MSW STUDENT’S CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND PERSONAL VALUES A Project

MSW STUDENT’S CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND PERSONAL VALUES
A Project
Presented to the faculty of the Division of Social Work
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
by
Amada Y. Arredondo
Amiee Foster
SPRING
2014
© 2014
Amada Y. Arredondo
Amiee Foster
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
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MSW STUDENT’S CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND PERSONAL VALUES
A Project
by
Amada Y. Arredondo
Amiee Foster
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Maria Dinis, Ph.D., MSW
____________________________
Date
3
Student: Amada Y. Arredondo
Amiee Foster
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format
manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for
the project.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator
Dale Russell, Ed.D., LCSW
Division of Social Work
Abstract
of
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___________________
Date
MSW STUDENT’S CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND PERSONAL VALUES
by
Amada Y. Arredondo
Amiee Foster
Is it innate values, derived from identifying as a feminist, that inspire social work students
to be civically engaged? This study explored the potential motivation of feminist identify,
as it related to civic engagement, at California State University, Sacramento. This
quantitative survey study investigated 57 MSW students’ community and political
activities and their personal beliefs that may contribute to feminist identity. The sampling
method was a cross-sectional study using convenience sampling. The results from the study
found that majority of the participants did not identify as a feminist. Chi square tests were
significant in the association between feminist identity and disagreeing with the statement
that feminism is too extreme. Implications for social work practice and policy are
discussed.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Maria Dinis, Ph.D., MSW
_______________________
Date
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge and thank the following people who contributed to the
success of this project. Firstly, I am indebted to the amazing women whom I have met
throughout the years. The beautiful mentors, who are not afraid to call themselves
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feminist, that truly taught me the meaning of “personal is political” and the importance of
civic engagement and community activism. I would like to thank my wonderful partner,
Sherri Patton, who has walked with me through life’s tundra. Her unconditional love and
encouragement helped me find my voice and strength to continue my educational path.
I am most appreciative for the guidance from our research advisor, Maria Dinis, PhD.,
MSW. Her quick response and unselfish commitment to her thesis students was more
than expected. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge my thesis partner, Amiee Foster, for
her hard work and dedication to this study. Amiee is my friend and like a sister. I will
always cherish our moments in graduate school and look forward to a life’s journey of
civic responsibility.
Amada Y. Arredondo
I would like to acknowledge and thank the following people who contributed to the
success of this project. First I would like to thank my younger sister, Meghan Feenstra.
She is 17 years old and not afraid to identify as a feminist. She has given me hope for the
younger generation of feminists that stand by their values despite life’s obstacles.
Secondly, I would like to thank my daughter, Sydnee Foster. She has inspired me to
change the world. I am excited to see the woman she will grow into and the things she
will accomplish with such amazing women surrounding her. I would like to thank my
family for the support they have given me through this difficult process of long stressful
nights. My family has stepped up to help raise my daughter in this difficult time and I
could not have accomplished this without them. I would like to thank my partner, Amada
Arredondo. I think back to the beginning when we agreed to begin this journey of
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research and I could not imagine completing this without her. She is my friend, my sister,
and my family. I look forward to changing the world with her. Finally, I would like to
thank my thesis advisor Dr. Maria Dinis for the countless hours of advising she has given
me. The dedication she showed through this process is priceless and I never felt alone.
She is not only an incredible thesis advisor but also a dedicated individual and it showed
in every email and meeting.
Amiee Foster
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ............................................................................................................. xii
List of Figures ........................................................................................................... xiii
Chapters
1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY……………………………………………….1
Introduction………………………………………………………… ................1
7
Statement of Collaboration ................................................................................2
Background of the Problem ..............................................................................2
Statement of the Research Problem ...................................................................3
Purpose of the Study ..........................................................................................4
Research Question .............................................................................................4
Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................5
Feminist Theory .....................................................................................5
Application of Feminism .......................................................................7
Definition of Terms............................................................................................8
Assumptions.....................................................................................................12
Justifications ....................................................................................................12
Delimitations ....................................................................................................13
Summary ..........................................................................................................13
2. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ..................................................................... 14
Introduction ..................................................................................................... 14
History of Feminism and Civic Engagement ...................................................14
Feminism in Social Work ................................................................................18
Liberal Feminism .................................................................................18
Radical Feminism ................................................................................19
Socialist Feminism ...............................................................................21
Civic Engagement in Social Work...................................................................23
Social Work Students and Social Justice Values .............................................31
8
Gaps in the Literature.......................................................................................33
Summary ......................................................................................................... 35
3. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................36
Introduction ......................................................................................................36
Research Question ...........................................................................................36
Research Design...............................................................................................36
Variables ..........................................................................................................38
Study Population ..............................................................................................39
Sample Population ...........................................................................................39
Instrumentation ................................................................................................40
Data Gathering Procedures ..............................................................................42
Data Analysis ...................................................................................................43
Protection of Human Subjects .........................................................................43
Summary ..........................................................................................................44
4. STUDY FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ............................................................45
Introduction ......................................................................................................45
Demographics ..................................................................................................45
Feminist Identity and Civic Engagement Activities ........................................51
Feminist Identify and Beliefs That May Contribute to Feminism ...................56
Community Involvement and Beliefs That May Contribute to Feminist ...........
Identity .............................................................................................................61
Summary ..........................................................................................................65
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5. CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................66
Introduction ......................................................................................................66
Summary ..........................................................................................................66
Discussion ........................................................................................................68
Limitations .......................................................................................................71
Implications for Social Work Practice and Policy ...........................................72
Recommendations ............................................................................................74
Future Researchers ...............................................................................74
Curriculum Committee in the Department of Social Work .................75
Conclusion .......................................................................................................75
Appendix A. Consent to Participate in Research ........................................................ 77
Appendix B. Human Subjects Approval ......................................................................79
Appendix C. Survey Questions ................................................................................... 81
References ................................................................................................................... 84
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LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
1.
Demographics of Study Participants………… ..................................................... …. 46
2.
Demographics of Study Participants’ Major, Level of Involvement and ................
Identity………………………………………………………………… ..………47
3.
Political Engagement Activities Participated………….……………………… ..50
4.
Feminist Identity and Current Level of Community Involvement……………. ..51
5.
Feminist Identity and Signed a Petition……….……………………….………. .52
6.
Feminist Identity and Displayed a Political Button or Sticker………….…….. . 54
7.
Feminist Identity and Participated in Lawful Demonstrations………….……. .. 55
8.
Feminist Identity and Wrote a Letter to Elected Officials…………..………..… 56
9.
Feminist Identity and Feminism is too Extreme ……………………………… ..57
10. Feminist Identity and I Like Traditional Gender Roles……………….…… ...... 59
11. Feminist Identity and Feminism Isn’t Interesting to Me………….……… .……60
12. Feminist Identity and Feminist Complain too Much………….……………… ...61
13. Current Level of Community Involvement and Equal Rights………….……… .63
14. Current Level of Women’s Unpaid Work Should Be More Socially ......................
Valued
..............................................................................................................64
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figures
1.
Page
Social Work Practice Most Interested ..................................................................48
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1
Chapter 1
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Introduction
What motivates social worker students to be civically engaged? Is it their
innate values derived from identifying as a feminist? If you label yourself a feminist
are you more likely to participate in social actions? In the beginning of our social
work program, both undergraduate and graduate levels, students learn about the
profession’s Code of Ethics (NASW, 2008). It is then that many become familiar with
the concept of social justice, succeeding to understand the profession’s commitment
to civic engagement. Are students involved in their community before they are
introduced to the ethical standards and expectations for social workers? To label
oneself as a feminist not only requires a certain level of understanding of the
political and personal challenges of equality among gender, race, and class but also
assumes one will challenge the assumptions in society by becoming politically active
(McCann & Kim, 2010). These are a few lingering questions curious to the
researchers and how their level of community involvement contributes to feminism.
This chapter will address the background of the problem of feminism and
how it relates to civic engagement. The researchers will then state the research
problem, purpose of the study and research question. In addition, the theoretical
framework used to address feminism and civic engagement will be discussed as well
as defining the major terms used throughout the study. Finally, assumptions,
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justifications and delimitations will be discussed and a summary will conclude the
chapter.
Statement of Collaboration
This project is written through the collaboration of both researchers, Amada
Y. Arredondo and Amiee Foster. Amada is the lead writer for chapter three of the
project, while Amiee is the primary writer on chapter two. Both researchers worked
equally on chapters one, four and five and all the subsequent revisions of the five
chapters.
Background of the Problem
As students learn the Social Work Core Values, it is at that moment that many
become familiarized with the words “social justice” and that concept becomes the
cornerstone, and sometimes a mantra, for social work practice. The social work
profession is historically shaped by feminism and civic engagement. The lineage can
be traced back to Jane Addams, whom many refer as the mother of the social work,
with her passion to help underserved populations and a commitment to community
engagement (Cullen-Dupont 2009). Though it is not certain that Addams labeled
herself as a feminist, her actions proved to support feminism, as she was a powerful
voice for women’s suffrage (Cullen-Dupont, 2009). Jane Addams is not the only
profession’s representation of civic responsibility, Florence Kelley demonstrated
diligence. Both women, and countless others, advocated for child labor laws,
enforced public health standards, and supported workers as they unite for better
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conditions (Harlan, 1998; Sklar, 1985). These are examples of civic and community
engagement.
Today, the profession of social work has shifted from its origins. Although
students learn about social justice in academia, civic responsibility is not at the core
of the social work curriculum (Muller, 2012). Social justice is a concept established
from the early years of the profession and social workers, specifically students, are
not getting the adequate encouragement for community engagement. Social
workers are becoming passive and disengaged (Muller, 2012). In a study done in
2011, by the Council on Social Work Education, 8.8% of masters of social work
students were found to be involved in Macro level practice. The council broke down
the data to find that 2.4% of students were involved in management or
administration, 2.1% were involved in community planning, 2.7% were involved in
combined community planning and management, 1% was involved in social policy,
and .006% was involved in combined social policy and program evaluation. The
study went on to explain that encouraging students to get involved in macro level
practice has consistently been difficult in social work; however, the numbers found
in 2011 are the lowest ever reported (Rothman & Mizrahi, 2014).
Statement of Research Problem
The Code of Ethics clearly states that social workers are expected to
participate in social and political actions to eliminate injustices (NASW, 2008). The
literature surrounding feminism and civic engagement in social work shows a
correlation between seasoned professionals and community involvement. As a
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social worker gains experience they are more likely to identify as a feminist and
their commitment to civic engagement increases (De Maria, 1992, Wiener &
Rosenwald, 2008). Students are learning the foundation of social work practice,
including the art and idea of social justice. Why are students less likely to be civically
engaged compared to social workers with more professional maturity? This study
will attempt to understand students’ community involvement, or therefore lack of,
by analyzing their personal values using an adapted and revised feminist inventory
scale.
Purpose of the Study
There are three purposes of this study. The primary purpose is to examine if
there is a relationship between the values of MSW students at California State
University, Sacramento and their commitment to civic engagement. The researchers
will examine MSW students’ personal beliefs from a feminist lens (i.e., do students
who identify or ascribe to feminist ideas participate in civic engagement?) The
secondary purpose is to assess whether students label themselves as being a
feminist. Participants are asked this question in the survey and can indicate by
marking “yes”, “no” or “sometimes”. Lastly, the third purpose is to understand in
what ways are students civically engaged? The results of this study may affect all
levels of social work practice, including the value of social justice.
Research Question
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This study was designed to explore the following question: What is the
relationship between MSW students participating in civic engagement and their
values?
