THE ACADEMIC RESILIENCY OF IU MIEN STUDENTS IN CALIFORNIA SCHOOLS
A Thesis
Presented to the faculty of the Department of Bilingual and Multicultural Education
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
Education
(Multicultural Education)
by
Sarah Lindsay Shintaku
FALL
2012
THE ACADEMIC RESILIENCY OF IU MIEN STUDENTS IN CALIFORNIA SCHOOLS
A Thesis
by
Sarah Lindsay Shintaku
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Lisa William-White, Ph.D.
__________________________________, Second Reader
Albert Lozano, Ph.D.
____________________________
Date
ii
Student: Sarah Lindsay Shintaku
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format
manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for
the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________
Susan Heredia, Ph.D.
Date
Department of Bilingual and Multicultural Education
iii
Abstract
of
THE ACADEMIC RESILIENCY OF IU MIEN STUDENTS IN CALIFORNIA SCHOOLS
by
Sarah Lindsay Shintaku
Mien students are part of the group of Southeast Asian students who have an
extremely high drop-out rate, and low university admission rate. In addition to the low
rate of college entrance, there is a lack of specific data concerning the Mien community.
This in itself is a problem, because unless clear and provable numbers related to college
completion and test scores confronts the education system, the issues surrounding Mien
students will continue to be ignored.
It is the belief of the researcher that if Mien parents were more equipped to
support and assist their children and testing data was disaggregated, Mien students would
begin to excel dramatically. As a group, they have already proved immense resiliency
under difficult circumstances. If some of these difficult circumstances were lessened,
many more young people would continue from high school on to college.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Lisa William-White, Ph.D.
_______________________
Date
iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I dedicate this work to the Saechao family. Without their expertise and insight, this work
would not have been possible.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments..................................................................................................................... v
List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... vii
List of Figures ....................................................................................................................... viii
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………..……………………….. 1
2. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................. 10
3. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................... 30
4. FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATIONS ......................................................................... 34
5. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................... 65
Appendix A Survey Questions................................................................................................ 70
Appendix B Student Experiences Interview ........................................................................... 75
Appendix C Culture Interview for Parents ............................................................................. 77
References ............................................................................................................................... 78
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
1.
Table 1 Affecting Factors in High School……………………………..……………. 44
2.
Table 2 Experiences in College………………………..……………………………. 46
3.
Table 3 Impact of Culture…………………… ......................... ………….…………. 48
4.
Table 4 Outside Influences……………………………….…………………………. 52
5.
Table 5 Participant Reflections………………...……………………………………..54
6.
Table 6 Perceived Stereotypes………………………………………………………..57
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figures
Page
1.
Figure 1 Graphic Representation of Participants by Education Level………………. 32
2.
Figure 2 Graphic Representation of Families’ Expectation of Students’
Achievement……………………………….… ............. ……………………………. 36
3.
Figure 3 Graphic Representation of Association with Members of the Same
Cultural Heritage……………………......………….…………………………………38
4.
Figure 4 Graphic Representation of Friend’s Plans for Continuing
Education……………………………….……… .................... ………………………39
5.
Figure 5 Graphic Representation of Results of Participants’ Experience with
6.
Homework Support at Home…..……………………………………….…………….41
viii
1
Chapter One
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Southeast Asian students have the largest reported high school dropout rate in the
country (Le, 2012). Furthermore, research shows that high schools with a large Southeast
Asian population have 45.6% of graduates attending a community college, and only
12.5% attending a University of California school (Teranishi, 2004). In contrast, schools
with a high Chinese population have only 22.3% of graduates attending a community
college and 36.8% of graduates attending University of California schools (Teranishi,
2004). These numbers indicate that the Southeast Asian students who do graduate high
school enroll in a university with much less frequency than their East Asian counter parts.
This is significant, because when participants were asked about the success of Mien in
high school and college in an informal survey, they stated that Mien typically graduate
high school, but do not go on to complete a four-year degree.
In addition to the low rate of college entrance, there is a lack of specific data
concerning the Mien community. This in itself is a problem, because unless clear and
provable numbers related to college completion and test scores confronts the education
system, the issues surrounding Mien students will continue to be ignored. This is a
common problem of many Southeast Asian students who are categorized as “Asian.”
There are twenty-nine groups officially recognized as “Asian,” but there is no
disaggregated data to separate the variety of cultures found within the single group.
Southeast Asian students, including the Mien, are lumped together with their East Asian
2
counterparts who are historically more academically successful. This situation for the
Mien is even more complicated than the rest of their Southeast Asian counterparts
because the Iu Mien are not even a recognized ethnicity on the United States Census.
This means that there has been no “official” data collected on the community.
Purpose of the Study
This study seeks to better understand how the cultural practices of the Iu Mien
community affect their academic experiences and resiliency in high school. For the
purpose of this study, both male and female individuals aged 18-30 will be the focus of
this research. Geographically, the research will focus on Northern California, specifically
the cities of Merced and Sacramento. The driving research questions that this study seeks
to answer are as follows:
What cultural, social and personal factors are found in Mien students who have
completed a four-year college degree that are not found in Mien students who did
not complete a degree? How can those contributing factors be defined and applied
to a wider population of Mien students so more students can be academically
successful in college?
This study will also identify personal characteristics and support systems that have led
students to complete their high school and/or college education. Once these practices and
characteristics are identified and examined, this study hopes to propose a methodological
framework for drawing upon these practices. The framework can then be used as a means
to create networks to support the academic resiliency of Mien high school students to
Mien students pursuing secondary education.
3
Background of the Mien
The Mien (also referred to as Yao or Iu mien) people are a small, but significant
community. In the areas surrounding Sacramento, CA, the Mien population is estimated
to be about 12,000 people (Brown, 2011). The Mien first began arriving with other
Southeast Asian refugees in the mid 1970’s to escape war, oppression or genocide in their
own countries (Boun & Wright, 2011); However, the Mien, like Hmong, have no country
of their own. They originated in China between six hundred and seven hundred years ago
and later split into two groups. One group migrated to Vietnam, the other to Thailand and
Laos (Barker & Saechao, 1997; Brown 2011). During the Vietnam War, the Mien were
trained to fight for the United States against the Vietnamese. When the United States left
Vietnam, the living conditions for those who had assisted the United States became
dangerous. Due to these unsafe conditions, many of the Mien fled to the United States
(Velazquez, 1989). Between 1979 and 1981, around 5,000 Mien refugees came to the
United States. Although the refugees were, at first, scattered across the U.S., the Mien
began to form communities primarily in Oregon and California. In 1991, it was estimated
that the Mien-American population was between 15,000 and 20,000 people, with about
65% of those people located in California (Barker & Saechao, 1997).
Mien society is traditionally patriarchal; women were responsible for overseeing
daily life, while men were responsible for the spiritual well-being of the family and
village. Traditionally, Mien marry very young. The Mien woman will then move in with
her husband and his parents. As the parents age, it is the responsibility of the children to
4
care for their aging parents until they die (Velazquez, 1989). It is still common for Mien
American families to live with three generations in one home (Barker & Saechao, 1997).
Traditional Mien religion is a combination of animism and worship of the Taoist
pantheon of deities, and the men would fill the spiritual roles of leadership, such as
shaman. Shaman would also be responsible for solving problems and providing guidance
to the village. Shaman were also the only Mien community members who were taught to
read and write (Velazquez, 1989).
The Mien are a group of people who are often overlooked due to their lack of
official ethnic status, although, in California their numbers are substantial enough to
warrant more interest; however, their low population numbers and lack of a home country
mean that there is little official data available on the community individually. This is
likely the reason that there has not been much educational research conducted involving
this particular community.
Theoretical Basis
This study will draw upon ideas represented in Critical Race Theory (Bell, 1980;
Delgado & Stephanic, 2001; Freeman, 1978). Critical Race Theory seeks to understand
the correlation between race, racism and the structure of power in the social structure
around us (Delgado & Stephanic, 2001). Critical Race Theory is useful in eliminating
“deficit thinking” about students of different backgrounds. Deficit thinking places the
blame of racial inequalities on the individual rather than an unsupportive educational
structure (Teranishi, Behringer, Grey, & Parker, 2009). More specifically, “it directs
attention to the ways in which structural arrangements inhibit and disadvantage some
5
more than others in our society. It spotlights the form and function of dispossession,
disenfranchisement and discrimination across a range of social institutions, and then
seeks to give voice to those who are victimized and displaced” (Trevino, Harris &
Wallace, 2008, p. 8). Because Mien students are only categorized as Asian, there is a lack
of disaggregated data to provide an accurate view of their academic success or lack
thereof. Delgado and Stephanic (2001) believe these students are dealing with what is
known as the “model minority myth” (p. 81). Because the struggles of Mien students are
often overlooked when considering students who may struggle in continuing to higher
education, this study suggests that the unspoken structure and inequalities in the
California education system may play some role in the lack of representation of Southeast
Asian students in universities.
Since the 1960’s, researchers have been developing the concept of the model
minority myth under the title “Asian Crit.” The premise of this concept is that American
society uses the success of certain Asian groups as an example to “prove” that any
minority group can be successful with hard work and dedication. This belief allows the
blame to fall on the minority groups who are not successful, citing a lack of values and
hard work as the reason for their struggles, rather than suggesting that America is a
fundamentally racist society (Ngo & Lee, 2007). When examining the data surrounding
Southeast Asian academics, it becomes clear that if academic reports disaggregated the
numbers, separating Southeast Asian from East Asian, it would become obvious that
Southeast Asian students are drastically outperformed by their East Asian peers. The
reason for the success of one ethnic group over the other will be discussed further in the
6
review of literature; however, because the fact that a divide exists suggests that there is a
need to view the academic performance of Mien students through an analytical, raciallyfocused lens.
Limitations of the study
This study will be limited in the amount of research on the Mien that is available
for review. Because the Mien are grouped in with all other Southeast Asian (or even more
generally, Asian) students, there is an extremely limited amount of disaggregated data
concerning academic performance of the Mien. This will force the researcher to rely on
data reported from the Mien community, such as stories and personal accounts from
community elders, rather than official data collected from the state. The researcher will
also use generalized data about other Southeast Asian communities as a point of
comparison to discuss the Mien experience.
This study has also collected survey data electronically, which potentially limits
the participant pool to individuals with a high enough socioeconomic status to have easy
access to a computer with internet.
Definition of Terms
To provide clarity in this study, the definitions of terms used are defined as
follows:
Iu Mien: Commonly referred to as Mien. A nomadic sub-group of the Yao from China.
Critical Race Theory: the study of race, racism and power as it relates to the social
structure of the world (Delgado & Stephanic, 2001).
7
Academic Resiliency: “the process and results that are part of the life story of an
individual who has been academically successful, despite obstacles that prevent the
majority of others with the same background from succeeding" (Morales & Trotman,
2004)
Southeast Asian: typically includes Cambodian, Khmer, Vietnamese, Laotian, Thai,
Hmong, and Indonesian, etc.
