance in college right. But, first when I was in high school I had to learn English and I hated that time. But, after the first year I tended to adapt. Researcher: What made you want to adapt? Participant M: Because I actually started working and I was able to support myself. The guy I was dating, he actually helped me out too. He didn’t give me much of money, but he gave me transportation and took me places. Soon I realized my life in Vietnam was over and I had to accept the reality and moved on with my life. My real goal at that time was I wanted to have a good career and send my mom and dad back to visit Vietnam. I wasn’t thinking about getting married or anything like that. The first year in college I was struggling too. Even my English was good, but it was not great. Writing was not so bad. But like when I took psychology or classes like that, I couldn’t understand the instructor. I had to study extra hard at home. I worked very hard before. At first I majored in computer science, but I changed it. Researcher: What were the differences between high school and college? Participant M: I think it was the majority level. In my high school there were a lot of Russians. They were bad behaved. They really disrespected the instructors and I didn’t really like and which didn’t find in Vietnam at all. They talked back and really open. I think I’m open, but not to the level of making out in the hall. Just literally making out. I’m ok if they were just kissing. But, too it was just too much. Researcher: What ethnicities were included in your school? What kind of school was it? Participant M: They were mixed. There were Asians too. It was a public middle class school. At first I thought it was a good school. But, now I think it was kind of messy 233 because there were too many ethnicities. Russian people are very isolated and they only hung out with their own group. Researcher: Were there many Vietnamese there? Participant M: There were. But, I didn’t really talk to them much. Usually they spoke half Vietnamese and half English. I didn’t feel fit in with them. Researcher: Did you feel trapped here in that kind of environment because it was different than in Vietnam? Participant M: I think this was a chance so I had to work hard toward it. But, to go to school I didn’t like high school. I didn’t know what the heck I was doing there. In Vietnam I was not pretty, but I was one of the popular girls. But, I came over here I felt I was nobody. I didn’t have that much confidence in myself. Researcher: How did you deal with it? Participant M: I just tried to study. I felt like if I am smart, at least I am going at something. So I’m going to prove it to them. These kids were just so dumb. I felt bad for them because they were not mature. I went to school and I thought one they you guys will work for me. I felt that the discrimination is out there and I just want to prove to myself that I can do better. Researcher: Can you tell me about the incidence at school that made you felt discriminated? Participant M: I don’t remember much. But I could feel that it was there. They wouldn’t talk to me or something like if I bump into them accidently and said excuse me, they wouldn’t care and just walked away and didn’t even say anything. I think it’s the accent. 234 But, actually the accent was not the big factor. I think it was more how you dressed and how you acted. Even if you had the accent and dressed nice, it was still ok with them because they still think that she is rich or upper class or high class. So that is what I think. If you had a good impression with them, they would treat you nicer. Researcher: Did you want to dress nice to fit in with them? Participant M: I didn’t care back then. Even if I wanted new clothes I couldn’t do anything because I didn’t have money. Researcher: Did you ever want to become like them? Participant M: I didn’t wish I had the clothes like them. I just wished I could have come here earlier and didn’t have the accent so they wouldn’t discriminate against me. Even though no matter what, not just for the Caucasian people, but for Vietnamese people themselves, if you think about it there is always discrimination. I didn’t think it was a problem. Now if you go out there you notice that too and feel that too. I also got this impression that all Asians look the same. I was like “what do you mean?” At first I didn’t care. But now think about it, I think it’s harsh. We don’t look alike, what are you talking about. Researcher: Describe your migration experience. Also, explain any traumas, stresses, you experienced before, during, and after you arrived to the United States. Participant M: Well, the only thing I can think of is I had to left everything behind. I think that was my issue. People like my boyfriend and my family. I didn’t know when I would come back and what if I come back. I just didn’t know what my future would be like. When I came here, my family was very supportive. So I was not that stress out. My 235 grandma already here and already bought a house. She was here for ten years before I came. So we at least got some kind of financial support even though our mentality wasn’t here. We just bought a ticket and came over. But, before that we actually got an interview. I think it was a couple months before we knew we could come here. The interview was pretty simple because they looked at my aunt’s salary and just approved it. Just the process that took long. Parents sponsor children is faster than sibling sponsor sibling. Researcher: How did you identify yourself ethnically or culturally when you first came here? Did you want to become more Americanized or Vietnamese? Participant M: Americanized because I felt discriminated. When I was younger I also didn’t want to be Vietnamese. It was