Theoretical Framework
In order to better understand in several levels the reasons why students’
choose to label themselves as a feminist and become more civically engaged in the
Master’s of Social Work program, the feminist theory is used to examine the issue.
The researchers will first overview the theory and then explain the application of
the theory to the research question.
Feminist Theory
Feminist theory has been used to analyze a woman’s status in the social and
cultural society for many years (McCann & Kim, 2010). The main idea behind
feminist theory is that men and women are equal in both the personal and political
spheres. Feminist theory focuses on gender roles in relationships, work place,
political atmospheres, and the oppression of women in the media. The list of where
women have been oppressed continues to go on for women as society places more
expectations on women and less on men (Beasley, 1999).
Feminist theorists have several different contexts from how they work;
however all have a linking thread. All frameworks come from moving women out of
an oppressed role and into a more powerful place in both the political and personal
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level (McCann & Kim, 2010). One theoretical framework feminist view involves the
basic notion of men and women being the same. The theorists attempt to rework
mainstream theory’s conception of women as second-rate to men or defective. This
type of feminism is often referred to as Liberal feminism (Beasley, 1999).
Similar to liberal feminism in terms of reworking societal and cultural ideas
of women is Radical Feminism. Radical Feminist theorists challenge the hierarchy of
men in society but do so by using the notion in which women and men are different
but equal (Crow, 2000). This belief stems from the theory that women have
different attributes to offer society than men but should be treated equally. The
theory behind the separate but equal is to highlight the powers women have and
change societal views of their value (Beasley, 1999).
Other viewpoints within the feminist theory include focusing less on the
social and cultural aspects and more on resisting the sexual hierarchy within men
and women (Iadicola & Nes, 1989). This shifts the focus from attempting to rework
societal standards of women and instead paint women in a whole new light. This is
often referred to as postmodern feminism. Another avenue feminist theorist have
take with this idea is working with men as allies. With men as potential allies
women are more likely to gain the political power needed to gain equality (Beasley,
1999).
A final framework often used in feminist theory is the idea that women are
morally superior to men (Beasley, 1999). This stems from the idea that women have
a deep moral and ethical standard higher than men and can view the political and
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personal sphere with a better lens. Feminist theorists who use this framework are
often working to place more women in a position of power and completely remove
men from positions of political power (Beasley, 1999).
Application of Feminism
Feminist theory can be applied simply by looking at the second wave of
feminism beginning in the 1960s. Feminists applied the theory by claiming
conditions under which women live are unjust and must be changed (McCann &
Kim, 2010). By claiming conditions are inequitable, women were able to use
feminist theory to confront the injustices and take action to begin changing
perspectives of society. Application of feminist theory begins to move into civic
engagement when feminists build arguments to support demands for societal
change using the intellectual tools provided by feminism (McCann & Kim, 2010).
Another application of feminist theory that involves civic engagement is informing
the political sphere of women’s demands for equal rights. One of the most basic
definitions of feminist theory found is fighting for equal rights in the political world
for women (Crow, 2000; McCann & Kim, 2010; Tong, 2009).
In this study, we aim to connect feminist theory to our research by explaining
why many social workers may become more civically engaged if they self identify as
a feminist. Feminist theory argues that in order for equal rights in society to be had
by women, feminists must become active in their communities both politically and
socially. Feminist theory assists both women and men in building a solid base of
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knowledge to challenge societal standards, resist subordination, and improve
women’s lives (McCann & Kim, 2010).
Feminist Theory calls social workers to engage in activism to change the
political and social order so that women will no longer be oppressed. Hence,
feminist ideas require social workers to engage in praxis—the practical application
of theory (Tong, 2009). Our research question examines if MSW students are
employing praxis and whether they are connecting feminist theory taught in the
classroom into real civic, activist involvement in the community. The investigatory
question in and of itself is informed by feminist theory because it intends to utilize
research and education to improve the lives of women.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are used throughout this project and are relevant to the
study regarding civic engagement and feminism. Some words are mutually similar
and can be used interchangeably and will be noted.
Civic Engagement
“Civic Engagement is defined as working to make a difference in the civic life
of
our communities…promoting the quality of life in a community,
through both
political and non-political process” (American Democracy
Project 2014,
paragraph 1).
Community Engagement
“Community Engagement is a planned process with the specific purpose of
working with identified groups of people, whether they are connected by
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geographic location, special interest, or affiliation or identify to
address issues
affecting their well-being…[community engagement]
shifts the focus from the
individual to the collective, with the associated
implications for inclusiveness to
ensure consideration is made of the
diversity that exists within any
community” (What is
Community Engagement 2014, paragraph 4).
For the purposes of this study, civic engagement and community engagement can be
used interchangeably.
Social Justice
“The view that everyone deserves equal economic, political and social rights
and
opportunities” (NASW, 2008, paragraph 2).
Social Action
All the activities in which people act in ways that will benefit not only
themselves
as individuals, but also the larger communities of which they are
members” (Snyder & Omoto, 2008, p. 6). For the purposes of
this study, social
action can be used as a synonym for political action.
Community
“Community is defined as groups of people; whether they are stakeholders,
interest groups, citizen groups, etc. This may be a geographic location, similar
interest, or affiliation or identity (i.e., community of place, practice, or
industry)” (What is Community Engagement, 2013, paragraph 3).
Engagement
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“describes the broad range of interactions between people. It can include
a
variety of approaches, such as one-way communication or
information delivery,
consultation, involvement and collaboration in
decision-making, and empowered
action in informal groups or formal
partnerships” (What is Community
Engagement, 2013,
paragraph 3).
Activism
“The doctrine or practice of vigorous action or involvement as a means of
achieving political or other goals, sometimes by demonstrations,
protests,
etc.” (Definition of activism, 2014, paragraph 1).
Feminism
“The theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes” and
“organized activity on behalf of women's rights and interests” (Definition of
Feminism, 2014, paragraph 2).
Liberal feminism
“A model of feminism that describes society as being composed of separate
individuals, each competing for a fair share of resources. Liberal feminism
believes in equal rights, equal access to services, and control over
privacy” (Saulnier, 2000, p. 8).
Radical feminism
“feminism that works for the eradication of domination and elitism in all
human relationships. This would make self-determination the ultimate good
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and
require the downfall of society as we know it today” (Crow, 2000, p.
1).
Socialist feminism
"A model of feminism, grounded from Marxist political theory, believing that
the
primary form of oppression in a capitalist society is class oppression,
of which
other oppressions are historical derivations. Socialist feminist
take two positions
of oppression: 1) class oppression, which is rooted in
production of things, and 2)
sex oppression, which is rooted in the
production of people” (Nes & Iadicola,
1989, p. 14).
Cultural feminism
“A model of feminism believing that gender stands as a fundamental division
among humans, privileged over class, race, and other sources of inequality.
There
is a distinct difference between women and men and those aspects of
womanhood
should be celebrated and considered superior, or more
valuable (Saulnier, 2000 p.
10-11).
Misogyny
“the assumption of male superiority and centrality” (Beasley, 1999, p. 4).
Misandry
“the hatred of males” (Definition of Misandry, 2014, paragraph 2).
Patriarchy
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“described as a cultural universal, with all institutions reinforcing that social
order. The patriarchal structure consists of a system that privileges men
through
the complex political manipulation of individual identity, social
interactions, and
structural systems of power” (Nes, & Iadicola, 1989,
p.14).
Assumptions
The assumptions that must be considered for this study are as followed: 1)
The participants are social work graduate students at California State University,
Sacramento; 2) Social Justice, in the form of civic participation, is essential to social
work practice; 3) Student’s personal values and beliefs contribute to their
community involvement.
Justifications
The social work profession should take note of person’s civic engagement
because social workers have an ethical duty to take action against the exploitation of
a person, group, or class on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, class or disabilities
(NASW, 2008). The results of this study will help to identify the influential factors in
a student's decision to engage civically in their community or in a broader political
atmosphere. Through understanding the influential factors, social work educational
programs and educators can better prepare students for their careers in social
work, and encourage students to become more social justice oriented within their
profession. This preparation can occur on many levels. First, students can be
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prepared on a knowledge level through the teaching in school courses and through
learning a more in depth knowledge of feminist theory.
Delimitations
Qualitative data was not used to explore why students choose be civically
engaged or label themselves as a feminist. There is no specific knowledge of the
participants’ personal experiences with exception the specific questions asked in the
survey regarding personal experience with civic engagement. The data gathered is
limited to first-year Master’s of social work students at California State University,
Sacramento. The data is also limited to what the participants chose to report and the
participants’ interpretation of the individual questions. Self-reported data may be
biased, but this study is limited to participants’ reports.
Summary
Chapter 1 is an introduction to this topic of study. This chapter included a
discussion on the background of the problem, statement of the research problem,
the purpose of the study, the research question, the theoretical framework used to
examine the topic, definitions of terms used throughout the study, assumptions,
justifications, and limitations. Chapter two reviews literature that addresses this
topic. Subsequently, chapter two encompasses the profession’s historical roots, the
various ideas of feminisms, civic engagement, and how each is related. Chapter three
describes the methodology of the study and chapter four presents the data gathered
14
in the study. Chapter five, the final chapter, summarizes the findings and
conclusions, which are drawn.
Chapter 2
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Introduction
The literature review will be organized in six sections. The first section will
provide the history of feminism and civic engagement in the United States dating
back to the late 18th century. The second section will discuss the six different
ideologies of feminism: liberal, radical, and socialist, and how the ideologies relate
to civic engagement. The third section will look into civic engagement within the
profession of social work and how students in the masters of social work program
are encouraged to become civically engaged based on the National Association of
Social Work code of ethics and the professions core values (NASW, 2008). The
fourth section will examine the teachings of social justice values, feminism, and civic
engagement in programs across the United States for master level social work. The
fifth section will address gaps in literature. The final section will provide a summary
of the findings.
History of Feminism and Civic Engagement
There is much debate as to how and when feminism began in the United
States of America within the literature. Some historians believe the first wave of
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feminism began with women’s suffrage and the development of the National
Women’s Party in 1923 following women gaining the right to vote. Others claim
feminism did not truly begin until the 1950s when Simone de Beauvoir’s book The
Second Sex was published (Harlan, 1998). Regardless of when feminism actually
began, the constant that remains throughout the literature is women fighting for
equal rights participated in civic engagement in one form or another.
Jane Addams is one social worker that is well known throughout the social
work community as the founder of social work due to her work within the
community and settlement houses. Jane Addams passion was for “the poor and
working class, women’s suffrage, and pacifism,” (& Frost-Knappman & FrostKnappman, 2009). The question is not whether Addams was involved with civic
engagement but if she considered herself a feminist. When Hull house was founded
in 1889 by Addams and Ellen Gates Starr, their intent was to break free of the
gender norms set in this time and create a separate female institution for women to
gain access to education, community work, and to live independently from the social
construction of what it means to be a women in the late 1800s. Hull House allowed
women to work on goals set forth by themselves, instead of their husbands or male
counterparts. Florence Kelley is one example of how Hull House brought forth civic
engagement for women in a time when women were told their place was in the
home. Between Kelley and Addams, the two women fought the city for child labor
laws, health codes and began the idea of Unions within Chicago (Harlan, 1998; Sklar,
1985).
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The first wave of feminism key component is shown by the way Addams and
Kelley used their affiliation with men to gain access and power within the social
systems. This was not an uncommon practice for women of this time going as shown
by a similar situation that started to gain momentum in Georgia. Gay Bolling
Shepperson, a social worker in Georgia, saw an opportunity following the New deal
signed by Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1934 for federal funds to be distributed.
