“BUT, OH, HOW OUR DADDY HAS CHANGED!” ARCHIVAL ENTERPRISE IN THE TRANSMISSION AND PRESERVATION OF KNOWLEDGE by David B. Gracy II Governor Bill Daniel Professor in Archival Enterprise School of Information University of Texas at Austin Early in the career of New Mexico artist Peter Hurd, two brothers from a poor, Hispanic family begged him to paint a portrait of their father. All three of the men had worked for Hurd; this was something special Pete could do for them; and so he invited them to bring their father to his studio. They couldn’t. He was dead. That was the reason they wanted Pete to paint a picture of him. OK, bring me a photograph, Pete offered. They couldn’t do that either. One brother had had a small photograph that he carried in his billfold, but after learning that his girlfriend had jilted him, in a rage he had thrown the wallet into the Hondo River. It and the photograph were long gone. With neither the man nor a photograph, Hurd didn’t see how he could paint a portrait. But Pete, each brother begged and pled (Hurd mimicked the accents, speech, and emotion of the two brothers impeccably as he told me the story during an oral history interview in the late 1960s, giving his telling a depth mine cannot begin to match)—but Pete, each brother begged and pled, you knew our father; our family wants a picture to remember him by; and you paint pictures of people. Please! Well, as he painted, would they help him recall their father’s features? Oh, yes, they would. So it was agreed. 1 Hurd began by drawing a standard oval for the face, then sprinkled it with dark pock marks he recalled the weathered father having. Didn’t the father usually wear a blue shirt, Pete asked, and sometimes a red bandana? Si! Good, adding these would save having to include personal features of the neck. As brush stroke followed brush stroke, the brothers sat in a far corner of the studio sharing a jug of tequila. As the jug emptied, their memories blurred. Thrown ever more on his own recollections, Pete found himself giving his subject a rather generic potato nose, a heavy mustache to cover the mouth, dark eyebrows over basic shoe-button eyes, and a head of heavy black hair obscuring the ears. Done at last, Pete signaled to the brothers to come see. By then unsteady but euphoric, the brothers stared at the canvas for a moment in silence. Then in unison they exclaimed: “Pete, oh, Pete, that’s our daddy. That’s our daddy all right. But, oh! how our daddy has changed!” The emotion driving the creation of this record of a life and the energy the three men in the studio invested in generating a document through which to continue to know the father as personally, faithfully, and fully as they were capable under the circumstances makes the answer to the question of how we keep knowing through archives, including pictorial reminiscences as this one—makes the answer to the question of how we keep knowing through archives fundamental to the existence of humanity itself. While, as was the case with the portrait, archival enterprise may play little part in the creation of what becomes archives, its role in how we keep knowing through archives is not only significant but likely formative. By “archival enterprise” I mean the dynamic delivery of the archival service to 2 society. The archival service consists of providing the inexhaustible well of source material from which society’s memory is fashioned and continually reviewed, elaborated, and debated. On the surface, this memory is knowledge of historical developments from genealogical lines to the circumstances and trail of presidential decisions, and all of human activity in between. More immediately, this memory provides for an efficiency in the administration of affairs by making possible construction of historical context to inform decisions. At a deeper level, it undergirds continuity in society from generation to generation. To play their role, archivists need answers to two fundamental questions. What does society in all of its dimensions want to continue to know of and from former periods, events, and figures, and for what purposes? Contributing to the answer for the archivist are responses to the related questions of: What does contemporary society want successive generations to be able to know of it? And, within what parameters does society allow and provide for the archivist to function? Input comes from a variety of voices, including those of employers and users of archives such as historians, philosophers, and genealogists, and from the collective voice expressed through legislative mandate. As one must expect, the question has been answered differently in different times. In the straightened economic period of the Great Depression, for example, the interests of society, and correspondingly of historians, focused on economic motivations and solutions to social problems. Archivists responded by working to increase the knowledge and availability of the kinds of documentation that users of archives sought. When history 3 was defined as events of long ago, then acquiring old documentation met the need. Neglected was that of more recent origin which, in the march of time, any thoughtful person must have realized would achieve a hallowed age. In our time, for another example, in light of the litigiousness of our society, central to our approach to documentation is consideration of it not just as potential historical source, but also as evidence. Finally, at the outset, I need to observe that though from a distance archivists share a mindset and play a singular role in how society keeps knowing, within our ranks, variations obtain that are grounded in the setting in which we work. Archivists in academic environments that prize the freedom of exploratory research enjoy an independence in promoting the continuing of knowing that colleagues laboring in private organizations whose archives undergird competitive advantage cannot. The remarks that follow express the general archival outlook which, as reflected in the Code of Ethics of Archivists adopted by our Society of American Archivists, radiates the continuation of knowing as a raison d’être. DEFINING “THE RECORD” Of the few basic questions to which archivists need answers in order to be able to deliver the archival service to society, the most immediate and important is defining what is “the record,” that is, the object that archivists work to preserve for contemporary use and to transmit to successors for subsequent generations of users. Put bluntly, what are archives and with whom does the authority lie both to say that something is archives and if it is, 4 that it will go into an archival repository to be available for continuing knowing? As archivists define the term in 2008, archives at their most fundamental are bodies of papers and records including some or all of communications as letters and emails, formal arrangements as contracts, personal treasures as photographs and diaries, acquired contemporary items of information as clippings and posters, financial