not that I didn’t want to be Vietnamese, but the people I hung out with were always drinking and things like that and I didn’t want to be like that. So I tried to be more Americanized and wanted to be more accepted. Researcher: When you think about Americanized. What were you thinking of? Participant M: I think back then I just didn’t want to be looked down upon. So I would think that I that I wanted to hang out with white people and talk to them in their language. I did that in college. But, sometimes I think that I forced myself to be friend with them. It’s comfortable around them, but it’s not like you and me right now or with Vietnamese friends. But back then when I hung out with a few Vietnamese friends, all they did was drinking, smoking, and gambling. I didn’t like that so I kind of stayed away from that. Because of that, I kind of grouped Vietnamese in the same category too. So I kind of hung out more with Canadian, Mexican, and Caucasian people. I had a good time 236 with them, but it was still not the same. It was unacceptable for my Vietnamese friends to do that. Sometimes I went with them a little but I didn’t go all the way. They always got together and drank shots. Once in awhile I would go but I was not into it. But, deep down I think my non-Vietnamese friends treated me nice and my friend and all, but I think they didn’t really include me in. They counted me in and treated me nice and everything. But, some people in that group treated me as just a friend, but not as a close friend. I learned a lot from them actually. But, sometimes I just felt like when you are too nice people would take advantage of you. Researcher: Describe your experiences in school and the struggles you encountered with peers, teachers, and administrators. Participant M: The teachers were great to be honest. The only thing I saw back then and still now is discrimination. The teachers probably think that you are not good enough for the major you chose. Especially, Caucasian teachers because they didn’t give out the effort to help you more than they helped the Caucasian students. Researcher: Were you placed in ESL? Participant M: No, they didn’t put me in ESL. I signed up based on my schedule. So I picked out the classes that I needed. They didn’t put me in ESL. But, they actually place my into the English class. But, I didn’t mind. Researcher: Was the work in there too easy for you? Participant M: I think I liked it easy back then or something. I thought it was ok. That class had a lot of Russians though. They actually put me up. They asked me how my math level was and I said good so they put me into algebra. I stayed there for a couple of 237 weeks and did well so the teacher moved me up to pre-calculus. My English wasn’t that good or that bad either. Researcher: Where did you learn English? Participant M: In school in Vietnam. But, the teachers were Vietnamese so they all had accent so they taught you how to say the wrong thing. So that is why I would stuck with it for the rest of my life. Researcher: Who you hung out most in school? Participant M: My sister, and a few Hmong friends. But, in college I hung out with my boyfriend which was Vietnamese. But I didn’t hang out with much Vietnamese people. I always had someone, but it was still kind of lonely. I only spent one year in high school and I hated it. I would not go back. I don’t know, maybe that school over here was different than school in Vietnam. I was lonely too. Researcher: What did you expect about the school over here before you came? Participant M: Have you ever watched Dawson Creek? Yes, I expected it to be like that and that kind of life. But that is kind of like college life and for Caucasian. But I didn’t know. I never experience life here. The environment was more hectic and discriminated. In Vietnam I never understand what discrimination is. But, the first thing I came over here I felt discriminated and felt lonely. Researcher: Describe the neighborhood you lived in when you first came here? Participant M: I think it was medium because all my neighbors were Caucasians. I remember this one very stupid and discriminating incidence. When I used to live in our old house, we were the only Asian who lived in that community. I didn’t even see any 238 black people lived there so it was mostly all whites. This one year they had a barbecue by the park and invited everyone out. My cousin and I we went out too, but when I walked in I felt so strange because I didn’t know these people. They kind of ignored me and didn’t know who I am and probably the way I dressed not properly I guess. I didn’t know what I wore, but probably it wasn’t nice. I saw this white guy and thought he was talking to me so was looking around and said hi and I gave him something. But he just walked through me and just talked with someone else. He was around thirty something or forty years old. I was like, I hated it. I didn’t know who he was. The non-verbal action just made me felt uncomfortable. Researcher: Did this incidence remind you of your high school? Participant M: Yes, in a way. They didn’t make fun of me in front of me. But, I think they talked about me behind my back. Also, they hung out with their own group and didn’t really care about what I do. Researcher: Describe the academic achievement in school and list the types of class you enrolled in. Participant M: I took English, math, and P.E. Oh my goodness I hated P.E the most. I didn’t know anybody. I just sat there and did whatever. I didn’t have friends or anybody and they didn’t even talk to me. Researcher: What was your favorite class that motivated you to stay in school? Participant M: Maybe Chemistry, May Math, maybe English too. Because I told my English teacher and you know this was an Advanced English class