Shepperson was director of Georgia’s Department of Public Welfare and through her
male ally Harry Hopkins, head of the Federal Emergency relief Administration
(FERA), she gained access to these federal funds and began a long journey of
feminism and civic engagement within the state of Georgia (Wilkerson-Freeman,
2002).
The second wave of feminism began with De Beauvoir’s book in 1953 The
Second Sex that attempted to explain how women exist only as the other and men as
the absolute. In 1963 Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique identifying
feminism as a “problem with no name” (Harlan, 1998). Upper middle class white
women from the suburbs began reading these books and questioning the
inequalities that surrounded them while the civil rights war, cold war, and the war
in Vietnam all began heating up at the same time. As women from the suburbs came
out to fight for equality, they quickly realized in order to gain momentum they
would have to join forces with civil rights activists and fight not only for equal rights
for women but for racial equality (Harlan). During the second wave of feminism,
civic engagement was at its prime. It appeared that feminism and civic engagement
17
were one in the same as the Equal Pay Act, Civil rights Act of 1964 Title VII
amendment banning sex discrimination, and the equal employment opportunity
commission, which was established to enforce these new laws that all came into
effect due to the civic engagement of feminists (Harlan, 1998).
Despite all the success of feminists from the 1950s to the 1970s the
Republican Party, the Catholic Church, and the surrounding communities started to
grow opposition to feminist’s views in the 1980s that would prove to become a huge
struggle for feminists for years to come. With Ronald Reagan winning the candidacy
for President, came what some feminists believe to be a campaign to stereotype
feminists in a bad light, stereotypes that many people still believe to this day. The
Reagan administration put forth a good effort to stereotype feminists as man hating,
ugly, masculine women fighting to take rights away from women instead of fighting
for equality. Many conservative politicians began blaming feminist activists for the
changes in divorce laws and rates, fathers refusing to pay child support, and for
women having to work overtime (Harlan, 1998). Due to the efforts of the
conservative politician and the Reagan administration, women began to step away
from civic engagement and reject the label feminist.
The literature shows that the third wave of feminism began with Friedan’s
second book, The Second Stage, which put forth the idea similar to the first wave of
feminism. Friedan claimed that feminists would need men as allies for an increase
in civic engagement (Harlan, 1998; Friedan, 1981). Friedan’s book called for men to
support feminism and fight for the equal rights of men and women. According to the
18
literature, this began a huge divide among feminists. Some feminists from the
second wave still felt pain from the patriarchy that had put them in the position of
unequal rights. Others agreed with Friedan’s view and called for men to challenge
their masculinity and side with the feminist’s view of equal rights in both the
personal and political spheres. What historians claim came next were men from all
backgrounds coming together, writing books to deconstruct the masculinity of men
and a humanizing of the male (Harlan, 1998).
The literature shows that as a society we are still in this third wave of
feminism. As a society men have stepped up and deconstructed their masculinity to
join the fight for equality and become more civically engaged. However, as a culture
many still feel the stereotypes set forth by the Reagan administration and although
many believe in equal rights for men and women, they continued to reject the label
of feminist. The third wave of feminism is quieter in terms of civic engagement
(Harlan, 1998). The question posed in this study is if society can continue to be less
civically engaged while still fighting for equality among the sexes and be successful
in this battle.
Feminism in Social Work
There are three subtypes of feminism discussed in the literature: Liberal,
Radical and Socialist.
Liberal Feminism
The literature surrounding liberal feminism shows a very basic form of
feminism. The belief that women should be treated equally compared to men.
19
However, the way liberal feminists pursue equality and the belief of how oppression
of women began are different than the other two subtypes. Liberal feminists believe
women’s inequality has been hindered by the social construction of our society. The
oppression of women began with the lack of civil rights and opportunities and the
learned behavior of stereotypical sex roles that women often play (Iadicola & Nes,
1989; Freeman, 1990).
In order for women to gain equality, the literature shows that liberal
feminists believe in changes through social and political reform. Liberal feminists
believe women have the ability to achieve equality in a capitalistic society; they just
have to choose the correct lifestyle that will prove the most beneficial for equality.
Liberal feminists often claim that women should become more educated in their
desired field in order to be more competitive with men (Iadicola &Nes, 1989).
Liberal feminists believe men need to challenge their ideas behind a woman’s
place in the work force rather than challenging the entire system itself, “It is not the
male nature that needs to change but male attitudes and actions that block
opportunities for women,” (Iadicola &Nes, 1989, p.12). According to the literature,
many liberal feminists believe if the social construction surrounding the sex-roles
between men and women were to be reconstructed, women would be able to gain a
more equal footing in the workforce and establish individual rights (Iadicola &Nes,
1989; Freeman, 1990).
Radical Feminism
20
The literature shows that radical feminists believe the oppression of women
is fundamentally apart of a patriarchal society. Radical feminists consider capitalism
and socialist societies reflect that our society is male dominated and therefore
women can never gain equality (Crow, 2000; Iadicola & Nes, 1989). According to
radical feminism, patriarchy is the highest form of oppression for women, a deepseated institutionalized system of male dominance. Patriarchy looks to control a
women’s right to equal status among men by controlling a women’s sexuality and
the female fertility (Iadicola & Nes; Freeman, 1990).
Radical feminism seeks to abolish patriarchy in order to reach equality for
women. Radical feminism looks at the home as one source of oppression and
evidenced by women’s constant sphere of life being placed in the home while males
have consistently been in the political sphere. In order for women to gain an equal
footing, the statement “the personal is political” (Freeman, 1990) is used in radical
feminism in order to define women’s struggles of equality starting with recognizing
their work in the home as valuable and the value of women’s work outside the home
(Iadicola & Nes, 1989; Freeman, 1990). Radical feminism does not seek to change
the current system of institutionalized male domination but rather to completely
abolish the system and begin a new society where both men and women are treated
as equal beings. The research suggests that radical feminists confront the challenge
of creating a new society with first challenging society’s basic structures of male
dominance. From there radical feminists aim to define women from a woman’s
perspective instead of a man’s. Radical feminism seeks to create a society separate
21
from men so women can eventually undermine and overthrow the basic concepts of
the male dominated society through non-violent revolutions (Iadicola & Nes, 1989;
Freeman, 1990).
Despite radical feminism being so popular in the 1960s and the 1970s and
being responsible for so much of what we know consider to be feminism, many
feminists today shy away from labeling themselves radical feminists due to the
challenges today’s society brings to the table (Crow, 2000; Iadicola &Nes, 1989).
According to Ellen Willis (1984), radical feminism left society as fast as it came and
left society with many questions as to how to pursue equality for women. With so
many laws being passed for women’s liberation during this movement, many of
which are due to a direct result of radical feminism, many feminists now are left
wondering how they can navigate the patriarchal system and continue to fight for
women’s equal rights (Willis, 1984).
Socialist Feminism
For socialist feminism the literature shows that these feminists believe
women to be oppressed by our capitalistic society including sexism and classism. A
lot of the socialist feminist ideals are rooted in the Marxist political economics and
incorporate a few of the radical feminist ideologies. Socialist feminists believe in
change of social systems and the social construct of how society is viewed in order
to gain equality for women. The central aspect of the socialist feminist is in the
production and reproduction of things and how women’s role fits (Iadicola & Nes,
1989; Freeman, 1990).
22
The socialist feminist believes the production and reproduction in society is
highly dominated by men and therefore men control how women fit into this
patriarchal society (Iadicola & Nes, 1989). According to the socialist, feminist a
patriarchal society is the solidarity of men and how they can dominate women. In
order to create change in society, socialist feminists believe in changing our
capitalistic society into a society that is more rooted in a feminist ideology of
equality (Tong, 2009). According to much of the literature, this requires socialist
feminist to align with other oppressed groups, such as the LGBTQ population, racial
minorities, and people living in poverty in order to gain full equality within society
(Iadicola & Nes, 1989; Freeman, 1990).
A socialist feminist may be considered a more modern version of a feminist
due to the alignment with other oppressed groups (Tong, 2009). The socialist
feminist began forming in the 1980s after racial minorities started fighting for equal
rights and women found an opportunity to join together to find equality among
society. The literature suggests socialist feminists encourage consciousness and
coalition building among communities of oppression in order to challenge the
dominating group (Tong; Iadicola &Nes, 1989). Socialist feminists argue that having
men allies is important for the cause and the need for oppressed groups to assemble
in order to challenge the contradictions surrounding issues is one of the ways
society can change to show equality not just for women but for all oppressed groups
(Iadicola & Nes, 1989; Freeman, 1990).
23
The biggest question among socialist feminists is how to implement the
strategies in the current atmosphere of a highly charged political sphere. One theory
brought by some socialist feminists is to focus less on the capitalistic society and
more on the capitalistic patriarchy within society (Eiserstiein, 1977). By doing this,
there is less focus on abolishing capitalism, which can be a highly charged subject,
and more on deconstructing the male dominated society. Socialist feminist face a
new challenge in this day due to the different political atmosphere and the highly
male dominated media outlets that have never been an issue before. Some strategies
suggested in the literature is to align more with male allies and covertly go after the
oppression of groups through modern technology, while others still believe in the
traditional values of socialist feminism (Iadicola & Nes, 1989; Freeman, 1990;
Eiserstien, 1977).
Civic Engagement in Social Work
Among most of the literature for civic engagement in social work, the link is
almost always connected to feminism ( Iadicola & Nes, 1989; Kirst-Ashman 1992;
Ostrander, 2004). Feminists took action in society to create social change. Women
suffrage, gender laws, laws about women’s sexuality including laws about birth
control and abortion all come from feminists becoming civically engaged. The
question posed to the literature is whether social workers have historically been
encouraged to become civically engaged in their communities and the communities
in which they work (McCann & Kim, 2010). The NASW code of ethics clearly state
the ethical responsibility of social workers to engage civically:
24
Social workers should engage in social and political action that seeks to
ensure that all people have equal access to the resources, employment,
services, and opportunities they require to meet their basic human needs and
to develop fully. Social workers should be aware of the impact of the political
arena on practice and should advocate for changes in policy and legislation to
improve social conditions in order to meet basic needs and promote social
justice (NASW, 1999, paragraph 2).
Yet the question continues to remain why in a time when services, resources, and
employment seem to be at an all time low for the population, why are social workers
not more civically engaged?
In a study completed by Sunny Harris Rome and Susan Hoechstetter in 2010,
both women attempted to answer this question by surveying NASW members with
various types of educational degrees ranging from a bachelor to a doctorate in social
work. The results of this study showed the more education a person had as well as
the older the person was, the more likely they are to be civically engaged
(Hoechsetter & Rome, 2010). The results of the study of which type of participants
are more likely to be civically engaged may not be too shocking; however what is
shocking, is the fact that almost half the respondents reported they wished their
education had prepared them better for civic engagement (Hoechsetter & Rome,
2010).
One theory brought by the literature is social workers shy away from civic
engagement due to the risks associated with their participation. “Activism risks
25
losing the benefits of societal approval, whereas compliance brings conservatism
that some believe has led social work away from its historic mission” (Witkin, 1998,
p.484). In the 1960s and 1970s, social workers were surrounded by political and
social activism. Other professions joined social workers in the fight for equal rights.
The society social workers lived in encouraged civic engagement, not condemned it.
The risks social workers face now if they become civically engaged is a loss of a
professional reputation (Witkin, 1998). As social workers become more
professionalized and thrown into more micro practice work, they shy away from
becoming leaders in communities and would rather blend in with the crowd
(Witkin; Ostrander, 2004; Hall, Miller & Tice, 2008).