Academically successful: graduation from high school and/or college with a 3.00 GPA
or higher and/or the ability to enter a four-year college.
Justification
Although the Mien population is significant in many areas of the country, the fact
that they are being overlooked in locations where the population is of significant numbers
is a cause for concern. Educators constantly hear the mandate “No Child Left Behind,”
which suggests that the United States education system is designed so that every child
will have their unique needs met. This level of assistance is not being delivered to Mien
students. In fact, instead of “not being left behind,” the current structure of the education
system effectively ignores and pushes Mien students aside. The primary focus of this
research is to determine the positive cultural and social elements that help these
underserved students become academically successful. Once this has been accomplished,
these elements can be used as a point of reference to give educators a better
understanding of what Mien students need to reach their maximum potential.
The secondary focus of this study is to bring commonly overlooked issues
surrounding the Mien community to light. Because this ethnic group has little research
8
available, it is the hope of the researcher that this study will provide future researchers
with a collection of information to better inform further study.
Organization of the study
The remainder of this study will further investigate literature concerning Critical
Race Theory and the Model Minority Myth, Southeast Asians in California Schools, Role
models for Southeast Asian students and Academic Resiliency. Critical Race Theory, as
previously mentioned, is the study of race in America as a social construct (Delgado &
Stephanic, 2001). For the purpose of this study, the research will primarily focus on
“AsianCrit” and the model minority myth. Southeast Asians in California Schools will
discuss the quantitative data that illustrates the academic struggles seen in almost all
Southeast Asian ethnic groups. Academic Resiliency pertains to the ability of students to
be successful against difficult life circumstances due to their inherent characteristics or
support systems.
The study will then apply these themes to interviews and surveys conducted with
Mien students about their experiences. A Likert Scale survey will ask students to rate
various cultural, social and personal values and experiences in high school and college.
Based on participants’ education level, the researcher will generate a list of themes that
are prominent with high school graduates and college graduates. The researcher will
identify any areas of concern that could keep high school students from furthering their
education and compare the data from high school and college graduates to further analyze
and discuss the results of the study. Using personal interviews, the researcher will be able
to elaborate on the Mien student experience and be able to include personal narratives of
9
struggle and success. Based on the results of the study, the researcher will make further
recommendations in order to better serve the Mien community.
10
Chapter Two
Literature Review
This information attempts to more clearly illustrate the learning context of
Southeast Asian students in California schools. This literature review will be organized to
focus on the following and its relationship to Asian students, in general, and its
applicability to Southeast Asian students specifically: 1) Southeast Asian students in the
education system; 2) the model minority myth; 3) the impact of role models; 4) Critical
Race Theory, and 5) the concept of academic resiliency.
Southeast Asian students in California Schools
California is home to the largest Asian American population in the country;
however, all people of Asian descent are grouped together into one category. Within the
“Asian” category, there are many very different ethnic groups with very different
cultures. For example, Japanese, Chinese and Korean communities, which have had more
time to establish themselves and assimilate to mainstream American culture, are
categorized as Asian. Hmong, Cambodian and Laotian are much more recent immigrant
groups and have had some trouble navigating American cultural norms; however, they
are also categorized as Asian. This “lumping together” does many communities a
disservice, because their unique needs are masked by cultures (Chinese, Japanese, etc)
that have been historically more successful economically and academically in the United
States (Teranishi, 2004). For example, over one-third of all Hmong, Cambodian and
Laotian Americans over the age of twenty-five do not have a high school diploma (Hing,
2012). In addition, the 2005 American Communities Survey (ACS) estimated that 18.2%
11
of Vietnamese over the age of twenty-five had obtained a Bachelors degree, and 7.3%
possessed a Graduate or Professional degree. In comparison, 11.1% of Cambodians held
a Bachelors degree, with 3% holding a graduate or professional degree. Only 7.5% of
Hmong held a Bachelors degree, with 2.2% holding a graduate or professional degree.
(Pfeiffer, 2005). These low percentages correlate with the academic struggles of
Southeast Asian students that can be seen in California high schools. In contrast, when
examining the 2010 census data, which reports Asians as a single category, we see 27%
percent of the population holding a bachelors degree, and 19% of the population holding
a graduate or professional degree. Unless the time is taken to disaggregate this data, it
would appear that all Asian communities are highly successful in academics, when the
disaggregated data proves that this is not the case. In reality, Southeast Asian students are
not being adequately prepared to enter colleges, and the majority of students are not
successfully completing a four-year degree.
In contrast, Southeast Asian students are not being well prepared to attend
universities. As previously mentioned, more Southeast Asian students enter community
colleges after graduating than enter a university. A study by Teranishi (2004) compares
the SAT and AP scores of Hmong schools to Vietnamese schools in Northern California.
The Hmong schools had between 18 and 22% of high school seniors taking the SAT with
scores of 827-829. The Vietnamese schools had between 44% and 53% of students taking
the SAT with scores between 952 and 976 (Teranishi, 2004). This large gap shows that
populations similar to the Hmong are not receiving adequate support or preparation for
college in the K-12 education system.
12
One contributing factor to the lower academic success rate of Southeast Asian
students may be income level. Research has shown that students coming from a low
socioeconomic background typically struggle more in the American education system for
a number of different reasons. Southeast Asian families, on average, fall below the U.S.
income median. Hmong and Khmer communities had higher percentages than the
national average of families living below the poverty line (Uy, 2008).
A second challenge for many Southeast Asian students is entering school with
limited English proficiency (LEP). With few bilingual programs or translators for
Southeast Asian students, becoming academically proficient in English is difficult (Boun
& Wright, 2011). In addition to the linguistic challenge, many students have negative
feelings toward their ESL (English as a Second language) experiences. In a focus group
study composed of college graduates, participants expressed that they felt as though they
were often victims of racial profiling, placed in ESL programs because of an accent or
skin color (Boun & Wright, 2011). ESL programs focus on basic language skills, not the
content knowledge and vocabulary students need to be academically successful. If these
students had been incorrectly placed in ESL classes, or were left in ESL classes for too
long, they would not be obtaining the knowledge that they need to be successful in
moving to higher education. The fact that high stakes testing such as the California High
School Exit Exam (CAHSEE), Advanced Placement (AP) exams and the Scholastic
Aptitude Test (SAT) use academic English vernacular may also account for the low test
results seen in Southeast Asian schools.
13
When Southeast Asian students do exit high school and enter college, they face
unique challenges. Research has found that Southeast Asian students generally have a
lower overall GPA than their white peers do; they are also often are less confident,
persistent and involved. Some researchers believe this stems from a “learned
helplessness” Southeast Asians develop while in K-12 education (Strage, 2000).
Continued research in this area suggests that the parent’s level of educational background
and income level influences a student’s attitude toward school. Southeast Asian students
whose parents had not attended college reported more negative feelings toward their
college peers than did their white peers. Also, students who had an income level of
$16,000 or less reported more negative feelings, although they did not report poverty as
being a barrier to their educational success (Wong, Seago, Keane, & Grumbach, 2008).
Model Minority Myth
Many people in American today believe that racism either does not exist, or exists
only in marginalized communities in the country. Most people would probably agree that
Asian Americans rarely, if ever, encounter racism in the United States (Le, 2012);
however, a recent study from the Pew Research Center (2012) indicates that Asian
Americans do, in fact, deal with racism on a daily basis. It is not a blatant, or even
negative, kind of racism, but rather a more insidious form of “positive” racism that still
has a negative impact on the Asian American community. When the study was released,
newspapers such as the New York Times and the San Francisco Chronicle boldly
announced that Asian Americans were of the “top class,” were the “best-educated” and
even “happiest” group of Americans (Hing, 2012). It seems surprising that anyone would
14
be upset by such positive comments about their ethnic community, however, many Asian
Americans were upset by the results of and responses to, this study. The concern stems
from the fact that this study misrepresents many Asian American groups, particularly
Southeast Asian communities. Critics argue that the study only focused on data generated
from six large, historically successful Asian groups (i.e. Chinese, Filipino, Indian,
Korean, Vietnamese, Japanese). In addition, they were angered that this study, and
similar studies, was used as a way to reinforce the “pull yourself up by the bootstraps”
mentality that has historically pervaded American culture. This is, in short, the belief that
any ethnic group will be able to be successful if only they work hard enough. Asian
Americans are used as an example to “prove” that this belief system is valid (Hing,
2012). The Pew study, and the Asian communities’ response to the study, is a clear
indication that there still are issues of racism surrounding the Asian American
community.
The previously mentioned cultural homogenization that over-generalizes data for
Asian students may be a contributing factor that helps maintain the belief that all Asian
students are academically successful; however when examining the academic success of
sub-categories of Asian students, it is much easier to see that there are vast differences
between different groups. For example, almost 70% of Indians and over 50% of Chinese,
Pakistani and Korean-Americans over the age of twenty-five have a bachelor’s degree. In
sharp contrast, Cambodian, Hmong and Laotian Americans who have bachelor’s degrees
average around 13% (Hing, 2011).
15
One main reason for these different achievement levels within the Asian ethnic
group is differing cultural and home country backgrounds. China, Japan and Korea have
educational systems that are structured similarly to the educational system in the United
States (Han, Pang & Pang, 2011). In addition to having education systems that are more
closely related to the system in the United States, East Asian immigrants began
immigrating to the U.S. earlier than most Southeast Asian populations. They dealt with
much of the overt racism that existed against all people of color, and became adept at
being useful, inconspicuous, and non-competitive in order to be tolerated by the dominant
American society (Wang, 2007). Students migrating from these countries would likely
experience a less-drastic change than would a Hmong or Mien student from a preliterate
culture.
A second reason that certain groups of Asian students are more successful than
others is Sue and Okazaki’s notion of relative functionalism (1990). They argue that
Chinese, Japanese and Korean students come from families who align themselves with
the idea that education is the key to upward mobility in American society. This may stem
from the negative racial experience that many Asian Americans had in the late 19th and
early 20th century. For example, Chinese and Japanese immigrants were denied the right
to purchase lands, gain citizenship, or attend mainstream schools (Han, Pang & Pang,
2011). This negative experience, coupled with cultural values, pushed many Asian
Americans to “believe that they must demonstrate higher levels of achievement than their
White counterparts in order to fight discrimination and societal oppression” (Han, Pang
& Pang, 2011, p. 385). This push led to the high academic achievement seen in Chinese,
16
Japanese and Korean students; however, this high level of achievement becomes
problematic for students of other Asian groups because it generated the model minority
myth. This push for a higher level of achievement from some groups allows the common
myth to project the idea that if “they can do it, anyone can do it.” Many believe that
because, statistically, Asians are more successful that their White counterparts, they no
longer need assistance programs like bilingual education or welfare (Le, 2012). This
ignores background conditions such as socioeconomic status, family education
background, level of literacy within a culture, and other important factors that affect
educational achievement.
