閱讀心得報告
班級：休閒碩研一甲 姓名：張微羚 學號：MA0B0210 日期：2012 年 5 月 8 日
文章名稱 ：休閒行為的生命週期
文章主旨： 本章節提到老齡化不僅是一個生物過程。年齡也可能被視為另一個社會背
景影響休閒，換句話說，是某一年齡帶來了一定的經驗。在這一章中，將年齡作為一個
社會背景和對休閒行為的影響研究這個問題。在這章節也探討人們的生活休閒貢獻的穩
定性和連續性是否會隨著年齡的增長而有所影響？
關鍵字： leisure, Development, life span, cohorts, life course
主要觀點：
1. Development is not completed when one leaves adolescence. For most it is a
process that occurs over the entire life span and applies to nearly all areas
of human behavior.
2. Ekerdt (1986) points to the emergence of a "busy ethic" among this group,
an action orientation that "legitimates the leisure of retirement, defends
retired people against judgments of senescence, and gives definition to the
retirement role" (p. 243).
3. Hormuth (1984) found that being transferred to a new location because of a
job is likely to be seen as an opportunity to reinvent oneself to some extent,
to try on new hats and establish some new relationships and activity patterns.
4. Studies like that of Gordon, Gaitz and Scott (1976), which compare different
age groups on their frequency of leisure participation, are called
crosssectional studies because they assess types and rates of participation
across different segments of society, age being just one criterion used to
classify people (gender, race, social class, geographic location are
examples of others).
5. With respect to developmental studies, age group differences, especially if
they show a linear progression, make it tempting to assume that getting older
leads to the difference or "change" observed, whether positive or negative.
6. Consider wars and economic depressions; if a group of adults experienced the
loss of economic resources when living through a depression, it is likely
that their activity patterns will be affected accordingly.
7. They may be less willing to abandon themselves to immediate gratification
and self-indulgence than those who grew up with relative economic security
(again, for more on this point see Elder, 1974).
8. By repeating measurements on multiple cohorts over time it is possible to
sort out the sources of group differences and if there are changes associated
with aging (Baltes, Cornelius & Nesselroade, 1980).
9. More detailed qualitative and quantitative studies of specific age groups
could help in more fully elaborating the circumstances and experiences of
a given age cohort and contribute to the understanding of age-related changes
in leisure behavior and experience.
10. An evolutionary perspective on this age-related difference is that younger
cohorts need to be flexible and adapt to whatever changes the social
environment demands of them, while older generations are responsible for
providing stability and security in a constantly changing environment so that
the young can experiment and change, and hopefully survive and prosper
(Brendt, 1978).
11. The authors concluded that the "tendency to seek novelty through new leisure
activities declines with advancing life stages, whereas the tendency to
maintain stability through old and familiar activities increases with life
stages" (p. 243).
12. As Iso-Ahola and his colleagues (1994) point out, in later life the "need
for novelty may be satisfied within a narrower scope of activities" rather
than by expanding the repertoire and replacing discontinued activities with
new ones. "Need for arousal manifests itself differently at different life
stages" (p. 245).
13. Change in leisure can occur not just by taking on new activities and/or
dropping old ones (between activity change). Change can occur in the style
or way that people engage in long-time favorite leisure activities—that is,
change can occur within activities (see Iso-Ahola, 1980a).
14. The question is of special interest to managers who plan for recreation
resource use, marketers who want to know to whom their promotions should be
targeted and caregivers who seek clues for stimulating leisure interests in
older and disabled individuals.
15. Depending on the rules researchers use to decide if leisure behaviors engaged
in at different stages in life are the same activity , it is estimated that
40 to 80 percent of adult leisure activities have a close equivalent in
childhood activities.
16. McGuire and Dottavio (1987) looked for evidence of abandonment, continuity
or liberation in outdoor recreation participation among respondents in
different age categories that spanned the adolescent to adult portion of the
life course.
17. The investigators found that though the continuity pattern was the most
dominant, the abandonment pattern (where activities are consistently given
up), and the liberation pattern (where people freely chose new activities)
also existed at each life course stage.
18. These results led Searle and his associates (1993) to suggest that other
factors besides age need to be examined to help explain these patterns.
Clearly the biological and normative social context factors associated with
aging are not the only factors that affect the frequency of leisure
participation over the life course
19. Researchers need to develop a better idea of the factors that lead some people
to quit an activity and not seek a replacement or add to their repertoire
of leisure activities while others do quit one activity and start another.
20. The notion of change often seems to be associated with growth and development,
adaptation and well-being; but in the context of aging it may be the extent
to which a person maintains her or his sense of self in the face of change
that marks successful adjustment; resisting change in some respects may mean
keeping a sense of integrity.
21. Too much consistency and stability are stultifying, and variation, novelty
and change become necessary for personal growth and development.
22. they are useful to consider because they alert researchers and service
providers to what it means to grow older by breaking up the life span into
identifiable stages based on the major i s and challenges faced by many people
as they age and take on new roles and responsibilities.