accounts as income tax filings and significant receipts—bodies of papers and records of a person or organization (a “creator,” archivists call the entity). More specifically, archives are that portion of the documentary record of the creator judged to have a value extending beyond that of satisfying the purpose or matter in the conduct of which and for the purposes of which they were created. That value lies in the fact that archives are a particular kind of information— records information—information generated in the conduct of affairs for the purposes of either or both facilitating and/or documenting those affairs. Throughout all of the past two-hundred-plus years—the period we define as being that of modern archival practice—the term “archives” has not been used as broadly as it is in 2008. For the first half of the period, the term archives designated the records of government. Earlier in Europe than in America, the term was expanded to designate additionally the records of nongovernmental organizations. Since 1965 and publication of T. R. Schellenberg’s Management of Archives, the definition been has expanded to its fullest breadth to designate also the papers of individuals. For me, archives are that portion of the records information of a creator—any creator, whether individual (any one of you) or organization (government agency as 5 the Office of the Governor, or business as the Union Pacific Railroad, or entity as the Episcopal Church)—judged to have enduring value. Of course, the term further denotes buildings that house and the institutions that manage these archives, as well as the total of holdings of the archival institution in the archives building. So the archives of Texas can mean at one time any or all of: the records of an agency of government, the total of historical records of state government, the department of state government responsible for performing the archival function, and/or the edifice east of the capitol where these records are kept. Good luck! But at base, and the way you should first think of it, archives are that portion of the records information of a creator judged to have enduring value. Normally for archivists working in collecting archives, by which I mean archival repositories that seek and acquire the papers of individuals and the records of organizations from outside of the institution of which the archival repository is a component—normally the decision of what archives (papers or records) should have a place in the repository is that of the archivist. It is so with the Modern Politics Archives of the Cushing Library here at A & M, which acquires the papers of politicians, as former Texas House Speaker Billy Clayton, who had an association with the university alright, but whose papers as House Speaker were not created in the conduct of administrative functions of the university. The papers were not obtained for the purpose of documenting the history of the university. Archivists working in administrative archives—repositories charged to handle the records of the organization of which the archives is a part, as the Texas State Archives is responsible for the archival record of state 6 government—archivists working in administrative archives decide what documentation will or will not go into the archival repository only within parameters established by policy makers at the highest level of responsibility for the organization. In Texas, for example, a special law gives the governor the right to place the administrative records of the governor’s office, the highest office of state government, not only outside of the Texas State Archives, which until passage of the law was designated as the repository for state government records of enduring value, but also outside of the jurisdiction of the State of Texas itself, as long as the records are housed within the geographical boundaries of the state. The administrative archives archivist, in other words, normally possesses less authority to designate what is “the record” than his or her counterpart in a collecting archives enjoys. For both, though, delivery of the archival service to society, empowering our ability to know richly, depends at the beginning from the authority to determine what is the record. WHAT DOES SOCIETY WANT TO CONTINUE TO KNOW AND FOR WHAT PURPOSES? In its breadth, what people want to know is unbounded—as extensive, broad and narrow, deep and shallow—as there are people wanting to know something, information about which or of which can be found in archives. Though documentation of genealogical descent, land ownership, medical history, legislative history, and political, economic, and social history among others commonly comes to mind, University of Georgia Archivist Gilbert Head tells of the occasion when a person came into the archives and asked simply to see the oldest old thing he had. A map, a letter, a diary? Gilbert 7 asked in an effort to determine what sort of document would best serve the purpose. Just really old, came the reply. Gilbert fetched a document centuries old—a map as I recall—and laid it before the visitor. After studying the document closely, the person stood erect, looked Gilbert in the eye, and remarked: “Uh huh, that’s old,” and walked out. To know the course of affairs, History broadly defined (knowledge of people, events, periods) is the motivation most would offer as the reason it is important to have archives to preserve and transmit knowledge. Beyond knowing for knowing’s sake, knowing so as to belong—to be part of something larger than one’s self—and to appreciate one’s place in time by knowing one’s roots, brings many to archives. Knowing so as to be able to create a track record motivates the members of groups who visit the Texas State Archives in association with legislative sessions for the purpose of justifying why historically it is time for their groups’ causes to receive attention. Patriotic motives drive the keeping of archives, especially the establishment of archives by organizations that reach anniversaries and discover that to celebrate the occasions, they need archives to document the accomplishments they have realized since the beginning point. Reference to archives to inform contemporary decisions in organizations forms the administrative class of motives for keeping, preserving, and transmitting archives. Study of its archives helped the Coca Cola Company turn Sprite from an earlier failed drink into one of its staple products. Symbolism is the fourth class of motivations for having and using archives. Newspaper accounts of the opening in 1998 of the archives of the Inquisition quoted scholars calling the act a symbol of the Vatican “turning the page” in an effort 8 to clean its image. Protection is a motive for keeping and using archives. The records of county school superintendents in Texas were used extensively in the 1950s and 1960s by individuals born before Texas required registration of births who, upon reaching the age of eligibility for social security, needed