[[1]]
Darjeeling
October 20. 1848 *1
My dear Father
I wish you could have been with me this morning & seen the motley group of natives
arranging with Campbell & myself the preliminaries towards my trip to the snows. -of various tribes colors & callings such as one rarely sees any of & still more rarely
all together: I must however begin at the beginning & tell you that Campbell has at
last wrenched a reluctant assent from the Rajah of Sikkim to my visiting his snowy
mts. In my last I informed you of his having returned a rude & flat refusal to Ld.
D[alhousie]'s request in[sic] my behalf: & also of his having stationed 80 men at one
pass, & 25 at two others, to intercept my exit from our territories into his, where his
intentions were to capture my serv[an]ts: but lay no hands on myself: these
Campbell insisted on being withdrawn, under penalty of dismissing the Rajah's
representative (giving the Ambass[ador] his letter in short) & they were so.
C[ampbell] also gave the R[ajah]. 8 days to consider about change his mind or have his
conduct reported to head quarters with recommendations for condign punishment.
Ten days past & no word, when the R[ajah]'s agent, or minister if you will, (Vakeel is
the technical term) was told that should no message arrive before the coming post
horn the letter to Lord D[alhousie] should be sent.
[[2]] The answer was that advices had arrived to the effect that permission was given
provided Dr C[ampbell]. pledge his word that this should be my only visit & that a
similar request should never be made hereafter. Such conditions were peremptorily
rejected as not only derogatory in the highest degree, but insuring me the worst
reception. They were again dismissed in disgrace to read their advices again, which
they did & returned this morning with unconditional permission. This was followed by
a long lecture on the impropriety of their conduct; the danger they had been in
offending our government, & wound up with a comparison of their conduct with that
of an independent power the R[ajah]. of Nepaul [Nepal], who had sent to Darjeeling
an officer & guard to escort me in Nepaul, with instructions to provide me with
carriage for my traps & food for my people.
All this was a curtain affair of course, as it would not have done to let the Ghorkas or
others witness our scurvy treatment by the Sikkim Rajahs Emissaries. The latter no
doubt had their instructions from the first to deliver the rude refusal & if that
answered the purpose good & well, if not to propose the other alternative seriatim &
if defeated in all to give in with as bad a grace as might be. This hard & disagreeable
work over we
[[3]] all met in the verandah & the Salaams passed between myself & the characters
to whom I should have liked to introduce you. First there was the Rajah's Vakeel a
portly tall & muscular Thibetan [Tibetan], clothed in a long red robe like a cardinals,
looped across down the middle, & round his neck & down his shoulders hung a
rosary. His face was not strongly Chinese at all, stern, grave & stolid, thoroughly
obstinate & impracticable: thin lips, a good chin, flat thin arched nose & narrow
nostrils, high cheek bones & forehead cold grey eyes & handsome brows -- no beard
or moustache & a nut brown but not bronzed complexion: his years must be above
60 & his hair was thin scant & grizzled -- a stiff black scull[sic] cap with high brim
standing up all round & rather set off the repelling look he maintained. Taken to
pieces he might be described as a funny mixture of the old woman from his
beardless face, the Lama priest from his dress & Rosary; & lively well do to[sic]
Landsman deported from some Swiss canton to resist to the uttermost the demands
of a dangerous neighbour power. Unflinching during under opposition & unscrupulous
in makeshifts, of the always the bear, often the bully, ever the sturdy opponent of the
overtures of his antagonist even when designed for his own good. These qualities
together with an unblushing effrontery & consummate
[[4]] skill in fabrication, & a large interest in the monopoly of Sikkim trade, rendered[?]
him a fit tool for the Rajah. Beaten at all points he has to give in, & then he stands
showing neither sulks nor smiles, just respectful enough to avoid censure & no more.
