EU Nonproliferation and Disarmament Conference
Dr. Sameh Aboul-Enein
Brussels, 4 February 2012
Disarmament and Nonproliferation in the Middle East: The Way
Forward
I. Introduction
1. Thank you for inviting me to speak today on nonproliferation and
security in the Middle East. I think this topic is of utmost
importance given the transformational changes underway in the
political landscape in the Middle East. The "Arab Spring" will,
without doubt, change existing fundamental dynamics and will
have significant implications on the political and security setting
of the region. In particular, we need to closely follow the
unfolding of political developments which are changing almost on
a daily basis and discern their impact on nonproliferation and
security in the Middle East.
2. On that note, let me add the word "disarmament" to the title of
this session, because security in the Middle East will not only be
achieved through promoting nonproliferation, but more
importantly through disarming those who possess weapons of
mass destruction and play a central role in aggravating an arms
race in the region.
II. The Arab Spring and disarmament
Let me start however by making a few remarks on the Arab
Spring. I believe the “Arab Spring” will have a significant impact not
only on domestic issues, but also on disarmament:
1. Arab governments will become more accountable to their people
and youth. Foreign policy will become more in line with domestic
aspirations and a reflection of popular sentiments.
2. Public opinion will play a more significant and prominent role in
the formulation of disarmament and security issues.
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3. The parliament with its foreign affairs, Arab affairs and National
Security committees will be an important variable in foreign
affairs. Security will be at the forefront of foreign policy issues in
the Arab World in which nuclear issues are expected to receive
considerable attention.
4. Issues such as Israel’s non adherence to the NPT, the
establishment of a Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons in the Middle
East, the unfolding of the Iran file and its complexities, and the
encouragement of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy are
issues which are expected to be considered seriously during the
years ahead.
5. In this respect, let me outline several issues which are on the
regional agenda pertaining to disarmament and nonproliferation
which merits our consideration:
III. The Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in the Middle East
One of the main issues which will be at the forefront of security
issues will be the issue of the establishment of a nuclear weapon free
zone in the Middle East. Egypt places great importance to the
upcoming review NPT cycle 2010 – 2015 which follows the adoption of
a comprehensive Final Document and concrete Action Plans, including
the Action Plan on the implementation of the Middle East 1995
Resolution, at the successful Review Conference of 2010.
1. The Middle East remains a highly volatile region troubled with
protracted conflicts and the acquisition by states of such
weapons can only contribute to greater instability, aggravate
tensions, and lead to an accelerated arms race in the region. It is
imperative therefore to complete the implementation of existing
regional nuclear weapon free zones and work actively to
establish zones free of WMD, particularly and most urgently in
the Middle East. This issue must not be treated as "business as
usual," simply because business is no longer as usual.
2. The issue of establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East must not
be allowed to remain an endless endeavor that drags on without
achieving concrete results on the ground.
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3. Since the NPT Review and Extension Conference in 1995 and
the adoption of the Resolution on the Middle East, this year we
will have for the first time a significant opportunity to embark on a
process that would lead to the establishment of such a zone.
This is an opportunity which we must capitalize on. The 2012
Middle East Conference to be held in Finland, as called for by
the 2010 NPT Final Document, will be a milestone of paramount
importance to achieve this objective.
4. The Conference should not be viewed as a "one time event," but
rather the beginning of a process that should culminate in the
adoption of a legally binding treaty text with concrete measures
as efficient verification and accounting regime under international
auspices.
5. The free zone in the Middle East could contain the following
technical provisions:
 Dismantling and destroying existing or remaining nuclear
weapons capabilities, facilities, and devices under international
verification mechanisms.
 Renouncing nuclear weapons through refraining from
conducting indigenous development and activities related to
nuclear weapons.
 Prohibiting stationing of any nuclear explosive device on the
zone.
 Prohibiting nuclear explosive testing in the zone.
 Using nuclear materials and facilities for peaceful purposes
only.
 Placing all nuclear facilities under comprehensive IAEA
safeguards.
 Establishing the necessary relevant institutions and
mechanisms/entities to uphold such a zone free of nuclear
weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and address
the issue of verification to identify the role of the IAEA and other
relevant organizations within such a zone.
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6. The participation in the Middle East Conference should be
inclusive. The conference should include Israel, Iran, and the
members of the League of Arab States, as well as the nuclear
weapon states and other relevant international organizations.
There is also a need to determine the criteria that will be applied
to allow observers to participate.
7. In this respect, the Secretary General of the United Nations, and
the three states depositaries of the Treaty have been entrusted
with the responsibility of convening the conference, in
consultation with all states of the region. The role of the facilitator
Jaakko Laajava from Finland is one that is very much
appreciated in this process.
IV. Other NWFZ examples
1. In our attempts to provide a framework for a NWFZ in the Middle
East, it would be beneficial to reflect on the treaties of other
regional nuclear weapon free zones such as the Tlatelolco,
Rarotonga, Pelindaba, and Bangkok Treaties. Despite the
contextual differences between these zones and the Middle East,
these treaties nevertheless can provide us with guidance when it
comes to formulating the technical, institutional, and scientific
dimensions related to a weapon free zone.