While some literature suggests civic engagement is something to be taught,
other literature goes into societies’ social construction of the individualistic society
to be the root cause of civic disengagement of social workers (Ostrander, 2004;
Muller, 2012; Lee, 2007). Although education is an important aspect of civic
engagement in social workers, reconstructing society to a more communal society
where people think of themselves as an intricate part of their communities is one
way to encourage social workers to become more civically engaged (Costa & Leong,
2013; Muller, 2013). Looking back for a minute at the history of civic engagement
one can see that the majority of the issues social workers fought for directly affected
them and their communities. In order for social workers to become more civically
engaged, they must start to see themselves as a member of the communities in
which they serve (Muller, 2013). Muller stated,
26
Too many of us have become passive and disengaged. Too many of us lack
confidence in our capacity to make basic moral and civic judgments, to join
with our neighbors to do the work of the community, to make a difference.
Never have we had so many opportunities for participation, yet rarely have
we felt so powerless…in a time that cries out for civic action, we are in
danger of becoming a nation of spectators (p. 54)
According to Muller, the issue is less about educating social workers about civic
engagement and more about educating social workers about how to become more
engaged in their communities.
From the beginning of the social work profession, social workers had a major
role in social welfare policy. Research suggests that there is a great emphasis for
social workers to be politically active because the populations that are worked with
are often disenfranchised, underserved and marginalized. Despite the profession’s
history, there continues to be a push for social workers to be civically engaged
(Domanski, 1998).
There have been many studies that measured social worker’s civic
engagement, but no research was found that focused on MSW students. There were
several studies found that discussed social work students and civic engagement.
However, these studies discussed the profession’s curriculum and recommended
strengthening the educational objectives to increase student’s political confidence
(Burke, 2011; Ehrlich, 2000; Hamilton & Fauri, 2001; Lane, 2011; & Wolk, 1996).
27
There were several large sample studies that measured the political activity
among social workers in the field (Domanski, 1998; Ezell, 1993; Ritter, 2008; Rocha,
Poe, & Thomas, 2010; Rome & Hoechstetter, 2010; & Wolk, 1981). The first study,
and the largest to date, had a total of 1,274 valid responses, all whom were NASW
members. This study inquired about social workers’ various types of political
activity and their attitudes or beliefs regarding civic engagement. From the
respondents, 93.8 percent held a MSW degree, 78 percent identified as females and
22 percent as male. The largest age concentration was between 46-55 years-old
(Rome & Hoechstetter, 2010).
The findings divided social worker’s political activity into two categories:
“high” and “low.” Only 53.4 percent scored in the “low” range where 46.6 percent
were in the “high” category. The results concluded that there is a correlation
between social worker’s political activity and their age and years of experience. In
addition, the frequencies of activities were calculated and the activities requiring
little time (e.g., voting, 95 percent; keeping up with current events, 89.2 percent;
knowing who their local representatives are, 79.4 percent; having political
discussions with friends or family, 85.3 percent) were well represented. In contrast,
social workers were less likely to be involved if the activity required more time
outside of one’s familiar spectrum such as: testifying publicly, campaigning for
candidates, and participating in social actions.
Another study, Hamilton and Fauri (2001), followed social workers’ political
28
engagement during a two-year period from 1996-1998. Social workers were
sampled from a state’s education department and had a final response of 242.
Participants were asked if they voted, contacted government officials, contributed
money or time to candidates, testified before a state or legislative body, or
participated in social actions. From the survey, 92 percent voted in the 1996
election. The most astonishing political activity was contacting governmental
officials by other means than in- person contact (phone, e-mail, or fax) with more
than 60 percent. Similar to the previous study, the activities requiring the most time
had the least amount of participation. Only 25 percent reported participating in
social actions, 17 percent met with governmental officials, and 13 percent
volunteered in a political campaign.
A study by Domanski (1998), sampled more than 500 social workers. The
respondents were in leadership roles pertaining to healthcare (e.g., directors,
manager, supervisors, and educators). This sample was drawn from the
membership list of Society for Social Work Administrators and Health Care of the
American Hospital Association. What distinguishes this study from the previous two
is that the findings indicate more effort is made for policy influence. The examples
are: contacting a government official or participating in an organization’s lobbying
campaign. Eighty- one percent of the respondents engaged in at least one of those
activities.
In the three studies, the level of participation through activism, organized
29
demonstrations, attending or testifying at public hearings on local or national policy
issues were minimal (Domanski, 1998). What is consistent between these studies is
that social workers are most likely to vote and the least likely to engage in direct
political actions (Domanski, 1998; Hamilton & Fauri, 2001; Rome & Hoechstetter,
2010; Wolk, Pray, Weismiller, & Dempsey, 1996). However, results from the studies
indicate that social workers are civically involved more than the general population,
and are no more, or less, active as other professional groups (Ritter, 2007; Wolk,
1981).
The studies did not assess the level of civic engagement among social work
students; but from their findings, the political activity for future social workers can
be predicted. Social workers believe that there is an obligation to act politically on
behalf of clients from the study representing NASW members who found that 87.5
percent did not feel that political participation was viewed an unethical behavior
(Rome & Hoechstetter, 2010; Wolk, 1981). Historically, social workers are more
inclined to work with individuals or families. Therefore, it is not surprising that civic
engagement is less prevalent (Pray, Weismiller, & Dempsey, 1996; Wolk).
The studies discussed were social workers affiliated with professional
organizations, but being a member of a professional organization does not
guarantee civic engagement. Why are some social workers more politically involved
than others? The Civic Voluntarism Model explains why some people are more
30
politically engaged than others. To be politically involved, individuals must have the
resources, psychological engagement, and recruitment networks. The resources
may include time, money, and civic skills. Psychological engagement is having the
political interest, efficacy, information, partisanship, and family influences.
Networks may include professional organizations, neighbors, friends, and
colleagues (Verba, Schlozman & Brady, 1995). These are skills needed to influence
others and to make a positive impact on social welfare policies.Despite the push for
social workers to be civically engaged, there are barriers. Similar to the Civic
Voluntarism Model, there are four attributes for civic engagement: social cohesion,
civic skills, commitment, and action. This can be described as having a sense of trust
and bonding with others and the ability to be involved in civil society and
democracy. According to Burke (2011), civic education of social work students is
rarely covered. There should be more from political involvement. Legal barriers
were found to be factors that some public employees believe that they are not able
to take a public stance on a political issue. Another factor that may dissuade
participation is the lack of information. Social workers may not feel confident to
speak openly about an issue on public record. Social workers may believe that
lobbying, testifying, or attending public demonstrations may jeopardize their
employment or result in legal repercussions.
Self-interest is another barrier; if it does not personally affect the social
workers’ life, they are less inclined to engage (Rocha, Poe & Thomas, 2010).
Discussions about citizenship and democracy should focus on how social workers
31
are involved in their communities apart from work or practice experience.
Fieldwork and extracurricular opportunities are valuable in providing the
opportunity to practice political skills (Lane, 2011). Social workers need to have the
desire and mindset to make positive contributions to society, and the actual
participation in political demonstrations (Bobek, Zaff, Li & Lerner, 2009). Is this the
redeeming quality of social work students? Having this foundation helps social work
students to be more civically engaged, and students may have some characteristics
that help shape their community involvement.
Ultimately, the literature shows a continued down turn of civic engagement
among social workers. Some of the literature points to the lack of education
regarding the code of ethics and the importance of civic engagement among social
workers. Others say it has more to do with educating social workers on how to
become civically engaged (Ostrander, 2004; Rothman & Mizrahi, 2014). While still
others say it is simpler than that issue (Muller, 2012). In order for social workers to
become civically engaged, they must first look within themselves and challenge the
individualistic ideologies we are all taught from a young age. And as social workers,
we look toward a community based society where social responsibility becomes the
responsibility of everyone in the community (Costa & Leong, 2013; Muller; Witkin,
1998).
Social Work Students and Social Justice Values
Most of the literature surrounding feminism and civic engagement in social
work shows a strong link for professionals (Coholic, 2003; Freeman, 1990; Iadicola
32
&Nes, 1989). In fact, the longer a social worker is in the field the more likely they are
to identify as a feminist and become more active in the community. One question
brought by many of the researchers has been if this link has to do with the social
workers experience in the field, age, or continued quest for knowledge following
their graduation from an MSW program (De Maria, 1992; Wiener & Rosenwald,
2008). Why are students less inclined to label themselves a feminist and become
civically engaged than their more aged counterparts?
One study compared the civic engagement of MSW students across five
separate campuses and attempted to answer the question many researchers have
posed to the community of researchers (Ostrander, 2004). What this study found
was four critical components of an MSW program to encourage students to become
more civically engaged. The first key component found in this study showed that
learning environment to be a huge priority in engaging students in becoming active
in social justice issues. Curriculum, priorities of the community, and the production
of knowledge of civic engagement are all key parts of the learning environment to
encourage activism among students. The second component found in the study
showed the environment of the university to be a key aspect of facilitating activism
among students. A university and a department that promotes social justice values
in their mission statement, show faculty that are active in their community, and
encouragement of student involvement in their surrounding neighborhoods by
assigning homework and projects as such will encourage a life long relationship of
civic engagement among social work students (Ostrander, 2004).
33
The third component the study found that normalizing civic engagement by
institutionalizing it will facilitate a more open dialogue amongst students and
faculty (Ostrander, 2004). It creates a partnership among students and civic
engagement that becomes instilled in MSW students long after graduation. In a
department of social work where the norm is micro practice, students tend to shy
away from civic engagement and are almost scared because it is unknown. If it is
normalized in the department as an equal part of social work, students are more
likely to accept it from the beginning and take it with them long after they graduate.
Finally, the fourth component of the study found that if Universities and social work
departments build partnerships with other universities and social work
communities to sustain civic engagements, students are more likely to meet likeminded individuals and sustain the activism taught in school (Ostrander, 2004).
Overall the literature shows social work students being taught less and less
about social justice values and more about becoming professionalized (Coholic,
2003; Ostrander, 2004; Muller, 2012; Witkin, 1998). When students learn about
becoming professionalized, the literature shows the perception tends to become
more individualized and students start to care less about how they can affect their
community and the communities in which their clients live. In order for social work
students to become more civically engaged not only do they need to learn more
about social justice, feminism, and activism, but also they need to be taught from a
more communal type of instruction. Students need to see their professors interact
as a community, be encouraged to interact with each other as a community, and to
34
view their clients as a part of their community (De Maria, 1992; Wiener &
Rosenwald, 2008).
Gaps in the Literature
Although much of the articles about feminism, civic engagement, social work,
and social work students, discuss these different roles and how they interrelate
many have not directly researched how labeling oneself a feminist can directly affect
one’s civic engagement (Lee, 2007; Moradi, 2012; Witkin, 1998). History shows
feminism in terms of activism, and present day studies show a curriculum taught to
social work students that include a focus more on social justice values and civic
engagement can lead to more activism, but there are no studies showing the link
between feminism and activism (Novak, 1999; Ostrander, 2004). Social work
students are consistently taught feminism theory, a feminist perspective to social
work values and how they can relate these values back to their work in the field, but
still many shy away from the label.
Additional gaps in literature show very little research on students enrolled in
master level social work. Most of the literature shows civic engagement research on
professional social workers already working and contributing to the profession. The
research that has been done on social work students show in order to increase civic
engagement a curriculum based on strengthening educational objectives on civic
engagement and feminism could increase one’s political confidence, but the studies
are limited therefore it is hard to make this statement confidently. Studies have
shown the older and more experienced a social worker is the more likely they are to
35
become civically engaged. One way to study this further is to find out if the age and
experience has to do with one seeking further education that was not given to the
individual in their social work program. Another area of concern is the higher rates
of civic engagement among social workers in leadership positions. Evaluating the
curriculum of master level social worker students may be a way to address this
concern to seek out information regarding the opportunities for students to become
leaders within their program. Finally, students that are shown to be less civically
engaged have been shown to come from programs that place less emphasis on the
NASW code of ethics.