A real character stands at his elbow an little old withered Thibetan, leaning on his
long Bamboo bow, simply clothed in a woollen robe, his long grey hair floating in the
wind; not bowed with age, of mild expression & stone blind: he is a Seneschal to the
party devoted to his country, & the companion of Rajah's deputations to the Political
agent of the powerful government whose advances his master rejects. When he
speaks, & this is very seldom (& as it is always in his own half Chinese tongue which
no Englishman can interpret it) the brother[?] of his story passes from tongue to
tongue -- he is evidently the oracle of the party: his placid looks & grey hairs would
lead me to confide in him & address him as Father: but I have a grim suspicion that
his views narrow as his years grown on, that he was bereaved of his best & brightest
sense before our power showed itself in these hills; & that his crafty companions
have taken advantage of this & done no more than leave him in the dark as to our
deal. Power to punish but wish to reward & encourage.
[[5]] The attendants upon these, the Rajah's representatives, (& their own for being
holding a a large sharer in the monopoly of the Sikkim trade, the Vakeel has more interest
than his master in excluding strangers), were short, stout, thick-set Bhoteas, clad in
purple worsted dressing gowns fastened round the middle by a belt, bare headed &
footed very dirty & ill favoured with--all. Next companions to these are my Nepal
guards, just arrived to accompany me to the Nepal frontier & conduct me from
thence: The Havildar, (corporal I believe) is a small fine boned man with little hands & small
wrists & ankles, of the Kawass tribe, who boast descent from the Rajpoots & are generally
in Nepal the slaves of the Rajah's body, sometimes soldiers, & more rarely rise to the
rank of gentleman. He looks business like & trusty, is very handsome, swarthy with
small moustache, broad forehead, bright open eye, good nose, handsome mouth &
small prominent chin -- a pretty little turban sits nattily on his head, of black, woven with
silver thread & the numbers of his corps worked in silver on front, right over it a red
mark on his forehead which represents his caste amongst Hindus. The coat is a
loose rover like jacket -- of purple with silk braid in front, over a white undergarment
of cotton, open down the left right breast & exposing his chest & long neck. A checked
cummerbund is twisted folded many times round his middle from his nether garments,
which are short, loose & broad -- what with his jaunty dress, careless air & roving
eye he would pass for a sea freebooter -- (out of Coopers *2 novels for instance but less
mannered & theatrical & more real than the trailed out coxcombs of that author, who
are the prototypes of Mr T.P. Cooke, rather than real fire eaters). The Ghorkha
Sepoys are immense fellows, stout & brawny, of curious cast of feature, heavy
jointed & rather small eyed: they wear small linen skull--caps over their long carefully
combed & jet black hair, which falls hangs in heavy folds down the side of the head:
they wear, too, scarlet loose jackets, very light & gaudy, with a cookery stench & the
cummerbund & heavy iron sword at their side. It would take pages to describe the
various groups of bystanders; mild Lepchas in striped cotton, long naked--limbed
Ghorkhas, of model muscle & saucy air; & Bhoteas of all shades of Chinese feature;
& Bhootanese [Bhutanese] or subjects of the Dhurma Rajah, being with one another
in rags, dirt, hideous ugliness & quaint ornaments; some deeply scarred with small
pox & the pits such receptacles of blackness that their visages looked as if peppered
with duck--shot -- most have turned up eyes, very prominent cheek bones projecting
baboon mouth & large teeth: nearly all are of villainous countenance, of singularly
low forehead & bad cut of head; the predominance of the animal propensities (vide
the phrenologist) being well displayed from the
[[6]] custom of clipping close the hair. These cis Himalayan Bhooteas whether of
Sikkim, or worse still of Bhootan [Bhutan], are as uncouth a race (short not to be of
savages like the Australian or Fijian) as I ever beheld. A little sprinkling of Hindus &
Musselmen chiefly our servants with the above comprises the native oriental population,
amongst them all were Mrs Campbell's beautiful children, holding by our hands & as
indifferent to the wild races about them as an English child scared by the sight of an
English beggar man.