already and I told my English teacher that I wanted to be a pharmacist and he was pretty supportive too you 239 know. I knew I wanted to do it, but I didn’t know if I have the ability to do it. My professor he was supportive because other professors would not. They may not talk me down or anything but this guy he was supportive. In some of my essays he would give me compliments and stuff like that. For my chemistry, I was smart in my group so they kind of like to include my in their group because I did all the work. I tried to do that so I could make friends too. In my math class I was smart too. But, I hated P.E the most because I felt so isolated and didn’t know what to say. I felt high school was a torture. I was not bullied or anything, but it was just different environment and different people. Researcher: How do you think if you were a guy? How would things be different? Participant M: At least I tried to adapt myself you know. But, some guys were just sitting in the corner and eating by themselves. That’s sad. Researcher: Do you think guys tend to get more aggressive and get into more trouble than girls? Participant M: No, I think it depends on your family too. If your family teaches you correctly then it’s fine. But many guys can be bad. I honestly think that so it depends on your family. Researcher: Were you living in the apartment or a home at that time? Participant M: I was living in a townhouse. Mostly Caucasians, but I didn’t see them often. In Vietnam you go to people house you eat there and hang out there. But, here I felt so isolated. It’s kind of sad. That is something I don’t like about America. Sometimes it felt stressful. But, I didn’t want to go back after three years living here because that was when I adapted to the lifestyle. 240 Researcher: Describe the Vietnamese you lived in at that time. Were there any churches, schools, temples, etc..? Were you involved with the Vietnamese community? Explain your experiences with the Vietnamese community. Participant M: Not really, I didn’t involve with them. Like I told you, all I did was go to school so I didn’t hang out a lot. But, my sister she hung out a lot and she had a couple of Vietnamese friends so she at one point converted to Catholic. Yes, my sister was more involved. She was the one that went to school and went do this and that. I didn’t do anything for a year. But, the thing is her first year was difficult too. We would do things together, but when I went to college she was still in high school and made friends and hung out. I think she had a good time. But, she was struggling too because her heart is always in Vietnam until this day and I left that a long time ago. Researcher: What do you think makes her still lingers on and you already move on? Participant M: She always said that she is more attached than me. It’s just that I let myself tried to adapt and I see my future. But, for her she doesn’t think that. She thinks everything back then was nice and sweet. She always tried to go back and relived those memories, but we can’t live there forever. Researcher: Do you still have any relatives back there? Participant M: Yes, some on my dad’s side. Around four to five families. All of my mom’s side is over here already. If you ask me to move back I don’t think I can live back there. Even there are things that bother me here, but no matter what you can still have a peaceful life here. But, in Vietnam you cannot with all the corruptions and the people are 241 so rude. But, here I feel stressful. It is not as relax like in Vietnam. So there are a lot of pressures here. Researcher: If you could’ve involved in the Vietnamese community back then, would you? How important it was for you to get involve with the Vietnamese community? Participant M: I think I would if I had time to do it. Back then, probably not because all I wanted was to go to school and get out. Researcher: Did your parents encourage you to become involved? Participant M: No, they just wanted me to stay home and be safe. They didn’t want me to go out and hung out with people in those places. They didn’t go to temple or anything like that either. It was the different kind of life that they wanted. Plus, I didn’t have transportation either. Researcher: How did you feel about the Vietnamese community? Participant M: I’m not sure, but I didn’t really connect to them. I think English was a big problem too which sets the barrier between me and those people. Maybe we were not the same age, but I wasn’t connected. Now it’s fine, but back then was different. I don’t really think about it actually. Researcher: Describe your family. What were their values and expectations for you? Were they supportive? How did that show their involvement in your life? How did they raise you up? Participant M: They wanted me to have a happy and a good life. They didn’t expect much, they just wanted to have a B.A and have a good job. But, then I don’t know, I 242 didn’t want to stop there. I wanted to go to pharmacy school. But they didn’t force me. People who forced me were more like my aunt and uncle, but not parents. Researcher: How did they show their support? Participant M: Well, my aunt she actually looked up for the class schedule for me and guided me. For pharmacy, she suggested that and I went with it. Even I didn’t agree with her lifestyle I appreciated her help. When we came here she helped out our whole family. She pretty took care of with everything. Not much of financially, but mentally and transportation. She would take us to the doctor and grocery and things like that. Until this day, she still does that to my mom. We had a close bond family. Researcher: How about your parents? How did they show their support? Participant M: They kind of quietly ask me how is school and things like