There are other various theories about the origin of the model minority myth.
Many researchers believe it stemmed from the recruitment of the top students from
foreign universities during the late 1960’s and early 1970’s into American schools. This
gave the illusion that American universities were diverse and full of Asian students.
Many of these top scholars chose to stay in American when the 1965 immigration law
allowed them to adjust their status to permanent residents. It was this group of migrantscholars that lead to the fabrication of the model minority myth (Wang, 2007).
Regardless of where it originated, educators now must acknowledge that it
negatively affects many Asian American students. Peter Basset (2011) concisely
summarizes the problem with the model minority myth, stating:
Existing stereotypes about the Asian American community are not only
misinformed, but also pernicious, rooted in long-held assumptions that
inaccurately represent the range of abilities and outcomes within a group, and that
17
have nothing to do with race or ethnicity. As a result, these assumptions
insidiously contribute to the majority culture's tendency to ignore discrimination
against Asian Americans and to dismiss the community's real issues and concerns.
When it comes to Asian Americans in schools, these myths and stereotypes
ultimately undermine the experiences of Asian American students and, more
generally, undermine a school's ability to develop healthy cultures and climates
(p. 10).
Other studies echo Basset’s (2011) sentiments and further argue that the over-generalized
label of “Asian-American” and the fabricated “model minority” are used to hide the
diversity within the ethnicity as well as obscuring language variety, culture, class and
national origin. The result is that the communities that need assistance and resources are
not getting the attention that they need and deserve (Wang, 2007). One example of the
negative impact the model minority myth has on Southeast Asian students lies in the area
of scholarships. Scholarship listing websites, have hundreds of scholarships available for
African American, Native American and Latino students, but there are no scholarships
listed for Asian American students (2012). Even more disturbing are scholarships like the
Gates Millennium Scholarship, designed to assist low-income, first-generation minority
college students, which actually bar Asian American students from applying. This
illustrates the common belief that Asian American students are “taking over” institutions
of higher education. It stems from the high concentration of Asian Americans in certain
fields in certain locations. This stereotype negatively affects Southeast Asian students in
particular. Not only are they being denied the resources that would make academic
18
success more feasible for them, they also typically do not come from families with
backgrounds in higher education, which makes the process even more difficult.
The Impact of Role models
Family is an important factor to consider when discussing cultural values of
Southeast Asian Americans. Often, there are strong role models within a Southeast Asian
family, but the values of those role models do not necessarily align with the values of the
dominant American culture. For example, Southeast Asian parents with young, school
age children reported the following five educational goals for their children: “(a) obey
those in authority, (b) respect others, (c) be kind to and be liked by other students, (d)
work hard, and (e) be successful by attaining the highest educational degree as possible”
(Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003, p 9). The teachers of these children agreed that these
goals were valuable, but placed problem solving skills and independent learning ability as
more important. This conflicts with the parents reported views, because the parents felt
that if the children developed these skills, they would no longer listen to their elders who
could best protect them from harm (Hwa-Froelich & Westby, 2003). This clearly
illustrates the divide between cultures that makes academic success difficult for many
Southeast Asian students. Parents are supportive of education and understand its value,
but there is a distinct skill set the American school system requires successful students to
possess that does not always align with the culture values of Southeast Asian families.
There are additional conflicts specific to the Mien culture surrounding issues of
gender and birth order. As stated previously, the Mien society has historically been
patriarchal. In traditional families, there are different expectations for boys and girls. The
19
boys are expected to work. Before immigration, that meant rising early and working in
the fields. In American society, it means they are expected to find jobs and earn money.
Traditionally, women do not leave the home. In American society, this means that they
are not encouraged to participate in extra-curricular activities and often have a lot of
responsibility at home. When young women marry, they are expected to defer to their
husbands in all decisions because men are believed to be more knowledgeable
(Velazquez, 1989).
Age also plays a factor in the expectations placed on Mien youth. Elders are
automatically placed in positions of respect, and this hierarchy continues in sibling
relationships. Younger siblings are expected to defer to the authority and knowledge of
their older siblings, and older siblings expect the respect that is guaranteed them by their
birth order (Velazquez, 1989). The implications of these cultural norms will be further
explored in the analysis of the research data.
One common theme that emerges from literature on Southeast Asian college
entrance is that parents are supportive of education, but do not have the educational
background themselves to assist their children in the enrollment process. According to
2000 Census data, 39% of Vietnamese, 60% of Laotians, 64% of Khmer, and 72% of
Hmong adults ages twenty-five years or older have less than a high school education. A
lack of older community members with experience in the U.S. education system leaves
many students on their own to figure out a complex and confusing process.
These students rely on teachers, counselors and others outside their family for
help; however, this too can be problematic because teachers and counselors often have a
20
limited understanding of their Southeast Asian American students. When asked about
teacher’s knowledge of Southeast Asian cultures, students reported that less than onethird of their teachers had “some knowledge,” while over two-thirds had “little” to “no
knowledge” of cultures, history or community issues (Boun & Wright, 2011). Teachers’
lack of knowledge becomes even more problematic when considering the trust many
Southeast Asian parents place in their children’s teachers. Many parents feel that the
teachers are more equipped to help their child navigate an education that they do not
understand and that it is not the parents’ place to intervene because the teacher is the
educational professional (Uy, 2008).
Unfortunately, very few teachers have an understanding of Southeast Asian
cultures and languages. A focus group reported that in their K-12 experience, about 55%
of students had been taught by at least one Southeast Asian teacher, but 43% had never
had a Southeast Asian teacher (Boun & Wright, 2011). These may seem like favorable
numbers, but when considering how many teachers a student has (on average, a student
will have forty-two teachers between kindergarten and twelfth grade), 55% of students
reporting at least one – out of forty-two – the numbers become less favorable. Southeast
Asians in leadership roles outside of the classroom are scarce as well. Teranishi reports
that less than 1% of public school principal positions, 2% of government executive jobs
and only 1.5% of board seats of Fortune 500 companies are held by Asian Americans
(2010).
In light of this situation, it becomes even more important for educators to be
equipped to assist Southeast Asian students. Smith-Maddox and Solorazano (2002)
21
emphasize the idea that it is critical for educators to identify the strengths, resources and
cultural values of students of color, “and place them at the center of their research,
curriculum, and teaching” (p. 7). The seeming lack of cultural understanding from
teachers for Southeast Asian students may be yet another contributing factor to their
academic struggles. In the education field, it is common practice to acknowledge the need
for more African American and Latino teachers and administrators, but the need for
Asian and Southeast Asian role models is rarely, if ever, acknowledged. It seems odd that
using students “prior knowledge” and “home experiences” as a building block for the
classroom are phrases that are commonly used, but if people in education ignore the
cultural differences among Asian students, those phrases just become more academic
buzzwords. These students need role models that know about their history, culture,
background and languages (Boun & Wright, 2011).
In addition to limited understanding of students’ cultures, there is an
underrepresentation of Southeast Asian American educators, administrators and local
politicians. These students desperately need role models in positions of power in schools
and the community (Boun & Wright, 2011). Often, elders are respected members of the
smaller, individual communities, but when students are not seeing the same positions of
respect awarded to people of similar backgrounds outside their communities, it can
become discouraging. The lack of representation for people of color in leadership roles is
a phenomenon that reaches across all marginalized communities. It requires attention
because many young people feel that same-race adults are “more like” themselves and
thus find it easier to relate to them (Ainsworth, 2010). With a lack of Southeast Asian
22
role models in education leadership, students may feel that people “like them” are not
meant for leadership roles. Research concerning the success of African American
students supports this idea. Turley (2003) found that African American youth only
benefitted from high status (successful) community leaders who were also African
American. Although this study concerns a different demographic, it is logical to assume
that similar results would apply to other marginalized communities.
This underrepresentation of Asian Americans in positions of power may
perpetuate the cycle for younger Asian Americans entering the work force. The absence
of people in leadership undoubtedly may affect the future aspirations of these young
people. In addition, the lack of role models for Asian students may contribute to a
lowered self-image; This, in conjunction with a lack of culturally relevant content being
taught in schools, requires that students actually learn they have the ability to be good
students. These students are constantly looking for validation of their intelligence, which
can be built up by academic success over time (Morales, 2008).
Critical Race Theory
Examining the issues of Southeast Asian American students through a lens of
Critical Race Theory (Bell, 1980; Delgado & Stephanic, 2001; Freeman, 1978) provides
the opportunity to examine the social structures in the United States that may contribute
to the inadequate support these students are currently receiving. Generally speaking,
Critical Race Theory holds that racism is ingrained in our social structure. It is difficult to
address because we have developed a new kind of a racism – colorblindness – in which
23
people believe equality means treating all races exactly the same, ignoring the unique
needs of different populations (Delgado & Stephanic, 2001).
As previously mentioned, Southeast Asian students are grouped together with all
Asian students. This does Asian students a disservice, because within the “Asian”
category, there are multiple, very different cultures with unique needs. Because Asian
students are all grouped together, the “model minority myth” becomes known. This myth
suggests that all Asian students are “quiet, industrious, with intact families and high
educational aspiration and achievement” (Delgado & Stephanic, 2001, p. 81). When
Asian students do not meet these criteria, they are then blamed for falling short of what
“Asians supposedly are" (Delgado & Stephanic, 2001, p. 82). This way of thinking sells
many Southeast Asian students short. They are held up to standards that are partially
fabricated and partially transferred from a different culturally background entirely. Then,
they are expected to perform at a level that was constructed by people who know nothing
about their cultural background and unique needs. When they are unable to meet these
standards, they are deemed “failures,” and instead of being given extra support, as many
students of color would be, they are pushed to the side and ignored.
Participants in the case study of Boun and Wright (2011) relate first hand
experiences of the model minority myth, stating, “I remember a Korean-American
teacher assuming that because I came from an Asian background, my parents were
professionals. He was surprised when I told him they were not” (p. 20). They go on to
argue that these racial stereotypes negatively affect Southeast Asian students’ identity
development and can affect educational achievement because students become
24
disinterested and disengaged by the time they reach middle school (2011). If students are
mentally disengaged by the time they reach middle school, there is obviously less of a
chance they will continue through the education system to the university level.
In addition to the impact of the model minority myth, Southeast Asian students
also face prejudices that they are all “gangsters” or “dropouts.” Many Hmong and Mien
American students face the prejudice of being from a preliterate and rural culture. The
first wave of refugees (over thirty-five years ago) did have a extremely difficult time
navigating the American education system. Many dropped out, joined gangs, were on
public assistance or were incarcerated; however, since that time, these communities have
been becoming more successful in the United States, with many young people entering
the workforce or colleges after graduating high school (Liu, 2009).