And now I dare say you will be ready to ask, what confidence I can expect to repose
with, reasonable prudence is such a gauge -- & this is easily answered. I take no
money, & my plant papers & instruments are poor plunder. The people, though so
averse to foreigners, do neither rob nor injure: were they inclined to, the Rajah's
power over his people & his mortal dread of us, would be a sufficient protection.
Further I have the Nepalese guard before whom for my shame they must be polite &
attentive & in whom as acting under the orders of their Gov[ernmen]t. The most
implicit reticence may be reported for the Ghorkas when under orders or in confidential
employ is the soul of honor & of politeness too. Lastly as they will not get a rup[ee] of
pay till they bring me back safe & what they will receive then will be a fortune to
each, they will consult their own interests as well as mine: so I expect devoted
service from my guard: for it is their pride to devote themselves under such orders &
auspices; compromises will form what Lepchas I may take; passive obedience from
such of the Rajah's men as may accompany me, perhaps a little obstinacy &
presumptuous interference at first & incidence, which I can better check with ridicule
& exposure before the Ghorkas than by any other means -- The Bhootea porter will
keep one eye on me & the other on the Rajah's men & serve both masters if they
can.
My great aim is so to conduct this attempt that it may be followed by another
attended. & to avoid suspicion. This will be difficult. Sikkim: for the first few marches I
shall make few or no observations except of barometer &c in my tent: the only explanation
they a a Bhotea can harbour of which is my desire to take the country. In Nepal I may
do as I like the Ghorkha having no orders to stop my observing : but in Sikkim I
cannot touch a stone or pull a plant without disturbing the Gods, in other words
exciting suspicion. I go however ostensibly as a Botanist & I will warrant that before 2
days are over every man jack of them will be collecting for me. I have always found
frankness & openness good policy with any nation, especially if
[[7]] combined with a reasonable amount of personal vanity which I abundantly possess & pre
assumption of superiority, & above all a liberally flattering opinion of the people
openly expressed.
The Sikk Rajah's people just offered attendants carriers & porters & then withdrew
the offer; which I am glad of, as the latter will be my own people & have a double
interest in behaving well: they after some hesitance give me a guide, he looks a
good man enough & Campbell has seen him repeatedly, he is to accompany us in
Nepal too if I like & this will depend on what sort of servant I find him: I have no fear
of managing one & all when the Rajah's own myrmidons are out of sight, for the
natives like us & profit by our advances.
My route for 5 marches nearly due N[orth] of this, to the foot of Kinchin
[Kanchenjunga] crossing 4 or 5 mountain ridges running E[ast] & W[est],& each
some 4 -- 6000 ft I suppose divided by as many broad narrow rapid streams. I then
ascend Kinchin to a village called Jongri on the S[outh] W[est] face of the Mt & about a
days march from the perpetual snow, the latter I presume about 15--16000 ft &
perhaps Jongri 12000. Thence I strike W[est] crossing barren spurs of K[inchin]., till I
come to one enormous spur, which runs south & is the boundary of Sikkim & Nepal.
There will be neither firewood or brushwood on these 3 marches from Jongri to
Nepal frontier, here the Ghurkha guard becomes my guard & I descend
considerably, going N[orth. W[est]. over valley ridges from Kinchin & Valleys some bare &
some wooded, for 4 days or so, till I reach the Kangliachem pass to Thibet [Tibet], I
have no expectation of crossing the ghat, the season is late coming to the heavy
rains & snows. (the Ghorka guard may say with truth "I shall compromise our
gov[ernmen]t by allowing you") the Rajah of Sikkim will probably have informed the
Lhassa authorities & placed guards there & finally he himself has a property at the
back of Kinchin which he would not like me to see.