that. They encouraged me to do well in school because they felt that they don’t want me to have a good life later on. They never really pushed me with school. I always was the one that had my own motivation so they didn’t have to tell me. Researcher: How did they raise you in Vietnam? What kind of parenting style did they use? Participant M: Yes, they do hit us. My mom when she got mad she would use her hand to hit our head. Researcher: Have you ever disagree with them at certain points? Participant M: Yes, I said I didn’t want to come here because I was dating. But, actually it started out in middle school. I said I didn’t want to go because my life was there and I didn’t want to leave. My mom got so upset and said why we didn’t appreciate family. She 243 talked a lot so we were like ok we would go. But, later on I knew I had to go because what would we do in Vietnam because my parents didn’t have jobs either. I also, wanted to meet my grandma too. Researcher: How did they raise you up culturally and socially? Participant M: Well, socially they didn’t talk much. But, they were always happy if I had friends over. They were easy type. Culturally, they wanted us to respect the elderly. We had to talk in a proper manner and respect older people. Everywhere we went we had to tell them. They were very traditional. But, they were not a very difficult type. Researcher: When you came to America did you have a lot of disagreements with your parents? Participant M: Yes, a lot. I think that they were very protective of me and my sister. But, then I felt I was old enough. After the time in college and high school, I felt I grew up a lot. I’ve been through stuffs and I survived them and I could handle things on my own term. I think that when I went out late, my parents didn’t like it because they didn’t think it is ok for a girl to go out late. Also, like my parents said they would plan wedding for me. I was like “what!” It’s my wedding I want to do it myself. They told me that where the parents place you, you have to obey. My mom wanted to plan out my wedding but I didn’t want to so she got mad at me. Everywhere I went I had to tell them. They are much easier now, but before I had to get home by 10 P.M. They are more open now. But, sometimes my mom is funky and the things she thinks kind of surprise me. Back then I listened to them more, but now I think I’m older already. I’m almost 30 so I can make my decision. In high school I just obeyed, but in college after lived outside for two years I 244 didn’t care anymore. In high school I was traditional so I didn’t talk back. There are a lot of things that I change such as my perspectives and things like that. But, no matter what I think I’m stubborn in away because I have my principles too. To me, there are certain things that I am open. But, there are certain things that I’m not. We are educated so we need to talk properly and not talking in an appropriate manner and things like that and have respect. But, I’m more open than my parents. But, I kind of talk back now. Before I listened, but now I talk back if they say something wrong. I feel that in my family, younger siblings cannot argue back with the older siblings. But, sometimes they are wrong. So they can’t be right all the time. Researcher: Do you think you acquire that kind of thinking from here? Participant M: Yes, I got influenced by the culture. You know in Vietnam, you used to be passive and people stepped on you. So I feel sometimes you have to step up for yourself. I think that is a positive thing. I tried to select the good things and learn from them. I think there are a lot of values I want to keep from my parents. Researcher: What kind of values you want to keep? Participant M: Decency, truthfully, happily, and not being so greedy. I used to want a big house and all that, but now I don’t. It’s not all about money anymore. In college al I wanted was making money. It’s not that I wanted money. But it’s just that I didn’t have money so I wanted money. I kind of like that and learned a lot. But, the friends really influenced me a lot too. I didn’t hang out with a lot of friends, but once I got to a university my perspectives toward people was more different. Before, I was so close minded. I only look down at people who are lazy and receive welfare, dress nice, and 245 drive Mercedes. I don’t know what the values in those are. I told you I look easy going, but I am very difficulty sometimes too. Researcher: Do you have a close bond with your family? Participant M: Yes, to me I am the obedient one. With family I never did anything bad to make them embarrass. Usually I’m really nice around them and I don’t talk back so they are ok with me. Researcher: How important was being bilingual and bicultural to you when you came to the U.S? Participant M: No matter what happen, I appreciate that I grew up in Vietnam. I realize the good values that I have in me until this day. If I was to born here, I think I would be much Americanized and hang out with mostly white people. I value that and would not change it. Back then I would always want to be Americanized, but now I don’t want to. If I have a kid, I will teach him or her to speak Vietnamese. Researcher: What are the positives about being Vietnamese? Participant M: I’m kind of proud of being Vietnamese. Before I was not really. I was not ashamed of it but I was not proud of it either. I think it is the culture that gives me the advantages. I don’t want to be like Americans. They are so spoiled, ungrateful, lazy, and disrespectful. Not everybody, but some of them are. Vietnamese has those too. But just the Vietnamese culture is more respectful. Because of that, I was kind of proud of it. The fruits too, they are fresher. Family wise, they are very supportive