When social work students do not label themselves as feminists, does it lead
to less activism or is it the values of feminism that make a student more likely to
engage? If the master level social work students were given the opportunity to learn
more about the NASW code of ethics and how feminism has been highly connected
to social work, would students be more likely to identify as feminist and become
more engaged in their community? The following study will attempt to address this
very question.
Summary
It is clear through the literature that social workers have a clear past of
feminism and civic engagement. From the founding sisters of social work to the
present leaders, feminism has shined through as a clear reason many of the activism
in the community has began. How social workers have been apart of this history is
clear through the literature. Social workers have shown up in many different areas,
36
from women’s rights to civil rights social workers have attempted to be civically
engaged. What continues to lack in present day however is how current social
workers involve themselves in issues that directly affect their clients. Many social
workers have chosen to professionalize themselves by choosing to become a
licensed clinical social worker, leading to a role of therapist, leaving behind their
roots of activism. In this chapter, the history of feminism and civic engagement,
feminist ideologies including; liberal, radical, and socialist, civic engagement in
relation to social work, and how students of social work are encouraged to
participate civically have been discussed. Additionally, the gaps in the literature
were discussed. In the next chapter, the methodology is presented.
Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
In this chapter, there is a presentation of the research question, the design of the
study, the variables, the chosen population, sampling population, and instruments used
for the study. The procedures for gathering and analyzing the data are explained. Finally,
how the human subjects were protected is described and a summary is provided.
Research Question
The purpose of the research is to answer the following question: What is the
relationship between Master of Social Work students participating in civic engagement
and their values?
Research Design
37
This study used a quantitative design and is a cross-sectional study with convenience
sampling. A cross-sectional study examines a data at one point in time (Engel & Schutt,
2013). The population surveyed was students in the MSW Program. Such studies may
have an exploratory, descriptive, or explanatory purpose. This research design
exemplified a cross-sectional study for descriptive purposes (Rubin & Babbie, 2008).
Descriptive purposes are used to describe characteristics that already exist in a population
(Rubin & Babbie,2008). The participant’s personal values and civic engagement are the
characteristics that are being evaluated in the study.
In academic research, surveying students is found to be inexpensive and productive,
in that obtaining the required number of completed surveys comes with ease. A benefit to
this study for the purposes of convenience sampling was that the researchers are MSW
students and were enrolled in the required of Human Behavior in the Social Environment
(HBSE) 235A class.
This study was quantitative with the objective to understand students’ civic
engagement and whether identifying as a feminist contributes to one’s social or political
actions. Quantitative research is empirical in that it “… utilizes experience and operation
as a route to knowledge” (Rubin & Babbie, 1989, p. 364). Quantitative research provides
more precise statements about human behavior (Monette, Sullivan & DeJong, 2008). One
advantage using a quantitative survey is that more people are able to be surveyed (Rubin
& Babbie, 2008).
Survey research is useful for exploratory purposes and allows for many questions to
be asked about a single topic (Rubin & Babbie, 1993, p. 351). Survey research is
38
“…useful when we describe the characteristics of a large population” (Rubin & Babbie,
2008, p. 384). Using a survey also provides “… the possibility of making refined
descriptive assertions” [about the population studied] (Rubin & Babbie, 2008, p. 384).
Quantitative research is beneficial in that this type of research can help to determine if
“… a cause produces an effect” (Rubin & Babbie, 1993, p. 30). On the downside, survey
research is known to be artificial and weak on validity (Rubin & Babbie, 1989). The
finding from survey research may be more generalized, but an advantage is offset by the
limited ability of surveys to show causality (Rubin & Babbie, 2008, p. 384). The
researchers purposely negated describing this study as a means to indicate if student’s
ascribe to feminism or its values. The reasoning was based on apprehension that students
may be less incline to participate if they knowingly do not claim feminism as a label.
Variables
The dependent variables in this study are the civic engagement activities reported by
the participants. According to the American Democracy Project (2000), “Civic
engagement is defined as working to make a difference in the civic life of our
communities… promoting the quality of life in a community, through both political and
non-political process.” Derived from the American Democracy Project, for the interest of
the study, civic engagement is any efforts that eliminate inequality through social or
political actions. Examples of such activities were listed on the questionnaire.
Participants were asked whether they had participated in the following: signed a petition,
displayed a political button, donated money to a political candidate or cause, participated
39
in lawful demonstrations, participated in civil disobedience, wrote a letter to an elected
official, gave a public testimony, and/or attended a meeting that addressed social issues.
The independent variables distinguish whether the participants identify as a feminist
and the beliefs that contributed to claiming a feminist label. (From the Feminist Inventory
Scale, Bay-Cheng, L. & Zucker, A., personal communication, October 8, 2013). If one
agrees to the following, it may lead to a feminist identity. Girls and women have not been
treated as well as boys and men in our society. Women and men should be paid equally
for the same work. Women’s unpaid work should be more socially valued. In addition,
statements were presented in the survey that may also contribute to an individual’s
decision to identify or not identify as a feminist. For example, feminism is: non-inclusive,
too extreme, not necessary, male-bashers complain too much, not interesting.
Study Population
The study population included students enrolled in the Master’s of Social Work
program at California State University, Sacramento. The criteria for this study only
involved MSW students. Those surveyed were registered in the classes that the
researchers were granted permission to attend. The population included males and
females from diverse ethnic, age, and undergraduate backgrounds. From the 57 students
surveyed, 54 were female and the remaining was male. The age of the participants were
as followed: 28 were under the age of 25; 17 between 26-34 years old; and 12 indicated
that they were over 35 years old. The top three race/ethnicity categories were white,
Latino, Asian. The surveys were distributed during their required HBSE class (235A).
Sample Population
40
The sample population was social work students in their first year of graduate school
at California State University, Sacramento. Fifty-seven students were surveyed, which
were distributed during their required class. The researchers used a convenience sample
by surveying students enrolled in the HBSE 235A class and were granted prior approval.
Convenience sampling is frequently used because it is less expensive than other sampling
means, and is readily feasible (Rubin & Babbie, 2008). A benefit of convenience
sampling is that it allows the researcher to use the available participants (Marlow, 2005).
Cross-sectional studies can make studying a population easier (Rubin & Babbie, 1989).
Comparatively, there are some weaknesses in convenience sampling. Such
weaknesses include risk factors and the threat of the study being impartial. Risk factors
may consist of collecting a sample in an unforeseen environment. Stopping potential
participants to ask their opinion about an important social issue to the researcher may
provoke unwanted behavior. The availability to sample individuals in a public sphere
may be hazardous. The threat for the study to be biased can be increased with
convenience sampling, in that the location of accessing participants may reflect an
imbalance (Rubin & Babbie, 2008). “…the findings would represent the opinions only of
people with the characteristics of those passing the sampling point at the specific times
(Rubin & Babbie, 2008 p. 340).
Instrumentation
The survey contained a series of questions in two parts (See Appendix A). Part one,
consisted of demographic information (e.g., gender, age, race/ethnicity, marital status,
approximate household income and undergraduate major). Following the participants’
41
statistical data, students were asked, by using a Likert scale, which social work practice
category (macro, mezzo and micro) most interested in working. Furthermore, participants
were asked to indicate their level of community involvement by, again, using a Likert
scale with categories listing from very involved to not very involved with many options
in between. Subsequently, civic engagement actions were listed to further allow students
to explain the activities that contribute to their community involvement. The list was
adapted and revised from Zucker’s checklist of activism. Permission was granted to cut or
modify depending on the researchers’ interests and objectives (Bay-Cheng, L. & Zucker,
A., personal communication, October 8, 2013). Students were asked to indicate if in their
lifetime they participated in the following: signed a petition, displayed a political
button/sticker/sign, donated money to a political candidate or cause, participated in
lawful demonstrations (e.g., protest, counter-protest, rallies, work stoppage, boycotts),
participated in civil disobedience (e.g., sit-ins, hunger strikes, unauthorized street
marches, tax resistance), wrote a letter to an elected official, gave a public testimony.
Following the examples of civic actions, participants were given an opportunity to list
other political engagements not listed.
Part two of the questionnaire was adapted and revised from Zucker’s Feminist
Inventory Scale. Permission was granted to cut or modify the scale depending on the
researchers’ interests and objectives (Bay-Cheng, L. & Zucker, A., personal
communication, October 9, 2013). Questions began with the cardinal beliefs of the
following: (1) girls and women have not been treated as well as boys and men in our
society; (2) women and men should be paid equally for the same work; and (3) women’s
42
unpaid work should be more socially valued. Students were asked to indicate if they
strongly agreed, somewhat agreed, somewhat disagreed or strongly disagreed.
Furthermore, participants were then asked for a forced choice to answer whether they
identify as a feminist by marking yes, no, or sometimes. The definition of feminism was
included in the survey and is “...the doctrine advocating social, political, and all other
rights of women equal to those of men” (Dictionary, 2013). Following the forced choice
question to identify or not identify as a feminist, several follow up questions related to the
reasons why a participant does or does not identify as a feminist.
Closed-ended questions were used throughout the survey to “...provide a greater
uniformity of responses and are more easily processed.” (Rubin & Babbie, 2008, p. 202).
To avoid the shortcoming of closed-ended questions, the response categories must be
exhaustive and mutually exclusive. In other words, they should provide all the possible
responses available and participants must not be compelled to select more than one
answer, if applicable (Rubin & Babbie, 2008).
Data Gathering Procedures
Data was collected from students who are enrolled in the Master’s of Social Work
program while attending the required Human Behavior in the Social Environment 235A
class. The researchers requested and were granted permission to administer the survey
during class time. The researchers attended the classes and administered the survey, upon
obtaining consent from participants. While the class is required for first year students, the
study does not distinguish between first, second or part time graduate students.
43
Prior to administering the survey, the researchers introduced themselves and briefly
explained the study while providing a copy of the consent form and asking for their
participation. The researchers emphasized that the study is voluntary and they may
choose to discontinue at any time. Following the brief introduction of the study, the
researchers passed out the consent forms and questionnaire and allotted fifteen minutes to
read the consent form and complete the survey. Upon completion of the survey, or
declining to participate, an envelope was passed around for students to place their survey
(whether they completed it or not) in the envelope. This was accomplished to ensure
more privacy for participants, as the researchers did know whether one completed or
declined the study.
Data Analysis
The data gathered was imputed into and analyzed by using the statistical package,
SPSS. The researchers personally imputed the information into SPSS for statistical
testing and analysis. Frequencies of the independent and dependent variable were
analyzed. Cross-tabulations and chi-square tests were also performed to compare the
various independent and dependent variables.
Protection of Human Subjects
Prior to administering the questionnaire, the Human Subjects Application was
submitted for approval to the California State University, Sacramento Division of Social
Work Research Review Committee. The study was approved as exempt, as there were no
foreseeable risks anticipated to participating in this study.
44
Each participant of the study was given a consent form to keep for their records (See
Appendix A). This consent form explained the purpose of the study, described what
students would be asked to do. Through the informed consent, participants were informed
of the voluntary nature of their participation, posing no risks or benefits.
Responses to the survey questions were kept confidential and no identifying
information was included in the questionnaire. The completed questionnaires and all data
analyses were stored at the researcher’s residence in a lock file. The researcher and the
researchers’ thesis advisor were the only people who had access to the completed surveys
during the completion of the project. All data for this study will be destroyed one month
after the project is filed with Graduate Studies at California State University, Sacramento.