23. Models that distinguish between stages based on the psychological issues or
challenges faced by individuals are referred to as life span models while
those that emphasize role-related changes that occur in contemporary society
are referred to as life course models.
24. influences on aging include those that are biologically programmed into human
beings (ontogenetically determined), those that are predictable and
normative in a particular culture at a particular point in time, and those
that are unpredictable life events but nonetheless seem to affect behavior
in predictable ways.
25. Changes and development in adulthood, however, appear to have much more to
do with differences in normative and "unpredictable" social influences.
26. These vary from culture to culture and also depend on immediate social
circumstances that vary from individual to individual. Thus, stage theories
that link change and development to specific ages would seem to be
considerably less relevant in explaining adult behavior than children's
behavior. Nevertheless, there are stage theories that continue to be regarded
as useful in representing adult development and aging.
27. Erikson's (1963) model were considered in the previous chapter, but Erikson
argued that predictable changes do not end with the transition from
adolescence to adulthood.
28. Those people who have been able to resolve the identity crisis of adolescence
are faced with the next challenge of having to establish intimacy with another
person orother people, particularly once they have left their childhood home.
29. the priority for people in their twenties is to spend whatever free time is
available to them with a significant other (Brehm, 1992). Often, the activity
is irrelevant as long as "you are with the one you love.
30. Erikson argues that generativity becomes an issue as a person approaches
middle adulthood, and at this time productivity and contributions to society
become priorities.
31. Reminiscence can be done alone—as a kind of life review—or more casually
with others, but in either case it can reinforce continuity and contribute
to a sense of integrity (Parker, 1995).
32. Levinson et al. suggested that these "seasons" involved alternating periods
of structure building and structure changing throughout the adult life course.
These processes are similar to the ideas of stability and change discussed
earlier.
33. Midlife, in particular, drew the attention of Levinson et al. as a time of
significant change. They found evidence of what they called "deillusionment"
where the goals of earlier adulthood were likely to be reconsidered in light
of current realities.
34. Levinson and his colleagues' terms, Carpenter (1988) found that the builders
perceived more freedom than the changers. Apparently, the loss of structure
and the relinquishing of some commitments can also create a kind of confusion
that requires a considerable amount of energy and attention.
35. Nevertheless, the "midlife crisis" that many people report—80 percent of
the Levinson et al. middle-aged subjects demonstrated "tumultuous struggles
within the self and with the external world" (p. 199)—is based on a growing
awareness of their mortality that would naturally predispose them to make
the most of the time left to live.
36. Neugarten (1977) noted that as people are "growing up," they think of their
age as time since birth, accumulating maturity as they accumulate years.
37. In a study of newly married young adults, Kelly and Masar (1970) found that
marriage brought an increased interest in some activities such as gardening,
and a decreased interest in others including going out socializing and
drinking.
38. there is evidence that in working class communities, the experience of
distinct stages and transitions is less common than in segments of the
population with more education (Giele, 1980).
39. Family and work role changes are also likely to dictate changes in behavior
a Many writers and researchers have spoken of the compromises in lifestyle
that having a family brings.
40. In one study (Orthner, 1976), it was found that in only the first and last
phases of the family life cycle did shared leisure enhance marital
satisfaction, and those are the phases when children are the least demanding.
41. To the extent that young adults find themselves heavily involved in
establishing work careers, they may not want to stray too far from those tasks
that will insure progression toward getting established and are thus likely
to choose recreation and leisure activities that complement work roles or
compensate in some useful way.
42. To the extent that young adults find themselves heavily involved in
establishing work careers, they may not want to stray too far from those tasks
that will insure progression toward getting established and are thus likely
to choose recreation and leisure activities that complement work roles or
compensate in some useful way.
43. Though researchers have been able to theorize about leisure in relationship
to predictable changes in priorities and role requirements over the life span
or life course, the question of what value leisure has in the course of aging
remains to be more fully addressed.
44. Leisure involvements must be considered in terms of their relationship to
developmental tasks and the needs for social integration and adaptation to
social change.
45. High-investment activities in particular offer new directions for the
development of competence and social integration, and these have been found
to be particularly important to life satisfaction (Kelly, Steinkamp & Kelly,
1987; Mannell, 1993).
46. Individual inclinations and interests based on needs, attitudes and
personality dispositions interact with the social context associated with
a given age to direct behavior, leisure activities included.
心得摘要：
休閒在人們的生活中是不可或缺的，自兒童到老年階段都會有著不同的休閒活動。休閒
不只是活動參與，他更是經由休閒活動的參與讓人們從中得到對自我認同及完整感。
文章中提到家庭以外和那些需要體力消耗和高強度的參與完成的活動表明：隨著年齡的
增長呈負相關最高。儘管它可能是年紀越來越大，帶來了某些不可避免的變化。老年人
經歷不同的歷史時期，所以他們有著一定的經驗。隨著年齡的增長，人們仍然有刺激和
挑戰的需要，其中休閒情況，變得更加重要了。