Another issue that causes Southeast Asian students to become disinterested in
education is a lack of accurate representation of their cultures. In a focus group of thirtyfour Southeast Asian students, the majority commented on lack of representation of their
cultures, especially in texts on the Vietnam War and the Khmer Rouge genocide in
Cambodia. They expressed feelings of disappointment, especially when teachers
completely skipped the brief lines in their textbooks that mentioned these issues (Boun &
Wright, 2011). Facing issues of both positive and negative stereotypes, with teachers who
are not educated about Southeast Asian cultures and who do not teach culturally relevant
material, it makes sense that these students are becoming disinterested in pursuing
education past the high school level.
Academic Resiliency
25
Academic Resilience is a term used to describe a student’s ability to overcome
major obstacles to the educational process, or the "human capacity and ability to face,
overcome, be strengthened by, and even be transformed by experiences of adversity"
(Cesarone, 1999, p. 12). These obstacles include, but are not limited to the following:
psychological factors (anxiety and depression), school and engagement factors (alienation
from teachers, low grades, etc), and family and peer factors (Martin & Marsh, 2009).
Academic resiliency is not concerned with how happy or satisfied an individual is, but
rather their ability to be successful in the face of adversity (Morales, 2008). The
resiliency of an individual depends on the protective factors that surround them such as
friend and family support, value placed on school, participation in extra-curricular
activities, a sense of involvement at school, and individual persistence. For minority
students, bi-cultural competence and individual coping processes outside of social
support are thought to be important factors that contribute to academic resilience
(Vargas-Reighley, 2005).
Bronfenbrenner’s (2005) Ecological Systems Theory supplies a lens through
which academic resiliency can be categorized and analyzed. Bronfenbrenner argues that
an individual’s development is influenced by the environmental systems that both the
individual, and those close to the individual, are surrounded by. He divides these
environments into the following five separate systems: The Microsystem is the smallest
environment, which consists of the institutions and social groups that the individual
comes in direct contact with such as school, family and neighborhood. Following this is
the Mesosystem, which refers to the relationships in between groups in the Microsystem,
26
such as the interaction between the family and a church. The Exosystem is the system in
which the individual is not directly involved, but may affect the individual. For example,
the child may be indirectly affected by a parent’s experience in the workplace. The
Chronosystem is the largest environment, which encompasses events and transitions that
occur over the course of an individual’s life (Bronfenbrenner, 1992). Examining
students’ academic resiliency as it is affected by these various environments allows for
the categorization of specific traits that may promote or hinder academic resiliency as a
young person develops.
A study by Feinstein, Driving-Hawk, and Baartman (2009) on fostering academic
resiliency in Native American youth used Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory
to create their own system for analyzing students’ resiliency. They determined four
fundamental needs, named the Circle of Courage, which include belonging, mastery,
independence, and generosity. The study uses these four fundamental needs to examine
academic resiliency in a low-income, Native American high school. They suggest that
students develop a sense of belonging by building relationships within the family, school
and community. This enables them to change behavior patterns to more responsible
behaviors that develops their independence (Feinstein, Driving-Hawk, & Baartman,
2009). Theoretically, when these four fundamental needs are filled, students will be
academically successful. In contrast, students who do not have these needs filled, or have
only some of them filled may be more or less successful to varying degrees, presumably
based on the degree to which their needs were met.
27
A study by Morales (2008) examined the academic resiliency of college students.
He discovered the significant issues affecting the resiliency of these students were based
on the stresses they faced, as well as how they responded to these stresses. Morales
(2008) found that the certain major factors that contributed to creating stress were
“[being] bicultural, isolation, familial polarization, self-image, cultural inversion,
sustaining motivation, and the burden of achievement” (Morales, 2008, p. 156). For
example, discontinuity between the student’s background and the school environment
was a major category that affected students in this study. Some students find it difficult to
fully engage in the college experience – this disengagement means these students cannot
take full advantage of the educational opportunities in front of them (Reynolds &
Weigand, 2010). When students are experiencing the discontinuity that Morales (2008)
describes, it is logical that they will not be able to fully immerse themselves in the
college experience, and may be missing crucial opportunities for academic success.
Students of color often have difficulties entering a primarily white institution,
particularly in their first year of college (Reynolds & Weigard, 2010). Being able to
navigate a second culture was found to be a crucial skill; this navigation includes the
ability to speak polished, academic English, which is a challenge for many students
coming from an English as a Second language (ESL) background. This cultural
navigation requires that most ethnic minorities have two “selves.” The first being the
natural self that is unconscious and at ease; the second self is the conscious self which
adheres to the cultural norms of the dominant society. Forty-four out of fifty students
28
reported the ability to be bicultural as the main factor to which they attributed academic
success (Morales, 2008).
Feelings of isolation are another major contributor to stresses that can affect
academic resiliency. 82% of college students from minority backgrounds reported
feelings of isolation (Morales, 2008). Students’ positive feelings (or lack thereof) toward
their college, and the degree to which they feel accepted and “part of” the school can
affect their academic success (Reynolds & Weigard, 2010). Often, students from minority
groups may be one of few from their cultural backgrounds. This leads to feelings of
isolation, which can only be relieved by finding other individuals with similar cultural
experiences or backgrounds. If the college does not have a substantial number of other
students to which the isolated individual can identify with, these feelings may lead
students to “return to their peer groups,” (Morales, 2008, p.158), which in turn may lead
to dropping out.
Being bicultural and fostering feelings of isolation seem to go hand in hand for
many students. If students come from a background where academic success is not
valued, or is not the cultural norm, they must find a way to maintain their cultural identity
without sacrificing their ability to be academically successful. Morales describes this as
the ability to “resist peer group norms” (2008, p. 159). Resilient students must have a
realistic view of their goals, and what will be required to achieve them. Without a
realistic view, new college students easily become disillusioned and discouraged; those
who have a clear understanding of what will be required of them have a higher chance of
success (Morales, 2008).
29
In addition to stress that stems from isolation, discouragement and bicultural
navigation, the types of motivation an individual possesses plays a large role in their
academic resiliency. Students who believe that events stem from factors beyond their
control (amotivated) do not cope with the stress of college effectively, and are also often
found to have a negative view of the institution, which, as previously discussed, has a
negative impact on academic success. Students who are internally motivated and engaged
both academically and socially in college demonstrate a much higher level of resiliency
than externally or amotivated students. (Reynolds & Weigard 2010). It could be argued
that motivation is directly linked to engagement in college, and a student’s engagement in
academics and social activities in college is directly linked to their future academic
success. In order to keep these students in school, educational institutions need to show
their students support and interest in meeting their diverse needs (Wong, Seago, Keane,
& Grumbach, 2008).
30
Chapter Three
Methodology
Mien students’ reported feelings of disengagement in K-12 and family guilt when
pursuing higher education (Boun & Wright, 2011) suggest that there is a need to better
define the factors and characteristics that get students through high school. It is the goal
of this study to not only define these factors, but also seek ways for them to be applied to
Mien students pursuing a college education.
Participants
This study used mixed methods, collecting data through the use of internet surveys
and personal interviews. Participants, aged eighteen through twenty-nine, were chosen
throughout the Northern California region, from Merced, Sacramento, Davis, and the Bay
Area. Participants were recruited through personal connections as well as through local
Mien associations and student groups. Participants were not categorized by gender or
further age divisions. Participation was voluntary and participants did not receive any
compensation for their participation in the study.
This study was deemed low-risk, due to the possibility of negative emotions rising
through the series of questions, if the participant had had a particularly bad experience in
the education system. In order to create the least intrusive environment possible,
participants were given the option for internet contact, telephone contact, or face-to-face
contact in a neutral location such as a library. The majority of participants who did not
have a prior relationship to the researcher chose to conduct interviews over the internet
and telephone rather than meet face to face. Participants who already had a prior
31
relationship with the researcher were comfortable meeting face-to-face to conduct the
interview.
Procedures
Selection of survey participants was a random sample, taken from a number of
different sources including Iu Mien associations of UC Davis and UC Merced, Iu Mien
Conference of Sacramento organizers, and personal connections. Survey participants
were only screened by age, as the study age limit was ages eighteen to thirty. Participants
were filtered by age because that is the age group of most first generation Mien-American
students, as the majority of their parents immigrated in the 1970’s and 80’s. The survey
was conducted online through the use of Survey Monkey software. All responses were
completely anonymous. There were a total of thirty participants in the survey, ages
eighteen to thirty. One participant had less than a high school diploma. Seven participants
had a high school degree or equivalent. Six participants had some college but no degree.
Fourteen participants had a bachelor’s degree. Two participants had a master’s degree.
32
FIGURE 1. Graphic representation of participants by education level
The survey questions asked participants to rate statements on a scale of strongly
disagree to strongly agree. The statements were broken into the following five categories:
Education and self, relationships with others, family support, involvement in culture, and
general education experiences. The first four categories were coded based on
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems theory that was previously discussed. AsianCrit
and literature pertaining to the model minority myth informed questions discussing
culture. Participant responses were also filtered into categories based on reported highest
level of education. The categories were then analyzed by examining the question
category in conjunction with the participants’ education levels. For example, if
participants with no high school diploma had a high percentage of responses that
33
indicated they had a negative experience in high school, the researcher would then
consider the possibility that there was a relationship between those negative feelings and
the participants dropping out.
Interviews were conducted with individuals who expressed an interest in further
discussing their experiences in the California education system, as well as personal
contacts who expressed an interest in discussing their experiences with the researcher.
The interview questions were coded with the same five themes as the survey was, but the
interview participants were asked to describe their experiences in more detail. The
interview questions also asked participants to make judgments about their level of
success in education based on their personal experiences. These questions allowed the
researcher to gain insight into the opinions of the Mien community about their own
factors of academic resiliency, as well as getting a narrative version of the successes and
struggles of particular individuals. Responses were analyzed in conjunction with both the
survey data and literature that pertained to the theme in question. The literature that
discussed Southeast Asian students’ experience in schools provided the researcher a point
of reference by which to analyze and discuss the experience of Mien students. The
literature that discussed Mien cultural traditions allowed the researcher to compare the
cultural experiences of the study participants to the cultural experiences that are thought
to be typical of the Mien community. Both of these things together allowed the researcher
to provide an analysis of findings and recommendations that were well informed by
previous research.
34
Chapter Four
Findings
There were several themes around which survey and interview questions were
formulated. The first was school experience of Mien students in general. These questions
were designed to determine the importance of school for the Mien community. The
second theme was related to Mien culture specifically, including questions about cultural
values, participation in cultural events, language, and barriers to mainstream American
society. The third theme was related to friends and teachers. These questions were
designed to better understand what influences outside of the family unit existed for the
participants. The fourth theme focuses on academic struggles and successes, including
issues like academic support outside of the classroom. The fifth theme focuses on
activities and responsibilities outside of school, in order to better understand the outside
pressures and responsibilities that might affect academic achievement.
School in General
Results for questions regarding education and self revealed that the majority of
participants valued education and the education experience. When asked if school was
important to them in high school, the majority of participants in all categories either
strongly agreed or agreed; 28% of participants with a high school diploma or equivalent
and 16% of participants with some college but no degree rated themselves as neutral.