Summary
This chapter addressed the methods used in this research study. The study population
and recruitment methods were described. This chapter also examined the variables, the
quantitative questionnaire, the data gathering procedures, and the measures taken to
protect the human subjects. The data analysis methods were also explored. The next
chapter will present the data analysis.
45
Chapter 4
STUDY FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Introduction
This chapter examines the results of the study. The demographics of the
respondents and the responses of the participant’s personal values and civic
engagement will be describes. Chi-square tests will be presented on the relationships
between the independent and dependent variables. This chapter will conclude with a
summary.
Demographics
A total of 57 first-year Master’s of Social Work students participated in this study.
Of the participants, (94.7%) were female (Table 1). Due to the number of participants in
the survey, many of the variables were recoded. The age ranges that represented in the
study were categorized into two sections: under 25 years and over 25 years old.
Participants over 25 years old were the majority with (50.9%). Students were asked about
their marital status. From the surveys, a little more than half of the students indicated
their single status. The largest race/ethnic group that participated in the study was white
(52.6%); however, it should be recognized that there were many categories to choose
from and non-whites represented nearly as many as whites. Approximate family income
46
was asked with two options: under $50,000 and over $50,000. More than three-fourths of
the surveys stated that their income is less than $50,000.
Students were asked about other demographics such as their undergraduate major
(Table 2). Bachelor’s degree in Social Work and Psychology were the top two areas of
disciplines (29.8% and 21.1% respectively). The other category included a range of
undergraduate degrees (e.g., Child Development, Criminal Justice, English, History, and
Liberal Studies). Labeling oneself as a feminist, or not, was an important component to
the survey. Students were asked if they identify as a feminist by checking yes, no or
sometimes. Nearly half of the respondents indicated that they label themselves as a
feminist by answering yes (47.4%) while (31.1%) marked that sometimes they identify as
a feminist. Only (21.1%) affirmably stated that they do not label themselves as a feminist.
Table 1
Demographics of Study Participants (N=57)
Frequency
Percent
Gender
Female
Male
54
3
94.7
5.3
Age range of
participants
under 25 years
over 25 years
28
29
49.1
50.9
Marital status
Partnered
single, not partnered
24
33
42.1
57.9
Race/ethnicity
Non-white
White
27
30
47.4
52.6
Approximate income
Under $50,000
Over $50,000
44
12
77.2
21.1
47
Table 2
Demographics of Study Participants’ Major, Level of Involvement and Identity (N=57)
Frequency
Percent
undergraduate major
Social Work
Psychology
Sociology
Other
Declined to state
17
12
7
19
2
29.8
21.3
12.3
33.3
3.5
Current level of
community
involvement
involved
not involved
21
36
36.8
63.2
I identify as a feminist
Yes
No
27
30
47.4
52.6
The survey inquired about student’s most interested social work practice: macro,
mezzo and micro by using a Likert Scale (very, somewhat, not very, and not at all). For
macro social work, the frequency of the respondents were as followed (Graph 1): fifteen
students stated they were very interested; 20 somewhat; 15 not very interested; and 2
indicated they were not at all interested in macro social work. For mezzo practice, more
than half of students responded as somewhat interested. Social work micro practice was
found to be the most prevalent with more than three-fourths of students interested in this
practice.
48
Social Work Practice Most Interested (N=57)
Macro
Mezzo
Micro
Frequency of Respondents
50
40
30
20
10
0
Very
Somewhat
Not very
Not at all
Students were asked to describe their level of community involvement, again by
using a Likert scale of very involved, moderately involved, somewhat involved and not
very involved. Nearly half of the respondents stated that they were somewhat involved
(N=57). The two options of very involved and not very involved represented the smallest
number with (5.3% and 15.8%). The question presented in the survey to inquire about
student’s community involvement did not include measures of civic engagement.
The following question was presented to ask whether or not they had participated
in political engagements (Table 3). A list of activities was provided by asking students to
mark yes or no of whether or not they have participated. Following the examples, an
49
open-ended question was asked for participants to describe other civic engagements not
listed. From the 57 surveys received, only eight described other political engagements not
listed and are as followed: voting; participating to end their high school’s discrimination
against learning disability; working on a bipartisan political campaign; attending National
Social Worker’s (NASW) Lobby Days; conducting outreach and being interviewed on
television and the radio as representing a political and social issue; supporting Amnesty
International’s prisoner’s hunger strike; organizing a campaign at UC Berkeley for
environmental efforts; acting as a campaign director for a non-profit.
From the list of activities, having signed a petition (98.2%) was the most common
civic engagement followed by attended a meeting that addressed a social issue; displayed
a political sticker, sign or button and participated in lawful demonstrations tied. The
infrequent civil actions from participants included writing a letter to an elected official;
giving a public testimony and participating in civil disobedience (17.5%).
50
Table 3
Political Engagement Activities Participated (N=57)
In your lifetime have you…?
Frequency
Percent
Signed a petition
Yes
No
56
1
98.2
1.8
Displayed a political button/sticker/sign
Yes
No
40
14
70.2
24.6
Donated money to a political candidate or cause
Yes
No
31
26
54.4
45.6
Participated in lawful demonstration(s)
Yes
No
40
17
70.2
29.8
Participated in civic disobedience
Yes
No
17.5
82.5
17.5
82.5
Wrote a letter to an elected official
Yes
No
20
37
35.1
64.9
Gave a public testimony
Yes
No
17
40
29.8
70.2
Attended a meeting that addressed social issues
Yes
No
53
4
93.0
7.0
What is the relationship between Master of Social Work (MSW) students
participating in civic engagement and their values?
For this study, the feminist identity is the independent variable and student’s
community involvement is the dependent variable. Nearly half (44%) of the participants
who identified as a feminist were involved in their community (Table 4). However,
51
almost one-third (30% of the respondents who did not claim feminism as an identity
reported being involved in their community. There is no association between participant’s
identity of feminism and their level of community engagement. The p-value however was
approaching significance. (p=.197).
Table 4
Feminist Identity and Current Level of Community Involvement (N=57)
current level of
community involvement
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
yes
no
total
12
15
27
44.4%
55.6%
100.0%
% within current level of
community involvement
57.1%
41.7%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
9
21
30
30.0%
70.0%
100.0%
% within current level of
community involvement
42.9%
58.3%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
21
36
57
36.8%
63.2%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within current level of
community involvement
Feminist Identity and Civic Engagement Activities
The survey originally included nine civic engagement activities that student’s may
52
have participated in their lifetime. The following activities were found to be statistically
significant or approaching significance, as it relates to their feminist identity: signed a
petition; displayed a political button or sticker; participated in civil disobedience;
participated in lawful demonstrations; and attended a meeting addressing social issues.
Signing a petition was the most frequent activity from all the options provided (Table 5).
Of the respondents who signed a petition, nearly half (46%) claimed feminism as an
identity. The p-value is not significant and there is no association between feminist
identity and having signed a petition. All of the respondents who did not identify as a
feminist stated that they had signed a petition in their lifetime.
Table 5
Feminist Identity and Signed a Petition (N=57)
Signed a petition
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
yes
no
total
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
26
1
27
96.3%
3.7%
100.0%
% within signed a petition
46.4%
100.0%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
30
0
30
100.0%
0%
100.0%
% within signed a petition
53.6%
0.0%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
56
1
57
98.2%
1.8%
100.0%
% within signed a petition
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
53
Displaying a political button or sticker was another frequent civic engagement
activity. The participants who identified as a feminist were more likely to wear a political
button or sticker (Table 6). Of those who wore a button or sticker for political reasons,
more than half (53.5%) identified as a feminist. On the contrary, from participants who
did not claim feminism as an identity, more than 46% stated that they have worn a button
or sticker. The p-value of .160 is approaching significance; however, there is no
association between feminist identity and having worn a political button or sticker.
Lawful demonstrations were described in the study as attending protests, counterprotests, rallies, work-stoppages or participating in a boycott. From the completed
surveys, more than half of the participants (55%) stated that they had attended a political
demonstration, at least once in their lifetime and identified as feminist (Table 7). From
the students who did not claim feminism as an identity, 45% of them indicated that they
had participated in lawful demonstrations. Feminism identity is a close indicator of
whether or not individuals participated in lawful demonstrations; however, there is no
definite association but the p-value (.077) was approaching significance.
54
Table 6
Feminist Identity and Displayed a Political Button or Sticker (N=57)
displayed a political
button or sticker
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
yes
no
total
23
4
27
85.2%
14.8%
100.0%
53.5%
28.6%
47.4%
20
10
30
66.7%
33.3%
100.0%
46.5%
71.4%
52.6%
43
14
57
75.4%
24.6%
100.0%
% within displayed a political 100.0% 100.0%
button or sticker
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within displayed a political
button or sticker
No
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within displayed a political
button or sticker
Total
Table 7
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
55
Feminist Identity and Participated in Lawful Demonstrations (N=57)
participated in lawful
demonstrations
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
yes
no
total
22
5
27
81.5%
18.5%
100.0%
% within participated in
lawful demonstrations
55.0%
29.4%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
18
12
30
60.0%
40.0%
100.0%
% within participated in
lawful demonstrations
45.0%
70.6%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
40
17
57
70.2%
29.8%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within participated in
lawful demonstrations
Civic engagement comes in many forms, and writing a letter to an elected official
is just another example. There were 27 students who identified as a feminist and from
that number, nearly half (44.4%) stated that they had written a letter to an elected official
(Table 8). For those that did not claim feminism as an identity, more than one-fourth
(26.7%) had participated in this form of civic engagement. Much like the above civic
engagement activities, the p-value of 0.77 is approaching significance; however, there is
no association between participant’s feminism identity and participants writing a letter to
an elected official.
56
Table 8
Feminist Identity and Wrote a Letter to Elected Officials (N=57)
wrote a letter to elected officials
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
yes
no
total
12
15
27
44.4%
55.6%
100.0%
% within wrote a letter to
elected officials
60%
40.5%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
8
22
30
26.7%
73.3%
100.0%
% within wrote a letter to
elected officials
40.0%
59.5%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
20
37
57
35.1%
64.9%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0% 100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within wrote a letter to
elected officials
Feminist Identify and Beliefs That May Contribute to Feminism
Claiming a feminist identity can be attributed by having specific beliefs. A series
of statements were provided in the survey and were found to be significant, or
approaching significance: feminists are too extreme; feminists complain too much; I like
traditional gender roles; and feminism isn't interesting to me. Over four-fifths of the
respondents (81.5%) who identified as a feminist disagreed with the statement that
feminism is too extreme; however, nearly one-fifth of those identifying as a feminist
(18.5%) believed that feminism is too extreme (Table 9). On the other hand, the number
57
of respondents not identifying as a feminist, almost equally agreed or disagreed with the
belief that feminism is too extreme (46.7% and 53.3%). There is an association between
feminist identity and agreeing, or disagreeing, with the belief that feminism is too
extreme (χ2=5.067; df=1; p=.024).
Table 9
Feminist Identity and Feminism is too Extreme (N=57)
feminism is too extreme
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
agree
disagree
total
5
22
27
18.5%
81.5%
100.0%
% within feminism is too
extreme
26.3%
57.9%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
14
16
30
46.7%
53.3%
100.0%
% within feminism is too
extreme
73.7%
42.1%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
19
38
57
33.3%
66.7%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within feminism is too
extreme
Participants were asked if they agree with the statement of liking traditional
gender roles. The results of the study are as followed: more than four-fifths of the
respondents (81.5%) who identified as a feminist disagreed with liking traditional gender
58
roles (Table 10). The respondents not claiming feminism as an identify almost equally
shared their agreement and disagreement with statement of liking traditional gender roles
(46.7% and 53.3%). There is an association between feminist identity and liking
traditional gender roles (χ2=5.067; df=1; p=.024).