On the second March from this Darjeeling I am on ground untrodden by any European &
I expect it will be very curious to trace the limits of vegetation on the narrow successive
parallel ridges I cross in pushing straight on to the enormous snowy mass in front,
which must modify the climate of the ridges progressively as I approach it. From the
last valley at the base of K[inchin]. & above the Jongri & beyond I shall trace vegetation from
the forest region to perpetual snow. From thence W[est]. I shall there will be spur after
spur of K[inchin]. to cross all reaching nearly the perpetual snow. In Nepaul I shall
again reach vegetation but soon again to surmount it at the Kangliachem pass.
I hope to start on Wednesday & be away 30 days, there may be opport[unity] of
writing by travellers "en route" to Darj[eeling].: if so I will write you, if not you have
nothing to fear & none to be disappointed. I cannot tell you how comfortable I feel at
the prospect of realizing the fondest dream I ever harboured as a traveller& botanist.
After all my toils with Lord D[alhousie]. -- tickling Campbell -- bullying the Rajah -- I
have been pooh poohed by one party, looked on as a visionary as[sic] another & a
very useful tool
[[8]] by a third, who say you have not a ghost of a chance yourself of getting gov[?] &
Rajahs permission, but you will prepare the way for a future. Lord Auckland,
Campbell, Falconer, Hodgson, worst of all Sir Herbert Maddock. Hodgson tried all
his friendships & they are most intimate, to move, all looked on with no hope some of them giving
me the comfortable assurance that all my efforts would do good though not to
myself. Sir H. Maddock luckily went to Ceylon *3, had he got Lord D[alhousie]s ear it
would have been all up. He has now returned to be President in Council in Lord
D[alhousie]'s absence. -- Campbell has certainly fought the battle well, with great
forbearance & firmness & is now as thoroughly devoted to me as it is possible to be.
Mrs Campbell is rummaging *4 her larder & storeroom for my comfort; making a veil
for my face & providing me with fleecy hosiery &c. Certainly C[ampbell]. has fought
from behind the Ajaxian shield of the Gov[ernor]. Gen[eral]. the tone of whose letters
shows as kind an interest in me as determination to forward my views & C[ampbell]
has also had a heavy rowel in the shape of your teasing son himself. However I take
your good motto & "never look the gift horse in the mouth". Though C[ampbell]s
original neglect is still a mystery, nothing can exceed his zeal & ardour in my cause
& we have been great friends ever since he threw off his political mask the
assumption of which of which before me, in my position, was in the last degree
ridiculous.
Now I have written you a famously egotistical letter, we bargained for unreserved
correspondence & you see I fulfil my promise -- I only beg that you will make not
public any of it which holds in it such bright prospects of success towards the snow:
in which if I am disappointed much chagrin will accompany my reverting to the
contents of this same letter. I never mention Bentham, Harvey, Berkeley &c in my
letters, nor have written to them. I still intend to but know that you freely
communicate all such intelligence as this is, & as from me -- my affectionate regards
to them all. Also please send this to Darwin who as not being a botanist you may
forget -- Best love to all yr most aff[ectionate] son J D Hooker [signature]
P.S. *5 The Sikkim authorities men now object to the Ghokha guard, & are silenced
by being told that they are my men & that I won't leave them in the lurch. This
shews[sic] what I expected that the presence of the Ghorkha is a grand check.
My Lepcha servants are crazy to go with me -- I refused them on account of the
expense. I cannot permit their importunity; they are such good creatures & their
desire shews[sic] that perfect confidence[sic] in me & my movements is the feeling
amongst the natives -- I have given in & bought blankets & warm clothing for 6 of
them.
ENDNOTES
1. A note written in another hand records that the letter was received "Xmas day
1848".
2. Author, James Fenimore Cooper.
3. The country formerly known as Ceylon is now called Sri Lanka.
4. The address of the recipient appears here as the letter would originally have been
folded in such a way that it formed its own envelope. The address reads: "via
Southampton | To | Sir W. J. Hooker | Kew | Nr London."
5. The post script is written in the margins of pages 5, 6 and 7.
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