Only 7.1% of participants with a bachelor’s degree disagreed, and 50% of participants
with a graduate degree disagreed. Reported participation in clubs and sports shared
similar results, with the majority stating they strongly agreed or agreed that they actively
35
participated in extracurriculars with 28.6% of high school graduates, 16.7% of bachelor
degree holders and 50% of graduate degree holders disagreeing. Interestingly, 100 %
participants with no high school diploma or some college with no degree responded that
they had “good grades” (3.00 GPA or higher) in high school. Participants with only a
high school diploma reported 42.9% agreeing, while 28.6% disagreed. Out of all
participant groups, 87% reported having a 3.0 GPA or higher.
Similar to their own reported feelings about education, many participants reported
that their families/parents also felt education was valuable. In response to the statement,
“In high school, my parents had high standards for my academic achievement,” 70% of
participants with a high school diploma agreed or strongly agreed with the statement.
Similarly, 83% of participants with some college, 78% of bachelor degree holders and
100% of graduate degree holders agreed or strongly agreed with the statement. In
addition, 100% of participants reported that their parents expected them to graduate from
high school and 93% of participants agreed or strongly agreed that their parents expected
them to continue on to college.
36
FIGURE 2. Graphic representation of families’ expectation of students’ achievement
Culture
Although Mien parents have high expectations for their children, it appears that
many families are not able to provide academic support at home due to language and
culture barriers or long work hours. Only 26% of participants reported having academic
support at home, and 63% of participants strongly disagreed or disagreed with the
statement. In the category of participants without a high school diploma, 100% of
participants stated that they did not have support; 42.9% of participants with only a high
school diploma stated they did not have support, and 42.9% were neutral. Participants
with some college but no degree responded with 56.7% not having academic support at
home, and those holding Bachelor’s degrees or higher had similar results.
37
The second question asked of Mien culture was related to cultural activities such
as religious ceremonies or the celebration of traditional holidays. The majority of
participants agreed or strongly agreed that their family participated in these kinds of
cultural activities. Participants with a high school diploma or equivalent had 71.4% of the
group agreeing, and 28.6% of the group strongly agreeing. Participants with some college
but no degree reported 66.7% of participants who strongly agreed, and 16.7% who
agreed. Participants with a bachelor’s degree responded with 57.1% strongly agreeing
and 35.7% agreeing. Participants with a graduate degree responded with 100% agreeing
with the statement.
Outside Influences
Research shows that role models outside the family, such as teachers and
administrators, can greatly influence young people. When asked to rate their experiences
with their teachers in high school as “positive,” participants reported mixed feelings.
Participants with less than a high school diploma “agreed” with the statement 100%.
Participants with a high school diploma or equivalent responded with 14.3% strongly
agreeing, 57.1% agreeing, and 28.6% as neutral. As educational level increased,
participants began reporting more negative feelings about their experiences with their
teachers, although the majority still reported positive experiences. 33.3% of Participants
with some college but no degree disagreed with the statement, while 16.7% were neutral.
16.7% of this group agreed, and 33.3% strongly agreed. Participants with a bachelor’s
degree reported 7.1% strongly disagreeing and 14.3% disagreeing. 42.9% agreed and
38
35.7% strongly agreed. Participants with graduate degrees were split with 50% agreeing
and 50% disagreeing.
In addition to discussing relationships with teachers, participants were asked
about their friends’ expectations for their education and if they associated with other
Mien students in high school. Participants reported their association with other Mien
students in relatively mixed numbers, as illustrated in the following figure. The majority
of participants reported some association with other Mien students, but a substantial
number reported no association with other Mien students.
FIGURE 3. Graphic representation of association with members of the same cultural
heritage.
When asked to rate the importance of school to their friends, most participants
believed that school was important to their friends, across education levels. The
participants with less than a high school degree strongly agreed with the statement. The
39
participants with a high school degree or equivalent reported 28.6% neutral, 42.9%
agreeing and 28.6% strongly agreeing. Participants with some college but no degree
responded with 16.1% feeling that school was not important to their friends, however,
within the same group, 16.1% were neutral, 33.3% agreed and 33.3% strongly agreed.
Interestingly, a higher number of participants with a college education felt that education
was not important to their friends. 21.4% of participants with a bachelor’s degree
disagreed with the statement, 14.3% were neutral, 28.6% agreed, and 35.7% strongly
agreed. Participants with a graduate degree reported results of 50% disagreeing and 50%
agreeing. When asked about their friends’ plans to continue on to college, participants
gave similar responses, as depicted in the following figure.
.
FIGURE 4. Graphic representation of friend’s plans for continuing education.
40
Academic Challenges
Participants were asked two questions about their academic performance. The
first question asked participants if they felt that they had struggled academically in high
school. The single participant with less than a high school degree disagreed with the
statement. The participants with a high school diploma or equivalent had a variety of
responses. 14.3% strongly disagreed, 14.3% disagreed, 28.6% were neutral, 28.6%
agreed, and 14.3% strongly agreed. Participants with at least some college reported fewer
academic struggles than their less-educated counter-parts. 50% of participants with some
college but no degree disagreed with the statement, and only strongly 16.7% agreed.
Participants with a bachelor’s degree strongly disagreed by 42.9%, with 14.3% agreeing.
Participants with a graduate degree were split in half, with 50% strongly disagreeing and
50% agreeing.
The second question about academic challenges was about participants’ GPAs in
high school. Participants rated the statement, “In high school, I got good grades – a 3.0
GPA or higher.” The majority of participants strongly agreed, except within the high
school diploma category and the master’s degree category. Participants with a high
school degree or equivalent responded with 42.9% agreeing and 14.3% strongly agreeing.
Participants with a graduate degree responded with 50% agreeing and 50% disagreeing.
Responsibilities and Support
The questions within this section asked participants about their emotional and
academic support system, as well as if they had a paying job in high school. It should be
noted that participants might have had other family responsibilities outside of school that
41
were not considered a “paying job.” The first question asked participants to rate the
statement, “In high school, I had a family member or other trusted adult I could confide
in.” 100% of participants with less than a high school diploma agreed. Participants with a
high school diploma or equivalent had 42.9 % agree, 14.3% strongly agree, 28.6%
neutral, and 14.3% disagree. 50% of participants with some college but no degree
strongly agreed with the statement, 16.7 agreed and 33.3% were neutral. Participants with
a bachelor’s degree had the widest variety in their responses. 14.3% strongly agreed and
strongly disagreed, 28.6% agreed, 7.1% disagreed and 35.7% were neutral. Participants
with a graduate degree reported 50% agreeing and 50% disagreeing.
FIGURE 5. Graphic representation of results of participants’ experience with homework
support at home.
Although it appears that many students had emotional and mental support in high school,
many did report the same positive experience with academic support. When asked if they
42
had academic support at home, the majority disagreed or strongly disagreed with the
statement. All education levels combined resulted in 26.7% strongly disagreeing with the
statement, and 36.7% disagreeing with the statement. In contrast, 20% agreed and 6.7%
strongly agreed.
Participants were also given the statement, “In high school, I held a paying job.”
Participants with less than a high school diploma disagreed 100%. Participants with a
high school diploma or equivalent agreed at 28.6% and strongly agreed at 28.6%.
Participants with some college but no degree had 33.3% strongly disagreeing and 33.3%
strongly agreeing. Participants with a bachelor’s degree had strongly agreed with a
majority of 42.9%. 21.4% of this group agreed. Participants with a graduate degree were
split, 50% agreeing and 50% disagreeing.
Interview Results
Nine interviews were conducted with participants of the same age group, ages
eighteen to thirty. To maintain participant confidentiality, participants are referred to as
male one through three and female one through six. Three males participated, and six
females participated. Six of the eight participants had completed, or were actively
working towards completion of college. One male and one female participant had not
completed college.
In addition to the student interviews, there was also one community parent who
was willing to participate in an interview. This parent was the mother of three of the nine
participants. This interview focused on the parent’s view on the education system in
California from a different perspective.
43
Interviews were used in order to get a more detailed response on the issues the
researcher felt would provide necessary insights into the experiences of Mien students.
For this reason, direct quotes from interview participants are used in order to most
accurately represent this portion of collected data.
The questions for the student interviews were based on similar themes found in
the survey. They were then divided into four themes: culture, life at home, outside
influences and experiences in school. Participants who attended at least some college
were asked sets of questions regarding their experiences in both high school and college.
Participants who only attended high school were not asked the college question set.
Life at Home
Participants were asked five questions about their home and family experiences in
high school and college. The first three questions were about the participants’
experiences in high school. One question was asked specifically about different
experiences based on participants’ gender and birth order. This question is relevant
because in the Mien culture, females and males have different household responsibilities.
First-born children also have different expectations placed on them than their subsequent
siblings. The following chart gives a brief overview of all responses, categorized by
question topic.
44
TABLE 1
Affecting Factors in High School
Participants
Responsibilities at
home in high school
Parents attitude
toward high school
Male 1
Lived with
grandparents, no
responsibilities
Male 2
None. Went to work at
age sixteen.
Parents supportive,
grandparents focus on
employment over
education.
Parents felt education
was useless
Male 3
Basic household chores
Female 1
Cooking, cleaning,
taking care of son,
Female 2
Primary caregiver for
grandparents
No responsibilities at
home as long as grades
from school were high
Must always attend
school with no excuses
Attend and get good
grades
Female 4
Began work at sixteen to
help pay rent
Complete high school,
and then work.
Female 5
Cleaning, homework.
Female 6
Translating for parents
Father pushed for
college education,
mother wanted girls to
start families.
Very supportive
Female 3
Parents strong
supporters
Failure was not
acceptable
Gender and birth
order effect on high
school
Male as leader of family
Second son, took over
some of eldest son’s
responsibilities.
No comment
First born, high
expectations from
parents.
Younger sister, no
noticeable effect.
First-born daughter,
more “spoiled” than
brothers. First to be born
in America
Only sisters, so as first
born, took on the
responsibility of caring
for the family.
Father pushed to have
her keep up with her
older siblings
academically
fourth out of five
children, parents
“harder” on last two.
The majority of participants felt that their parents were supportive of their high school
education. Two participants felt entirely unsupported. When asked the question, “What
was your parent’s attitude toward school?” Female 1 responded, “You couldn’t fail. You
had to do everything to succeed” Male 1 had a slightly different experience. He
explained, “My mom and dad, they really pushed for me to go to school, but I’ve been
45
away from them since I was fourteen and my grandparents who took me in, they thought
you have to go to work, you have to get married, you have to have kids.” Contrasting the
statement from Female 1, Female 6 replied, “They wanted me to complete high school,
they didn’t care about college, they wanted me to get a paying job and work.”All three
responses show a slightly different experience. Five out of six female participants
described their parents as supportive of their education. Two out of three male
participants felt their families expected them to begin working right out of high school.
These results indicate parents’ differential attitudes toward education based on gender.