Table 10
Feminist Identity and I Like Traditional Gender Roles (N=57)
59
I like traditional gender roles
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
agree
disagree
total
5
22
27
18.5%
81.5%
100.0%
% within I like traditional
gender roles
26.3%
57.9%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
14
16
30
46.7%
53.3%
100.0%
73.7%
42.1%
52.6%
19
38
57
33.3%
66.7%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within I like traditional
gender roles
Total
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within I like traditional
gender roles
The statement of feminism isn’t interesting to me was asked and found to be
significant, in that every participant who identified as a feminist disagreed with the
statement (Table 11). Comparably, more than four-fifths (83.3%) of the respondents who
did not claim feminist as an identity, stated that they disagreed with the statement. There
is an association between feminist identity and the belief that feminist isn’t interesting to
me (χ2=4.933; df=1; p=.026).
Table 11
Feminist Identity and Feminism Isn’t Interesting to Me (N=57)
60
feminism isn’t interesting to me
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
No
Total
agree
disagree
total
0
27
27
0.0%
100.0%
100.0%
% within feminism isn’t
interesting to me
0.0%
51.9%
47.4%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
5
25
30
16.7%
83.3%
100.0%
% within feminism isn’t
interesting to me
100.0%
48.1%
52.6%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
5
52
57
8.8%
91.2%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within feminism isn’t
interesting to me
Most of the respondents who identified as a feminist stated that they disagree with
the statement that feminist complain too much with more than 96.2% (Table 12). On the
other hand, the respondents who did not want to claim feminism as an identity (53.6%),
four-fifths stated that they did not believe that feminists complain too much (80%). The
p-value of .068 is approaching significance; however, there is no association between
feminist identity feminist complaint too much.
Table 12
Feminist Identity and Feminist Complain too Much (N=56)
61
feminist complain too much
I identify as a
feminist
Yes
Count
% within I identify as
feminist
% within feminist complain
too much
No
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within feminist complain
too much
Total
Count
% within I identify as a
feminist
% within feminist complain
too much
agree
disagree
total
1
25
26
3.8%
96.2%
100.0%
14.3%
51.0%
46.4%
6
24
30
20.0%
80.0%
100.0%
85.7%
49.0%
53.6%
7
49
56
12.5%
87.5%
100.0%
100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Community Involvement and Beliefs That May Contribute to Feminist Identity
There were two statements found to be approaching significance that understand
the relationship between the respondent’s current level of community involvement and
beliefs that may contribute to feminist identify. Participants who stated that they were
involvement in their community agreed with the statement of wanting equal rights for
women (95.2%). However, all of the participants of the study who claimed not to be
involved in their community agreed with wanting equal rights for women (Table 13). The
p-value of .187 is approaching significance; however, ; there is no association between
community involvement and wanting equal rights for women.
62
Agreeing that women’s unpaid work should be more socially values is a belief
that many may contribute to feminism; nevertheless, the relationship between
participant’s community involvement was tested. Most of the participants agreed that
women’s work should be socially valued (93%). More than four-fifths (85.7%) of those
stating that they were involved in their community agreed. Ninety-seven percent of those
not involved agreed about women’s unpaid work needing to be more socially valued
(Table 14). Although there is no significance between community involvement and
women’s unpaid work. The p-value however was approaching significance. (p=.101).
Table 13
Current Level of Community Involvement and Equal Rights (N=57)
63
I want equal rights for women
Current level of
community
involvement
Involved
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within I want equal
rights for women
Not involved
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within I want equal
rights for women
Total
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within I want equal
rights for women
agree
disagre
e
total
20
1
21
95.2%
4.8%%
100.0%
35.7%
100.0%
36.8%
36
0
36
100.0%
0.0%
100.0%
64.3%
0.0%
63.2%
56
1
57
98.2%
1.8%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0% 100.0%
Table 14
Current Level of Women’s Unpaid Work Should Be More Socially Valued (N=57)
64
women’s unpaid work should be
more socially valued
Current level of
community
involvement
Involved
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within women’s unpaid
work should be more socially
valued
Not involved
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within women’s unpaid
work should be more socially
valued
Total
Count
% within current level of
community involvement
% within women’s unpaid
work should be more socially
valued
Summary
agree
disagree
total
18
3
21
85.7%
14.3%
100.0%
34.0%
75.0%
36.8%
35
1
36
97.2%
2.8%
100.0%
66.0%
25.0%
63.2%
53
4
57
93.0%
7.0%
100.0%
100.0% 100.0%
100.0%
65
This chapter looked at demographics of the participants and explored the
relationship between the independent and dependent variables of civic engagement and
feminist identity and beliefs. The next chapter will analyze the data gathered and present
the conclusions, limitation and implications for social work practice.
Chapter 5
CONCLUSION
66
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to summarize the key data that was obtained
through this study. This chapter will start with a discussion on the conclusions that
can be drawn from this study and how the findings compared with the literature
that was reviewed in chapter two. In this chapter, suggestions for future research
and recommendations on how to affectively use data, such as the findings from this
study to better serve social work educators, will be provided. The chapter will
conclude with describing the limitations of the study, as well as the implications for
social work practice and policy.
Summary
There were many studies addressing civic engagement with social workers
once graduated from their masters of social work program as stated in chapter 2.
Additionally, studies were in abundance to connect feminism’s activism to ones own
personal level of civic engagement. However, there were no studies to further the
understanding of the relationship between labeling oneself a feminist and becoming
more civically engaged as a student in a master level social work program. After
reviewing the literature surrounding feminism, and civic engagement, the
researchers sought to draw conclusions based on data findings from for the first
year students in the master of social program at the California State University of
Sacramento to find out if labeling oneself a feminist lead to becoming more civically
engaged.
67
Participants in the study were asked if they identified as a feminist with
47.4% stating yes. Additionally, participants in the study were asked directly about
their level of community involvement with 36.8% stating yes. From these results the
researches begin to analyze further the data received regarding participants’
feminist values and different activities in which they were involved. The results of
the study, through the use of chi-square tests, found three significant values of
feminism that aligned with identifying as a feminist. The first was the value of
feminism being extreme. Participants in the study who identified as a feminist
agreed that feminists are not extreme in their values, liking the traditional gender
roles, and finally that feminism is not interesting to the participants. The chi-square
test was also approaching significance in evaluating participant’s feminist identity
and level of civic engagement, and level of civic activities. Additionally, participants’
community involvement, wanting equal rights for women and feelings towards
women’s unpaid work approached significance on the chi-square test.
The results of the study found there to be two feminist values and two
community involvement values that were approaching significance. In evaluating
participant’s feminist identity and level of civic engagement the chi-square showed
it was approaching significance. First year master of social work students reported
on their feminist identity and level of civic activities and the chi-square showed that
it was approaching significance. Another area approaching significance, according to
the chi-square, was participants’ community involvement and wanting equal rights
for women. Lastly, participants were asked to report on their level of community
68
involvement and feelings towards women’s unpaid work and the chi-square showed
to be approaching significance.
Discussion
A key aspect of the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of
Ethics is to become civically engaged with one’s community (NASW 2014). Social
workers, both professional and students, have consistently shown a struggle with
ways to become involved during their education and while working in the field.
Reviewing the literature for this study, it became apparent that a key link to social
workers becoming more engaged in community activism was identifying as a
feminist. California State University of Sacramento’s Social Work program for
master level students were asked to answer various questions related to feminist
values and their level of civic engagement to assess the correlation between
identifying oneself a feminist and becoming more active in one’s community in
order to gain a better perspective on student’s understanding of feminism and civic
engagement.
The results of the study that showed significance findings were not what the
researchers expected. They included participants who identified as a feminist and
agreed that feminists are not extreme in their values, liking the traditional gender
roles, and finally that feminism is not interesting to the participants. The
researchers prediction was somewhat of the opposite based on the literature of
identifying as a feminist. None of the literature showed studies of participants
69
identifying as a feminist and feeling feminism is not interesting or believing in
traditional gender roles.
The first significant finding in our study being participants identifying as a
feminist and strongly agreeing with the value of feminism not being extreme can be
explained by the history of feminism and the current level of involvement of
feminism in the social work curriculum. Feminists have long been thought as
extremists and the idea was furthered during the Reagan administration (Harlan,
1998) In the context of master level students in social work, feminism is taught as a
theory. If participants identify as a feminist many students do not actively
participate in civic engagement. Additionally, in today’s society there has not been
many out spoken feminists in the media for women and men to compare themselves
to. Participants in our study may hold this value of feminism due to their idea of
feminism as a theory rather than an identity, which would explain the reason for not
identifying as one (Fixmer & Wood, 2005).
The second significant finding in our study in which participants identified as
a feminist but agreed with traditional gender roles could be explained again with
the idea of feminism being less of an identity and more of a theory to students.
Additionally, gender roles could have been interpreted in many ways. According to a
study done at Princeton University
“A gender role is a theoretical construct in the social sciences and humanities
that refers to a set of social and behavioral norms that, within a specific
culture, are widely considered to be socially appropriate for individuals of a
70
specific sex.”
(https://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Gender_role.
html).
Depending on the participants idea of gender role, whether a social construct of our
society, or the way a person likes to dress, this could have been the way the
participant answered the question.
The final significant finding in the study, in which participants identified as a
feminist, also stated that feminism was not interesting to them. The idea of
identifying as a feminist can come from many different viewpoints. Some
participants may identify as a feminist because they want equal rights for women
while others have personally experienced discrimination. Still, some may identify as
a feminist because it is socially appropriate to identify as a feminist in a master level
social work program. The significance of participants identifying as a feminist and
having no interest in feminism could be explained by the lack of knowledge of how
one can use their feminist role in society (Fixmer & Wood, 2005). This finding calls
for more research in the area of how feminism was taught in the curriculum at
California State University of Sacramento’s social work program.
The most unexpected finding in the study related to students in their first
year of the master of social work program was the lack of association between
participants identity of feminism and their level of community engagement.
Although the chi-square showed to be approaching significance the literature
showed a strong link between identifying as a feminist and being an activist,
71
therefore the researchers assumed one’s civic engagement would be high if the
participant identified as a feminist. One explanation the researchers can give for this
result is the lack of education surrounding the feminist identity. Although feminist
theory is taught in the first year theoretical basis of social work class, there is no
further explanation of the history of feminism and how feminism relates to civic
engagement or activism (Jakubowski, 1999). Another explanation given by the
researchers is the lack of service-learning projects given to social work students in
the California State University of Sacramento social work program. This can be
shown in the level of interest participants gave to micro practice versus mezzo and
macro. Micro practice was shown to be the most prevalent answer with more than
three-fourths of students interested.
Limitations
The limitations of this study involved the participants, the size of the sample,
and the researchers. The following are three perceived limitations for this study: 1)
based on the low number of participants (N=57) and a non-probability sampling
method (purposive), the study can not be generalized to the larger population; 2) all
the participants were from the same school, California State University of
Sacramento and in the same year of their master of social work program producing
a similar knowledge of feminism based on classes offered. Had the researchers had
the opportunity to include participants in their first year of a social work master
level program from various Universities the responses may have been different; 3)
72
the bias of the researcher may have effected the design of the study, data collection
and interpretations of the research (Cresswell, 2003).