and no matter what happens they will always have my back. Sometimes when I worked too hard, they told me 246 not to work too hard and focus more on school. They are very supportive in different ways. They do help me. If I need loans they would lend it to me. Researcher: How about the negatives about being Vietnamese? Participant M: Well, some people are mindless and rude. They throw trashes everywhere and drive recklessly like cut you in the parking lot. Some are not very polite. Also, they are very nosy and have jealousy. They don’t want people to be better than them. But, also depend on people too so not all. Researcher: What about the positives about being Americanized? Participant M: You don’t take things seriously. I like how they teach you how to be independent. It gives you the trust and believes that you can make it. It gives you the freedom and to speak out for yourself and do things you enjoy and things like those. Researcher: How about the negatives about being Americanized? Participant M: Well, they are selfish. It’s all about them because they are independent so they become selfish. Just like they always say I love you and all but the action doesn’t show it. They kind of look down on people too and discriminate them. Especially, the white people. But, people who are making money are making money is us. They are just like bums. It’s just not fair. They are immature too. They just spoiled and not respectful. They are wild and don’t know how to control themselves. Don’t know how to worry and live in the moment. Researcher: Were you considering yourself assimilating or accommodating to the mainstream society? Did you want to become more Americanized, more Vietnamese, or in between? 247 Participant M: I wanted to become all the way Americanized because I thought they have a lot of good values in them. But, later on I found out that it is not true. I assumed that they are good people. I got their images from movies in Vietnam. When I hung out with Vietnamese, they weren’t so good because they were drinking. I didn’t like that type so I chose not to be one of them. It doesn’t mean that I wanted to become white completely. I just wanted to be accepted. Researcher: What were the main factors contributed to your failures or successes? Participant M: I think it was the hardships that I went through. I just didn’t like the feeling of being looked down upon. I just didn’t want to be discriminated. My anger kind of pushed me. I also wanted a good life too. I didn’t want to struggle later on when I get older. So those were the drives. Researcher: Was the motivation also come from your parents? Participant M: My parents too. I think about the hardships they have been through to get me here. Researcher: What about failures? What led you to fail? Participant M: My English was part of it and sometimes I didn’t have the motivation anymore. I felt exhausted when I worked too hard. Researcher: What do you think about the America society in term of racism and oppression? Participant M: I think racism always exists and it will be there forever. We don’t see it much because we hang out with each other more. But, if you go to a white community you will actually see it. Also, the accent too. If you are an Asian without the accent they treat 248 you better. Well, in term of oppression I think if me and a white person come in for a job interview, they would pick that white person over me. Probably the color of your skin and the accent too. I think it’s everywhere. Unless you work for the state, and nobody cares. Researcher: Do you think the situation will get better? Participant M: I don’t think it will get better. It is better or not just kind of up to you. It will continue no matter what. But if you want to break that you have to prove to them. I think if they discriminate you, but if you have a good job and good career, they would think back. Researcher: How do you feel about being a minority in America? Participant M: I don’t feel any disadvantage. I don’t know. I’m not out there to speak out about anything like my uncle. He would go out there and fight the V.C. But, me I don’t have that kind of ability. Researcher: How do you feel about the majority? Participant M: You know sometimes I don’t about being majority or minority anymore. They are just terms to group people. When I got to the mall, I don’t really care if there are white people around. I don’t really think about it. I’m not a minority. I’m just Vietnamese. Vietnamese happens to have a small population. It doesn’t mean that we are minorities. We just need to be treated as people. Researcher: Tell me about a time when you felt most prejudiced or oppressed? Participant M: Just high school. They didn’t really talk down on me. I just felt it and maybe they talked behind my back that I didn’t know about. 249 Researcher: What type of support system do you think would have helped you in the process of adaptation to the mainstream American society? Such as supports to help you relieve your stresses in school and at home. Participant M: I probably want after school program with activities to help out I guess. Researcher: Do you want any counseling process or anything like that? Participant M: Not really, because especially when you are young, you don’t want to talk about it. You just want to ignore it and try to avoid it. They need to have after school activities and hang out with a whole group of Vietnamese to help each other out. It creates an environment where everybody can come together. They should have after school program which provides activities, hang out, and go eat to make you feel that you are not alone. But, I think people have to go through that to grow up. I think it’s just a part of life. 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