This also suggests that many of the traditional gender roles have begun to shift, as both
male and female children are expected to work outside the home.
Participants were asked two similar questions relating to their experiences in
college. The results are summarized in the chart below.
46
TABLE 2
Experiences in college
Participants
Responsibilities to family in
college
Parents’ attitude toward
college
Male 1
Very few responsibilities
Conflict between pushing
toward college and pushing
toward starting a family.
Male 2
Responsibility to raise his
daughter
Parents were against it but
later changed their minds
Male 3
Didn’t attend college
Didn’t attend college, but
mother would support it.
Female 1
Was married with children in
college – had less time to spend
with husband and children
Mother pushes for her to
finish and offers to assist
financially.
Female 2
Change from being the main
family support to having no
responsibilities
Parents are very supportive
Female 3
Responsibilities did not change;
parents provided financial
support
Very proud and supportive
of their daughter’s education
Female 4
Helped her parents as an
undergraduate, was not able to
help as a graduate student
Were supportive of her
attendance, but did not
expect her to complete
college.
Female 5
Depended on her more financially
Pushed her to graduate
Female 6
Attended a school close to home
and had the same responsibilities
Parents are supportive.
Overall, most participants said their parents were supportive of their college education,
with most pushing their children to graduate. Male two explained some of the cultural
norms pertaining to education, stating,
47
they (parents) were against it (college) but uh after the housing debacle and they
compared us to the normal people who were just going to high school and
graduating and getting a job, they found them to be out of work and after the fact
towards my last year of college they realized that college was important and gives
you something to fall back on.
This change of perspective seems to be fairly common for first generation Mien students.
Another parent perspective that reoccurred in multiple interviews was the idea that it is
good to have some education, but not necessary to complete a college education. Female
four reported, “They thought it was a good idea for me to go to college but they didn’t
expect me to graduate – they didn’t have high standards of me, because completing high
school is better than what they had, it’s much more education than what they had so it’s
all they expected of me…” The third common response, mostly for female participants,
was parents who were supportive of their child’s education. Female three explained, "My
parents have very positive views toward college. They are always proud to tell their
friends that their children attend college.”
These results suggest that parents are interested in what is best for their children.
Some Mien parents believe that working and having a family is what is right for their
child, although that perspective is beginning to change. Male two described the parents’
willingness to change their old values based on what they are beginning to understand
about American culture – the need for a college degree to become financially
independent and advance economically.
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Culture
Participants were asked two questions about their cultural involvement in high
school and one question about their cultural involvement in college. All three questions
have been summarized in the following table
TABLE 3
Impact of culture
Participants
Heavy cultural
involvement in high
school
Impact of culture on
educational
experiences
Changes in cultural
involvement in the
transition from
high school to
college
No change
Male 1
Bi-cultural. Raised with
a Mexican stepfather
and a Mien mother.
Male 2
It “shapes the way you
live.”
Stepfather pushed for
education, grandparents
(Mien) pushed him to
start a career.
Unsure
Male 3
Only son, so held an
important position in
family hierarchy.
Language barrier when
entering school, feels
ELD classes made
education challenging.
Did not attend
college.
Female 1
Rebelled against culture
in high school and
became
“Americanized.”
Culture norms frowned
upon extra-curricular
activities.
Female 2
On most weekends,
there were cultural and
religious ceremonies.
Female 3
Parents follow Christian
religion, grandparents
were Taoist. Family
only celebrated major
Parents pushed children
to go to school to rise
above their current
status.
Does not feel there was
an cultural impact due to
following a different
religion
Culture became more
important to her. She
felt the need to
“return to her roots”
so she didn’t lose her
cultural identity.
Less involvement
because she attended
a school two hours
away from home.
Less time to attend
church with family
Non-traditional
member of Mien
community, so no
cultural change in
transition.
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Female 4
Taoist holidays
Rejected Mien culture in
high school
Lack of support for
schoolwork at home
because of parents’
language barrier.
Female 5
Many religious
ceremonies because
father is a Shaman. Also
influenced the way she
dressed.
Feels culture dictates
success at whatever
work you begin
Female 6
Parents’ difficulties in
U.S. as refugees
motivated her to work
hard in her education.
No comment
Currently heavily
involved in the Mien
community with
volunteer work and
cultural organizations.
Less involvement
because she attended
school away from
home. Ceremonies
had to be performed
over the phone.
Fewer Mien friends,
so spoke Mien less
frequently.
These questions resulted in a variety of responses. Some participants interpreted
the question based on religious participation; others responded with information about
their family’s immigrant experience. Over all, the variety of responses show the different
ways Mien students feel that culture is involved in their lives. Male one provided the
following unique response:
As a Mien person, our parents are always on us, nagging us, like what they want
for us, it is different. Like what they want for us is to go and have kids, get
married young and start working. So it is a little different – but I think I was
fortunate and lucky because my background is being a Mormon and my step dad
raising us a little different. So I think I was blessed to be in both cultures. For me,
it was different. It was, for me, it was important to go to school but at the same
time, it’s hard when your grandparents, the way they think it’s like you got to go
to work, no forget school, you got to have kids and you’re a successful person
when you do that.
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Female one describes her experiences in high school as a conflict between Mien culture
and American culture. She said:
It was definitely what shaped me in my high school years, the decisions that I
made were more Americanized decisions than if I were to make the Mien
decisions. You know, during your teen years and your cultures holding you back
from a lot of things – sports. In the Mien culture, they think that is if you went out
and did things like that you were being defiant, you were being bad. So it
definitely was a big part. I joined a lot of clubs but I also quit a lot of clubs just
because my parents disagreed with it.
Female one, as the eldest in her family, experienced some of the more traditional cultural
expectations where young women are discouraged from participating in activities outside
the home. Her initial rebellion against but eventual resignation to these cultural norms
depicts a conflict that many bi-cultural young adults experience.
Female three and five responded to the cultural questions with religious
interpretations. Female three responded from a Christian-family background, and female
five responded from a Taoist family background. Female five said, “My dad is a shaman
so we did a lot of the ceremonies and stuff and we always had to be there for that. And
the way we dressed and stuff was a part of the culture- like you can’t show skin and your
shirts have to be longer than your hips.” Although Female three was raised in a Christian
home, she still equates Taoism with Mien culture. She responded,
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Culture did not play a large part in my life during my high school years. My
grandfather was a Taoist Shaman but he lived in Merced so we were far from it.
We would only participate during big events such as new years. Though my
grandparents are Taoist, my parents decided to be Christians. I went to church
every Sunday with my parents while in high school. I didn’t participate in the
youth group because I was busy with activities from high school but I did enjoy
going to church with my parents every Sunday.
These diverse responses illustrate the wide variety of the ways Mien students interpret
their own culture. All participants created some separation between American culture and
Mien culture. The two cultures were discussed as separate entities with no overlap.
Female six regarded her family not culturally active because they did not participate in
Taoist ceremonies but rather Christian church. Female One felt she was rebelling against
Mien culture by participating in “American activities” like clubs and sports at school.
This distinction of cultures may be why so many Mien students are not completing fouryear college degrees. If the common cultural view is that young people need to work and
start families after high school, then going against that cultural expectation by attending
college could be viewed as “rebelling” against Mien culture, as Female One described.
Outside influences
The questions related to the participants’ influences in school are primarily
focused on human influence - in other words, the participants’ relationships with their
teachers and peers. Participants were also asked how their friends viewed education.
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TABLE 4
Outside influences
Participants
General experiences
at school with friends
and teachers
Negative relationships
with teachers
High school friends’
attitudes toward high
school
Friends older than
himself – involved in
smoking and drinking
Male 2
Teachers were noninfluential; many friends
were white or Mexican
and not Mien.
Positive views on
school, particularly
white friends.
Male 3
He enjoyed school
Some cared, some didn’t
Female 1
Teachers were noninfluential. Friends were
primarily Mien.
Female 2
Good friends, good
teacher, good
community.
Female 3
Heavily involved in
extra-curricular
activities and AP
courses – had a positive
experience with peers
and teachers.
Friends were more
focused on their
personal lives than their
education.
Friends’ attitude toward
school depended on
their parents’
involvement.
Friends were concerned
with grades and many
continued on to college.
Female 4
Negative experience,
didn’t get along with
teachers or peers at her
school.
Many dropped out, took
a 5th year to graduate or
got a GED. No
childhood friends
continued on to college.
Female 5
Very positive
experience.
Female 6
Felt supported by
teachers both
academically and
personally
Mostly Americanized
friends who were
college oriented.
Friends had a variety of
viewpoints on education
Male 1
College friends’
attitudes toward
college
Many friends
attended college
with him and created
a support network.
Friends felt it was
important, many
dropped out or had
to find ways to raise
the money for
tuition.
Did not attend
college.
Friends felt that
college was a “want”
rather than a “need.”
Similar to high
school – attitude
depended on family
background
Heavily involved in
student body
activities, so friends
from those activities
were also heavily
involved and
interested in
education.
Childhood friends
are supportive, but
don’t really
understand the desire
for college. College
friends were a
support network.
Goal to finish early
and start a career
Friends in college
believe it is
important; Friends
who did not attend
show regret or
disinterest.
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Male one explained how his friends’ decisions might have affected his educational
decisions when he said, “Most of my friends went to college with me. I think uh if most
of my friends didn’t go to college I probably wouldn’t have gone to college either.”
Female six described her positive relationships with her teachers by stating, “I had a
comfortable relationship with all my teachers in high school. They were all very
supportive of my dreams in higher education. They gave me a lot of academic and
personal advice.” Female one relates her experiences back to her culture, explaining,
In high school pretty much my generation, like the first generation, pretty much
because of how we grew up we kind of really just hung out with people of the
same culture. So most of my friends were Mien, kind of different from probably
my sister and the younger generation. So it was really really hard to make friends,
but it was really easy to make friends in your own culture. As far as the teachers, I
don’t think they treated us differently.
All but one participant related a mostly positive experience with their teachers, and
recalled friendships that were primarily supportive of the pursuit of higher education.
Two participants, Male One and Three, explicitly mentioned the influence their friends
had on them when they were in high school. Five out of six female participants said their
primary circle of friends were people who had similar interests to their own. This also
suggests that the female participants’ friends influenced them, although in a less obvious
way. The influence could exist in the choice the female participants made to associate
with like-minded people or the female participants could have been influenced by their
54
peers to become like-minded. Influence by peers in the adolescent stage can be just as
powerful as influence by immediate family in the household (Feinstein, Driving-Hawk, &
Baartman, 2009).
Experiences in School
The questions organized under this category are reflective in nature. Participants
were asked about their experiences in general, and more specifically, what they thought
might have made their experience easier or more successful.
TABLE 5
Participant reflections
Participants
Female 3
Anything they would have
changed about their
educational experience
Not have stopped attending
college for periods of time
Attending a four-year college
instead of a two-year college.