Implications for Social Work Practice and Policy
The NASW code of ethics states social workers must agree to become social
and politically active. Many times beginning a master of social work program is the
first time a person is exposed to feminism and civic engagement. Students often will
agree to the code of ethics without understanding the implications of becoming
involved in their communities. Feminism theory teaches students to confront the
injustices and take action in their community (McCann & Kim, 2010). If students are
taught feminist theory in a bigger context the likelihood of a student to participate in
more social action events may increase (McCann & Kim). The practical application of
feminist theory can move into claiming the identity when the personal becomes
political, which can be encouraged by a more in depth curriculum of feminism and
the NASW code of ethics (Tong, 2009).
On a micro level of practice, which according to the results of our study more
than three-fourths of participants are interested in that area of practice, including
more feminist theory into the curriculum could give micro level social workers an
opportunity to learn a better way to advocate for individual clients (Barretti, 2011).
Social workers that learn a better understanding of feminist theory are taught to
advocate for the social and political injustices. A social worker that works directly
with clients in the community may be given more tools to advocate for a client who
73
is having challenges with employment, housing, and food, based on discrimination
and injustice.
At a mezzo level, social workers are responsible to organize communities,
such as neighborhoods and schools, managing larger social work organizations, or
focusing on institutional and cultural changes (Childs, 2012). Incorporating feminist
theory at a bigger scale could assist future mezzo social workers to become more
active in these areas and give them more knowledge on applying feminist theory to
their practice. Based on the results of this study, students are not identifying as
feminists and the researchers speculate this is due to the lack of education around
feminist theory.
At a macro level, professional social workers intervene at a larger scale,
usually including: creating policies, running for office, organizing at a state or
federal level, or lobbying for critical changes that affect the minority (Childs, 2012).
This is a place where changes can be made by social workers to confront the
injustices by changing perspectives of society, something feminism calls many to do.
In the current social work program, students are taught theories to apply to their
individual practice. The researchers believe the closest theory taught to macro level
social workers would be systems theory in which “characteristics of organizational
behavior, for example individual needs, rewards, expectations, and attributes of the
people interacting with the systems, considers this process in order to create an
effective system" (Behrmann, 1984, p. 212). The systems theory only provides social
workers with a framework for interacting with ineffective systems and encourages
74
for macro level social workers to work changing them. Feminist theory would call
for social workers to activate change within the system and bring a sense of
empowerment to the clients facing hardship.
Recommendations
Based on the findings of this study, recommendations can be made to future
researchers and the curriculum committee in the department of social work. The
researcher’s recommendations in these three areas are described below.
Future Researchers.
It is the researchers contention that more research studies should be
conducted regarding claiming the feminist identity and the correlation of the
participant to be more civically engaged among students in a social work program.
In addition to studying the correlation to a feminist identity and becoming civically
engaged it would be beneficial to include the participants view on how their
program has taught feminist theory versus the feminist identity. Similarly, future
researchers should ask participants the level of opportunity for service-learning
projects to encourage civic engagement. Because the NASW code of ethics
specifically state
“Social workers should act to prevent and eliminate domination of, exploitation of,
and discrimination against any person, group, or class on the basis of race, ethnicity,
national origin, color, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, age,
marital status, political belief, religion, immigration status, or mental or physical
disability.” (NASW, 2014, paragraph 4).
75
It is crucial for social work programs to provide opportunities to students to
become more civically engaged within their own community. As stated in chapter 2,
there is a link between identifying as a feminist and being an activist as a
professional social worker. What might be missing from this study are first year
students being asked about their education, which could have shown a strong link to
not identifying as a feminist.
Curriculum Committee in the Department of Social Work.
The researchers recommend the professors of California State University of
Sacramento utilize the NASW’s code of ethics in reviewing the curriculum for the
theoretical bases of social behavior classes and include a stronger emphasis on
feminist theory with the intention to include the social and political action section of
the code of ethics. As shown in chapter 2, the more classes that include topics of
social and political action the more likely students are to become civically engaged.
In addition, providing a broader history of feminism in the theoretical bases of social
behavior would allow students to understand not only the theory of feminism but
also what it means to identify as a feminist. After students are given all the
information of feminist identity they may be more able to make a more educated
choice on identifying as a feminist.
Conclusion
The primary purpose of this study was to address examine the relationship
between identifying oneself as a feminist and the level of civic engagement
associated with being a feminist. The secondary purpose was to increase the
76
research on students in a master level social work program who have been taught
about feminist theory and the professions Code of Ethics, specifically the concept of
social justice. The findings suggest additional research needs to be done on the
topic in order to gain a better understanding of students’ understanding of the
NASW’s code of ethics, feminism, and civic engagement. Future researchers could
examine the areas showing significance or approaching significance with chi-square:
1) Identifying as a feminist and feeling feminism is not extreme; 2) Identify as a
feminist and liking traditional gender roles; 3) Identifying as a feminist and feeling
feminism isn’t important to them; 4) Identifying as a feminist and level of civic
engagement; 5) Identifying as a feminist and engaging in various civic activities; 6)
Being involved in their community and wanting equal rights for women; and 7)
Being involved in their community and feeling women’s unpaid work is worthy.
The study would need to be duplicated in order to validate its findings.
Additionally, future researchers should include an investigation into the
participant’s knowledge of feminism in order to understand further why
participants would not identify as a feminist, which could be useful for why they
may not be civically engaged. Another area of interest for future researchers could
be looking into the curriculum used for master level students taking the theoretical
bases of social behavior in order to find out the amount of feminist theory taught.
Future researchers would need to expand their participants to additional schools in
order to generalize the results to the population.
77
Appendix A
Consent to Participate in Research
78
MSW Student’s Civic Engagement and Personal Values
Consent Form and Information Sheet
Amada Y. Arredondo, student researcher
Amiee Foster, student researcher
You are invited to participate in a research study that will assess your civic engagement based on your
intrinsic values. You are a potential participant because you are a MSW student at California State
University Sacramento. This research is being conducted by graduate students in their second year: Amada
Y. Arredondo and Amiee Foster. We ask that you read this form before agreeing to participate in this
research.
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to examine if there is a relationship between participation in civic engagement
and the values of MSW students at California State University Sacramento.. Civic engagement for this
study is defined as any efforts that eliminate inequality through social or political actions. We are interested
in learning more about the values that motivate students to become civically involved in his/her
community.
What will you be asked to do: As a participant, you will be asked to complete a survey that will inquire
about your values; in doing so, you will then be asked about how you participate in civic engagement. The
survey should take only 10-15 minutes to complete. There will be an envelope passed around after 10 or 15
minutes for you to place your survey (whether completed or not) in the envelope.
Risks and Benefits: You will be asked to answer questions that directly relate to your values. Some of the
questions may be personal, but the information will not be shared with anyone other than the researchers.
You may refuse to answer any questions on the form. There are no direct benefits of the study.
Your participation is voluntary: This study is completely voluntary. Your decision whether or not to
participate in this research will not hinder or help your grade. No academic compensation will be given.
You are free to stop doing the survey at any time or skip any questions. You are not obligated to complete
the survey even after starting it.
Your answers will be confidential: Responses to the survey questions will be kept confidential and no
identifying information will be included in the questionnaire. Any reports of this research made available to
the public will not include any identifying information. All of the data will be reported in the aggregate.
The completed questionnaires will be stored at either one of the two researcher’s residence. Furthermore,
the researchers will not know who decided to complete the survey.
Copy of consent form: Please keep a copy of this consent/information form for your records. If you have
questions, contact the researchers at the e-mail address or phone number provided above.
Contact People: If you have further questions about this study, please the researchers at the e-mail
addresses provided or contact the researchers’ advisor, Dr. Maria Dinis: dinis@saclink.csus.edu.
Statement of Consent: If you have read the above information and decide to complete the questionnaire
please return the questionnaire by placing it in the envelope, then we will assume that you have given your
consent to participate in this study.
79
Appendix B
Human Subjects Approval
80
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO
DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
To: Amada Arredondo and Amiee Foster
Date: November 6, 2013
From: Research Review Committee
RE: HUMAN SUBJECTS APPLICATION
Your Human Subjects application for your proposed study, “MSW Student's Civic Engagement
and Personal Values “, is Approved, Exempt, with Recommendation(s). Please review the
recommendations below and discuss with your thesis/project Advisor. You do not need to
resubmit your Human Subjects Application to the Research Review Committee.
Your Human Subjects application Protocol # is: 13-14- 036. Please use this number in all official
correspondence and written materials relative to your study. Your approval expires one year
from this date. Approval carries with it that you will inform the Committee promptly should an
adverse reaction occur, and that you will make no modification in the protocol without prior
approval of the Committee.
Recommendation(s)
Recommendation 1: Survey #11 asks same question twice; delete one item. Also, provide the
definition of “feminism” in Q12.
The committee wishes you the best in your research.
Research Review Committee Professors: Maria Dinis, Jude Antonyappan, Serge Lee, Francis
Yuen, Kisun Nam, Dale Russell
Cc: Dinis
81
Appendix C
Survey Questions
MSM Student’s Civic Engagement and Personal Values
1. Gender
7. Current involvement
82
For each question please check or circle your appropriate response.
Some
Some
HowStrongly
would you describe
your
1. Female
Agree
Agree
Disagree
current level of community
2. Male
2.3.
Age
involvement?
Girls
and women have not been treated as well as boys and
Transgender
1. Very involved
Strongly
Please
Disagree
check
one
men in our society
2. Moderately involved
Women and men should be paid equally for the same work
3. Somewhat involved
Not very
involved
is your
total household income?
Under 25 years
oldwork should be more socially valued8.4. What
Women’s
unpaid
26-34 years old
3. What is your race/ethnicity?
Over 35 years old
Please check ONE
Yes
I do not identify as a feminist
1. Hispanic or Latino
Native American/Alaska
Native
I2.identify
as a feminist
3. Black or African American
4. Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
5. Asian
6. Multi-racial
7. White
4. Marital Status
9.Under
Please
answer the questions marking “yes”
$50,000/year
“no”
Over
$50,000/year
No or
Sometimes
In your lifetime have
you…?
Signed a petition
Displayed a political
button/sticker/sign
Donated money to a political
Strongly Some
candidate or cause
Agree
Agree
Yes
Some
Disagree
No
Strongly
Disagree
Participated in lawful
Feminism is non-inclusive
demonstration(s)
5.Partnered
What was your undergraduate major?
(e.g., protest, counter-protest, rallies,
_________________________
ISingle,
have not
experienced
work stoppage, boycotts)
partnered discrimination based on my sex
Participated in civil disobedience
or
gender
6. What social work practice category are
you
most interested
in working?
Feminists
are too extreme
Feminism is not necessary
Feminists are male-bashers
I want equal rights for women
(e.g., sit-ins, hunger strikes,
unauthorized street marches, tax
resistance)
Wrote a letter to an elected official
Gave a public testimony
Attended a meeting that addressed
social issues
Women can
Verysucceed
Some onNot
their
veryown
Not
individual
at all
merit
what
Feminists
complain too much
Macro
MSM
Civic Engagement
Personal
Values
Please listand
or describe
other political
engagements
I want power
for Student’s
women
you participated
in that are
not listed
above.personal
10.Micro
Please indicate whether you agree with the following
questions
based
on your
I like traditional gender roles
beliefs.
Mezzo
Feminism isn’t interesting to me
I’m angry about traditional gender roles
83
11. Please tell us if you identify as a feminist, or not, by checking your response?
12. Feminism can be defined as a doctrine for advocating for social, political, and all other
rights of women equal to those of men. Below are beliefs that may contribute to ones
decision to identify or not identify as a feminist. For each belief, please tell us how much
you agree or disagree with that belief.
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