2. The examples given by other regional verification regimes such
as EURATOM and ABACC are equivalently important to
consider.
3. The recently held Forum in Vienna by the IAEA last November
was useful in this regard. Several constructive proposals, made
at the Forum, could be taken into consideration such as taking
stock of the importance of declaratory policy, in particular,
declarations of good intentions, and identifying specific and
practical confidence building measures.
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4. These were preliminary ideas for the Zone, but in addition to that
there are other topics such as the NPT which have a direct
bearing on the security of the region.
V. The NPT and Security in the Middle East
1. The fundamental role of the NPT must also be reinforced in order
to achieve nuclear disarmament in the Middle East. Nuclear
weapon states cannot expect non-nuclear weapon states to
indefinitely tolerate a situation where they are threatened with
nuclear weapons, either by NPT states or by those outside the
treaty. This is why the issue of NPT universality is a pressing
issue. Nuclear disarmament in the Middle East should also take
place within the efforts made to implement the steps leading to
nuclear disarmament as agreed in the 2000 and 2010 NPT
Review Conferences. On that note, and pending the full
implementation of the unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear
weapon states to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear
arsenals, the NWS should undertake further efforts to reduce and
eliminate all types of nuclear weapons, deployed and non
deployed. There is a need to diminish the role of nuclear
weapons in security doctrines and further enhance transparency.
The Middle East should not be an exception in the Global Zero
campaign.
2. The right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy is another central
issue. We need to reaffirm the inalienable right for the peaceful
use of nuclear energy and oppose additional restrictions on the
peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We need to respect each
country's choices and decisions in the field of peaceful uses of
nuclear energy and undertake to facilitate the fullest possible
exchange of equipment, materials, scientific and technological
information for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Particular
attention should be given to non nuclear weapon states parties to
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the NPT, taking the needs of developing countries in particular
into account. Countries should work to facilitate transfers of
nuclear technology and international cooperation among state
parties in conformity of Articles I, II, III, and IV of the NPT.
3. On issues related to compliance, it is essential to support the
calls to ensure strict compliance with the provisions of the
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty; compliance with the NPT is
critical to strengthen the treaty as a main pillar in global
disarmament and nonproliferation. However, compliance with the
treaty's provisions should not focus solely on nonproliferation
issues, which tends to be the inclination of some States, but
rather compliance with all provisions of the treaty which include
nuclear disarmament (Article VI) as well as those pertaining to
the inalienable right of state parties to the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy (Article IV). State parties to the NPT need to
ensure that all treaty members are in strict and complete
compliance with the provisions of the Treaty and if there are
unresolved issues that need to be clarified, such as the case with
Iran, countries should ensure that such issues are promptly
resolved in order to safeguard the efficacy of the nonproliferation
regime.
4. In preparation for the upcoming NPT Review Cycle, policies
aimed at shifting the balance of priority to nuclear
nonproliferation against nuclear disarmament represent a
concern. I have a profound conviction that nuclear
nonproliferation and nuclear disarmament are equally important
priorities and mutually reinforcing processes each
complementing the practical value of the other.
VI. The NPT, the Middle East Zone 2012 and the role of NGO’s
1. In the upcoming NPT review cycle, we need to encourage the
participation of non governmental organizations from the Middle
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East. They provide opportunities to present constructive ideas
and initiatives which could be helpful in achieving global
disarmament. There is a necessity to encourage and recognize
the important role played by civil society, research centers, and
think tanks in contributing to the implementation of the 1995
Resolution on the Middle East and the NPT Final Document
Action Plan 2010.
2. I believe that the 2012 Conference and the process that follows
should be inclusive to allow a more genuine, candid and
necessary
interaction
about
nuclear
disarmament,
dismantlement, nuclear roll-back, transparency, accountability,
and verification. There has not been an interaction for many
years and all opportunities that exist to make this happen should
be utilized. Representatives of civil society and academic
institutions who can inject valuable perspectives, as well as build
bridges between our communities, should be invited to help
foster a better understanding of the ME Zone process.
3. The role of the EU Non-Proliferation consortium is welcomed in
this respect to engage with vision with their counterparts in the
Arab world.
VII. Conclusions
1. In conclusion, it is worth recalling that key successes included
South Africa's historic decision to dismantle its nuclear weapons
and join the nonproliferation treaty, decisions by Brazil and
Argentina to roll back their nuclear programs and create a
bilateral verification agency, and the decisions by Belarus,
Kazakhstan, and Ukraine to transfer nuclear weapons back to
Russia after they seceded from the Soviet Union. The actions by
these states to give up nuclear programs and weapons deserve
greater recognition and acknowledgment, for they set an
excellent example for other states with weapons and military
nuclear programs to follow.
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2. I believe it is imperative for countries to realize how dramatically
the regional context has changed. This in turn, requires
modifications in the behavior and approach of many. What was
possible and acceptable before, may not necessarily be plausible
or tolerable today. There is a need to adapt to the changing
realities on the ground and realize that the current approach to
security needs to be reviewed. The establishment of a zone free
of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction
can safeguard both regional and international peace and security
at this critical moment.
We have an opportunity ahead of us. Let’s not miss it.
Thank You
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