Wishes he would have gone to
college
To be more active in clubs and
sports
More extracurricular activities in
college
Satisfied with experience
Female 4
Satisfied with experience
Female 5
Would like to go back to school
for a Master’s degree
Satisfied with experience
Male 1
Male 2
Male 3
Female 1
Female 2
Female 6
Things they think would
have been helpful or have
made them more successful
More family support emotionally
More family support emotionally
Staying out of gangs in
California.
Support from parents
academically
Financial support so fewer work
hours would be required
Attending the Iu Mien
conference more than once
More academic support outside
of school
Academic support from family
Satisfied with experience
As can be seen in the chart, responses were similar in several areas. Many participants
felt they would not want to change anything, either because they enjoyed their experience
or because their difficult experience helped shape their character. Female six explains this
55
concept, saying, “I used to believe that if I was born into a richer family, I could have had
an easier or more successful experience. However, I don’t believe that anymore. I’m
satisfied with what I had and have. It has made me into a more resilient person.” Male
two reflects on his difficult experience, stating,
Having more family support would have been nice. Financially of course, because
my parents are you know, they immigrated here so you know it’s a lot tougher for
them financially. If they were like first gen or second gen of other Asian ethnic
groups that would be great like Chinese Japanese because you know they’ve been
here for so many years. But like you know, the impoverished Mien culture you
know it’s a lot tougher for them and their transition to give us the opportunities.
These statements contain many valuable insights regarding family support. The
participants discussed family support in three areas: financial support, emotional support
and academic support. Eight out of nine participants expressed a need for at least one of
the three support areas from their families. This suggests that Mien parents also need
more support in order to be able to better meet the academic needs of their children.
Financial support is available for most low-income families, but accessing
financial aid can be extremely difficult. Many complicated forms must be filled out and
submitted to various government and educational agencies. Without a detailed
understanding of the English language and the application process, parents are not able to
help their children apply for financial aid.
The need for emotional support refers to parents being against their child’s pursuit
of a college education. This suggests that Mien parents currently do not fully understand
56
the value of a college education in American society. Male one, as previously quoted,
discussed the shift in his parents’ and grandparents’ attitude toward college when they
began to realize that a college education was valuable. This demonstrates that Mien
parents want their children to be successful, although many of them feel success comes
from finding a job out of high school and starting a family.
Female four expressed her desire for more academic support at both home and
school. She said,
Because my parents weren’t like able to help me when I got home with the
homework, if I had like other natural supports, or tutoring or something like that I
think I would have done better in school. Because I kind of skipped out of my
high school education I felt like I had to make up a lot in my college education. I
moved around a lot and I felt like the teacher spent a lot of time on sentence
structure and paragraphs my senior year of high school, not on like essays and
stuff.
This reflection on her experience illustrates a need for student support as well as parent
support. Female four explicitly states her need for more academic support, like after
school tutoring; She also mentions that her parents were unable to help her with her
homework. Parents’ inability to help their children with homework primarily stems from
a lack of education themselves, since many Mien parents only had basic education, or a
lack of fluency in English.
To more fully understand the experiences of these students, participants were also
asked about any racial stereotypes they encountered while completing their education.
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This question was informed by literature pertaining to Asian Crit and the model minority
myth. All but one participant responded either with positive stereotypes or with no
noticeable stereotypes.
TABLE 6
Perceived stereotypes
Participants
What kind of racial stereotypes (positive or negative) affected your
educational experiences?
Male 1
Male 2
Male 3
Female 1
Female 2
Female 3
Bi-cultural background, no obvious stereotypes
Asian students are supposed to get straight “A”s
Asians are the smart ones
Last to be chosen
None
Asian students are supposed to be smart, created a lack of needed support
because parents did not have academic background
Asians are smart in math
Chose a career in math and science because Asian students are expected to
choose those fields.
None
Female 4
Female 5
Female 6
Female three clearly outlined her thoughts on how race might have affected her
experience, as well as the experiences of her Mien peers. She explains,
Of course, with Mien being a minority, not many people knew about how
different it was from other Asian ethnicities. You would really only know the
difference if you were Mien…My friends thought that because I was Asian, I
was suppose to excel in everything and has parents who would get mad if I
didn’t get good grades. But being Mien was different. Many of us don’t have
parents who went to school back home in Thailand or Laos. As with other
Asian ethnicities, their parents went to school back where they came from and
58
really did understand the importance of school. And with many of us being first
generation Mien Americans, we did not have many people to look to when it
came to school.
This participant clearly outlines her experience with the model minority myth. Her
friends believed that because she was Asian, she would be innately academically
successful. This is problematic because, as she explained, many Mien students do not
come from homes where they can get academic help. This automatically creates more
obstacles for Mien students than their East Asian counterparts who come from homes
where their parents have the background that enables them to provide academic support.
The fact that Female Three was able to complete high school successfully and go on to a
university can be attributed to her personal resiliency.
Female four also described a kind of positive stereotype, although she did not feel
adversely affected by it. She stated, “Asian people are smart in math, but I was never
good in math. They probably assumed I was a good student, just because I was Asian
and a hard worker just because I was Asian. I think it was more positive stereotypes. I
didn’t feel like I had any discrimination growing up.” This is another clear example of the
model minority myth being present in the educational experiences of these students:
However, this participant did not relate the positive stereotype to having any negative
impact on her education.
Parent Interview
The parent interview was conducted with the mother of three of my participants –
female one, female two, and male three. She was a refugee from Thailand in the early
59
1980s, and has been living in California since the late 1980s with her husband, mother
and father – in –law and five children. She is also the grandmother of three children who
are in school currently. The questions she was asked focused on the California education
system from a parent’s perspective. She discussed budget cuts, Mien cultural norms,
gender roles, birth order, academic support outside of school and her dreams for
education in the future.
When asked about the differences between boys and girls, she discussed, in great
detail, the general rules in Mien culture as well as her own experiences. She explains,
It’s um boy and girl in our culture it’s really different. Because boys supposed to
be home get married, they’re not going to live with the wife family. The wife
have to live with the boy parent. Girl if they’re married they have to go out the
parent house they have to leave and go live with the other family…In here we
can’t do it anymore but they still want the boy to stay home with the family. In the
young generation, they don’t listen to it any more. Because they say, “oh we are
eighteen. We adult. We can do whatever we want to do because they grew up here
they know the culture from here, they say we don’t believe the old culture any
more. So most of the young kid, the young men, they don’t go with the old culture
any more. But like people my age we still because my in law, I still live with
them. When I married my husband, I only 16 years old. I was out from my
parents house and I lived with my husband since 1978…I grew up over there so I
have to respect the old culture but I see a lot of people who, even my age, move
over here and say no this is different country, we don’t have to respect our culture
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so we do what we want to do so we do what we want to do. But I still respect the
old culture and they still live with me to this day.
This idea of family illustrated clearly in her home. Her mother and father in-law sat in the
family room area of her house. Four of her five children were present, the eldest son and
youngest daughter both still living in the house. Two of her grandchildren were also
present in the house. This closely-knit family structure is important to take into
consideration when analyzing possible influences on Mien students in schools today. If
both parents and grandparents are present in many households, the “old” Mien cultural
norms will be more closely followed. For example, Mrs. Chao explained, “In our culture,
for like a girl, they have to marry when they are like eighteen years old.” Adherence to
this cultural norm could drastically influence a young woman’s decision to postpone
marriage and children for a college education if her parents and grandparents both believe
that it is essential for her to marry by the age of eighteen.
Mrs. Chao was also asked questions about Mien parents’ expectations for their
children regarding marriage and responsibilities to the family. Most of the responsibilities
for the family she discussed were for the older children in the family. She says,
When they grow up a little bit, they still have to help out the parents to take care
of the younger one. Not too much when they’re going to school; We can’t make
them, but when they’re home, we’re still asking them to help the parents. You
know how people, we have a lot of kids, so the younger one, they have to look out
for the big one. If the young one is not doing so good, they have to say, ‘oh my
sister or brother didn’t do the way you tell, so why we have to follow?’
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Here, she discusses the importance of the elder siblings setting a good example for their
younger siblings, as well as the expectation that the elder siblings will help care for their
younger siblings. This could create both negative and positive pressures on Mien
students. If they are expected to set an example for their younger siblings, they may be
more inclined to strive for academic success (i.e. good grades) and stay away from
negative influences like gangs and drugs; however, the pressure for having to help their
parents care for their younger siblings may make it difficult for adolescent students to
focus the necessary time and energy on their school work.
As alluded to previously, age also plays a factor in the decision to marry and start
a family, particularly for Mien females. Mrs. Chao explained the contrast between
American culture’s idea of the proper age to marry and the Mien culture’s idea of an
appropriate age. She states,
…In our culture, we don’t say, ‘oh you don’t marry too young.’ As soon as you
have your own family, the parent have a relief they can live by themselves, they
can support themselves. But in here it’s really different because you have to be 18
or older to get married. In our culture, you older than eighteen and not married
yet? Can seem like you old. It’s really different than this country. But right now
we can’t control any more. It’s up to the kids. If they want to marry young, we say
ok because we never say no to any age. If they feel like they become a young
adult they can take care of their family and have the old family, we say ok. We
don’t have any limit. But here I say everything is so different, we can’t use the old
62
culture to say oh you have to marry now, cause if you don’t you pass a certain age
you getting so old no one going to marry you.
This illustrates the cultural pressures described in some of the student interviews for
young people to marry and start a family right after high school. Although Mrs. Chao
acknowledges that they cannot follow old cultural rules (marrying before age eighteen) in
America, she also explains that if children want to marry young, no parent will caution
them against it. In dominant American society, it is generally accepted that young people
will be more successful in completing a college education if they postpone marriage and
children until after completing their degree. Mien cultural norms do not align with the
dominant American view and if Mien students follow Mien cultural norms and begin
families at a young age, they will have a more complicated and difficult experience if
they do pursue a college education. This concept is illustrated in the experiences of Male
Two and Female One – the two participants who had children in college. Male Two was
able to complete his degree, although he acknowledge the difficulty he had balancing his
college life with girlfriend and child. Female One attended community college for a few
years before dropping out because of the financial and emotional strain attending college
placed on her family.
As previously discussed in the analysis of student interviews, many Mien parents
do not have the academic knowledge or experience to help their children with school
related issues at home. Mrs. Chao reflects on her experience with her five children in the
following statement:
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When they were my kid bring home the note or the homeworks or whatever I did
not know what that means. I feel so sad because I don’t help my kid because I
don’t have any education. I have a lot of question want to ask the teacher but
could not, I could not ask because I not have the right word to ask them so it was
really hard for me to raise all these kid without the English. My oldest daughter
when she was like eight years old she try to help everybody in the house. She was
in third, or fourth grade. She try to help. When they bring home their school
lunch form, and we don’t know how to fill it out so my daughter learned how to
fill those out, like everybody was asking her, we live in the apartment, we have at
least fourteen or fifteen family live in the same area so everybody was can you
help can you help do this an t hat? I am so proud of my daughter because she the
one who learn to do that first. It was very hard for us.
This explanation illustrates two concepts. The first is that Mien parents want to help their
children, but struggle with language barriers communicating teachers and the school
district. Without the language necessary, it becomes virtually impossible for parents to
express their concerns or have their questions answered. Also, because the Mien are not
an officially recognized ethnic group, school communications are rarely translated into
Mien and so parents must rely on their children for translation of English materials. The
second concept this statement illustrates is the pressure that is put on the elder children in
Mien families. In this anecdote, Mrs. Chao relates the experience of her eldest daughter
who, at eight years old, was responsible for helping not only her family, but a number of
other families in the community, fill out school related forms.
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Mrs. Chao also compared her grandchildren’s school experiences to her children’s
experiences. She said, “right now my daughter raise their kid, when their kid bring home
homework they can help the kid do to their homework. So I think my grandkid should be
better than my kid because I feel sorry cause like I raise my kid they have to be like on
their own.” This statement expresses hope that the experience of future generations will
become easier as the Mien community becomes more educated and familiar with
American culture; However, if the majority of first generation Mien are only completing
high school, the probability that their children will complete a college education is
diminished (Hahs-Vaughn, 2004).
Mrs. Chao was also asked what she would like to see changed in the current
education system. Her request was simple. She would like formal classes available for
young Mien students to study their native language and culture. She expressed a concern
for language loss that many first generation Mien have experienced. She simply states,
“You Mien, you have to speak Mien, so if they have any like when they go to school, at
least they have the class, like 30 minute per period like learn to read or write Mien,
maybe turn out better so they don’t like forget who they are. Things can get done that
way, I think things would get done so much better. That’s the only thing I wish for.” This
concluding statement shows that, although Mien parents understand the need for English
to be able to navigate the complex education system, they also want their children to
maintain their first language. This emphasizes how important it is for Mien parents that
their children do not lose their culture and language.
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Chapter Five
Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
The Iu Mien were not immigrants; They were refugees. The distinction is
important when considering the specific challenges they faced in coming to a new
country. Many felt unwelcome in America, and as a result, limited their social circles to
include only other Mien. Because of this, many of the refugees did not learn English, or
learned only the conversational basics necessary for daily life in America. Many did not
have a chance for a formal education. This created unique challenges for their first
generation children.
The challenges Iu Mien students face in America stem from a lack of experience
in the education system, limited knowledge of the language necessary for communication
with teachers and administrators, and conflicting cultural norms. Their struggles are not
being addressed because the Mien are grouped together with other Asian groups such as
the Chinese and Japanese, that have been in the country for a much longer period of time
and are historically more academically successful. This grouping of data means that the
percentages related to income, test scores and education levels are elevated to show
Asians as the most well-adjusted and successful minority group. Because of this data,
most people do not realize that there are many different Southeast Asian groups, like the
Mien, that desperately need assistance.
Because Mien students are expected to perform at the high academic levels of
their East Asian peers, their struggles are often over looked by teachers and
administrators. Mien students are just expected to “be good at school,” because other
66
Asian groups of students are typically academically successful. If they are not
academically successful, they are labeled “lazy” or “problem students,” when in reality,
they just need the assistance that many other marginalized community groups (i.e. Latino,
African American) receive. The problem lies in the fact that Mien students do not have
the resources outside of school that they need in order to attain these high levels of
academic achievement.
In addition to a lack of resources, Mien students must navigate between two very
different sets of cultural expectations. Although many refugee parents are beginning to
understand the things that American society requires for economic and academic
advancement, there are still others who expect their children to adhere to the traditional
gender and birth order roles. To complicate matters further, many Mien households also
contain grandparents who typically adhere to the Mien culture more strictly than their
children do. This becomes problematic because American society is unforgiving when
determining who “has what it takes” to be economically and academically successful.
American culture values a college education. In order to get into college, students must
participate in extra-curricular activities, maintain a high GPA and be able to navigate an
extremely complex application process. If the more traditional Mien parents do not
encourage extra-curricular activities, the students’ college application becomes less
competitive. If students do not have anyone at home who has the linguistic skills or
educational background to help them fill out applications for school and financial aid, it
also puts them at a disadvantage. In addition, if Mien students are not getting academic
67
support at school because they are believed to already have the necessary skill set to be
successful, their GPA might not be as high as many universities require.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The Mien are a resourceful people. Within one generation, they have raised their
literacy rate dramatically and the majority of first generation children have completed
many more years of education than their parents were able to; However, individual
resourcefulness is not enough. Mien students and their parents need more support than
they are receiving. Within the past ten years, there has been a surge of research that
examines disaggregated data on Southeast Asian populations, bringing their unique
challenges to light. This is a step in the right direction, but the research needs to be
continued in greater detail. Often, Southeast Asians, particularly the smaller groups like
the Mien, are studied in conjunction with other groups instead of on their own. In order to
understand fully the cultural differences and needs of Southeast Asian students, data
needs to be further disaggregated and widely disseminated to educational institutions.
Educational institutions, particularly K-12 schools, need to be made aware of the
struggles Mien students face. When armed with this knowledge, it is the belief of the
researcher that schools will begin to try to give these students more assistance, if only to
raise test scores. Mien are classified as Asian, whose test scores are historically high;
However, many are also classified as English Language Learners, whose test scores are
historically low. If presented with test data that separates Mien students from their East
Asian peers, it seems plausible that administrators would see the benefit for providing
68
these students, and other Southeast Asian students, with more academic support in order
to raise the test scores that are increasingly driving instruction in American schools.
In addition to receiving more academic support at school, Mien students would
benefit from emotional and academic support from their parents at home. Parents need to
be equipped with the resources that would enable them to provide this support to their
children. First, information about the importance of college in American society should
be more readily available in the parents’ primary language. Since many Mien parents are
not literate in their primary language, audio or visual communication would be extremely
beneficial. Personal narratives of Mien students who have successfully completed college
and begun careers would be particularly useful examples for Mien parents to understand
the necessity of higher education in American society. Secondly, communications from
schools also need to be provided in a method that Mien parents will be able to
understand. This is complicated, because there are very few Mien translators available. It
is the belief of the researcher that even without translators, if Mien parents felt they were
welcome to ask their child’s teacher questions, there would be an influx of parental
participation in school activities. This means that teachers must take the first step in
removing the barriers that are currently in place, making Mien parents feel that they have
nothing of value to offer at their child’s school. This could be done in multiple ways. The
simplest of which might be a home visit, or face-to-face meeting with a translator if
necessary. Inviting parents who have expertise in agriculture or as community leaders to
speak in a classroom is a more complicated, but extremely valuable way to make parents
feel more welcome and valued in the education system.
69
It is the belief of the researcher that if these simple procedures were put in to
place, Mien students would begin to excel dramatically. As a group, they have already
proved immense resiliency under difficult circumstances. If some of these difficult
circumstances were lessened and Mien students had an opportunity to more easily access
support at school and at home, many more young people would continue from high
school on to college.
70
Appendix A
Survey Questions
1. What is the highest level of school you have
completed or the highest degree you have
received?
Less than high school degree
High school degree or equivalent (e.g.,
GED)
Some college but no degree
Associate degree
4. In high school, I was a member of clubs or
sports
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Bachelor degree
Graduate degree
2. In high school, I felt like school was
important.
5. In high school, I struggled academically.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
Neutral
Disagree
Agree
Neutral
Strongly agree
Agree
Strongly agree
3. In high school, I had positive relationships
with teachers.
6. In high school, I associated with other Mien
students.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Agree
Strongly agree
71
7. In high school, my parents had high standards
for academic achievement.
10. In high school, my family participated in
cultural activities (church/temple, ceremonies,
traditional holidays, etc).
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
8. In high school, I had a family member or other
trusted adult I could confide in.
11. In high school, I spent the majority of my
free time with my friends.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
9. In high school, I had academic support (help
with homework, etc) at home.
12. In high school, I spent the majority of my
free time with my family.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Neutral
Agree
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
13. In high school, I held a paying job.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
72
14. In high school, I got good grades (3.0 GPA
or higher)
18. In high school, many of my friends planned to
continue on to college.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
15. In high school, my family expected me to
graduate high school.
1. In college, I had a consistent group of friends.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
16. In high school, my family expected me to
continue on to college.
2. In college, I had a positive relationships with
teachers, counselors or other faculty.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
17. In high school, my friends thought school was
important.
Strongly disagree
3. In college, I was a member of clubs or sports
teams.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Neutral
Agree
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
73
4. In college, I struggled academically.
8. In college, I had academic support (help with
homework, etc).
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
5. In college, I associated with other Mien
students.
9. In college, I participated in cultural activities?
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
6. In college, My parents had high expectations
for my academic achievement.
10. In college, I felt guilty for pursuing higher
education.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
7. In college, I felt like school was a part of my
life that was separate from my family life.
11. In college, I felt supported emotionally by
my family.
Strongly disagree
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
74
12. In college, I had a paying job.
Strongly disagree
15. In college, I had to work to support my
family.
Disagree
Neutral
Strongly disagree
Agree
Disagree
Strongly agree
Neutral
Agree
13. In college, I got good grades. (3.0 GPA or
higher)
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
Strongly agree
16. In college, my family understand the need for
higher education.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
14. In college, I had to work to support myself.
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly agree
75
Appendix B
Questions (Student Experiences Interview)
High school
1.
Describe your experiences at school in high school with your friends and teachers.
2.
What kinds of responsibilities did you have at home when you were in high school?
3.
Was culture something that was a large part of your life during your high school years?
4.
How do you think your culture impacted your educational experiences?
5.
What was your parent’s attitude toward school?
6.
What were your friends’ attitudes toward school?
7.
How did your gender or birth order relate to your experiences in high school?
College
1.
In college, where did you live?
2.
How did your responsibilities to your family change when you began college?
3.
What was your parent’s attitude toward college?
4.
What was your friend’s attitude toward college?
5.
How did your cultural involvement change from high school to college?
Education in general
1.
What kind of racial stereotypes (positive or negative) impacted your educational experiences?
2.
Is there anything you wish you could have changed about your educational experience?
76
3.
Is there anything you think would have helped you be more successful, or made your experience
easier?
77
Appendix C
Questions (Culture Interview for Parents)
1.
How do you feel about the California education system?
2.
Are there any conflicts between Mien cultural norms and the California education system? If so,
can you explain them?
3.
Are different things expected from boys and girls? If so, can you describe the differences?
4.
How does birth order effect expectations from children? Are different things expected from the
oldest child?
5.
For Mien parents, how important is it for their children to marry? How important is it for their
children to start families of their own?
6.
For Mien parents, which of the following is most important: family, career, education?
7.
When your children were in school, how comfortable did you feel talking to their teachers or other
staff at the school? Can you describe your experiences?
8.
If you could describe the ideal life you would want for your child, what would that look like?
9.
What do you think your child would have to do to achieve that life?
78
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