some government record to document their age. Finally, in a democratic society, archives undergird accountability of governments and organizations to their constituents.1 THE ROLE OF ARCHIVAL ENTERPRISE IN THE PRESERVATION AND TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE Against the high-minded reasons society wants to have archives, the stereotypes people reference from movies and the media when they think of archivists and archives could lead one to conclude that the basic contribution of archivists to the continuation of knowing is simply that of keeping— keeping records—and doing it with a minimum of exuberance, given the 1 For more than forty years, the Public Information Act in Texas has asserted the right of citizens to have access to records of government. But the exceptions have affected access to archives. Specifically the exception that documents bearing the signature of a physician are closed (the rationale being to protect personal information) kept from the public access to muster rolls of troops raised for the Spanish-American War, though the physician’s signature only certified that the men were fit for duty—nothing more specific than that. In this case, enactment regarding information society wanted to withhold from being known prohibited the archivist from being able to facilitate knowing information that in documents lacking the signature was not a matter of privacy and thus would have been legally available. Once again, in the government environment, the archivist’s role in facilitating knowing is circumscribed by a higher authority. 9 number of times one hears archives described as “dusty.” That there is more to it than esoteric technical matters seems to confound people. Typical is the conversation of one archivist friend who was asked what he did by a nextdoor neighbor he saw infrequently. Larry replied that he was an archivist. Seeing that telltale blank look that escorts saying one is an archivist, Larry explained that his job as an archivist for the state was to determine which government records had enduring value, secure them into the archives, arrange and describe them to facilitate their use, and then assist people in finding in them the information they sought. Radiating this new knowledge, the neighbor brightened and blurted out: “My, you must have to get up awfully early to do that!” While keeping may be the most obvious, and certainly is important, anyone can keep—oversee storage. The archivist’s real and most substantive contributions lie elsewhere. What you have seen so far is, first, that the documentation in bodies of papers and records that become archives is created to accomplish contemporary business of the creator, in other words is not brought into existence to be history. This is what makes archives the bedrock source that they are for any kind or sort of historical inquiry. Second, as archives, the documentation is searched for details of events, decisions, personalities, and periods past for myriad purposes; use is not confined to any one or a few kinds of historical study. These two facts being true, the job of the contemporary archivist must be to identify, secure, prepare for use, and facilitate use of archives so that the ability of every user (present and future) to know from the archives is facilitated equally and none is impaired by actions taken to support the opportunity of others. Preserving that 10 characteristic of association with the events of which the records were a part and facilitating equal access (which requires transmission of that characteristic into the future) are the challenge of the archivist. In regard to preservation and transmission in the pursuit of continuing to know, archivists face the challenge particularly in three phases of their work: appraisal (determining that portion of the documentary record that has enduring value), organizing, or in the archivist’s vocabulary, arrangement of the documentation taken into archival repositories, and taking action to extend its life—preservation in the profession’s vocabulary. APPRAISAL Many would argue rightly that in determining what portions of the entire documentary record have enduring value and are appropriate for preservation and transmission, archivists have their greatest affect on how we continue to know. Whatever archivists do not select will never be available. Recognizing that they have no crystal ball empowering them with certainty in regard to what portions of the documentary record will be useful into the future, in the best of all possible worlds, archivists would exert as light a touch as possible in making such life or death decisions. But the volume of hardcopy documentary record created in the twentieth century, matched with inadequate space in which to store it has forced the need for selection. That being true, archivists have sought to structure their conduct of appraisal in as formulaic a manner as possible in order to minimize the likelihood of personal preference pressuring professional judgment. 11 Seeing the problem, some have argued to me that the simplest solution is to leave the decision to the next generation. After all, it will have insight we lack. But, I answer, we are the next generation, and we have the problem here and now of too great a quantity to fit into too small a space. Decisions must be made, and no group is more informed regarding the issues and considerations than archivists. The job is ours. The first solution to the problem Hilary Jenkinson of the Public Record Office in Great Britain offered in 1922 in his Manual of Archive Administration. Whatever the creator of the record kept because it continued to have potential use for the creator in conducting affairs of the creator was that which should survive was the elegantly simple solution Jenkinson proposed. His rationale, born of conflict between his historical training in medieval history for which every document that survived opened a window and the reality that the conduct of World War I had generated records in a volume and many of a facilitative character such that preservation of them all was neither practical nor desirable, saved the archivist from making any choice. If the creator ever allowed anticipated use for historical study to influence what was kept, then the creator’s decision was void. Jenkinson’s solution continues to anchor one side of the continuing and animated debate over appraisal methodology. Survival-of-the-Fittest this approach has been styled. American archivists argued the reverse. The volume of government records they confronted upon creation of the National Archives of the United States in the mid 1930s, a century and a half after the founding of the country, was staggering. The three million cubic feet were enough that, placed two 12 boxes deep on shelves fourteen feet high, they would have covered more than seventeen football fields. American archivists could not indulge the luxury of a hands-off approach. They developed an elaborate range of factors to consider in reaching appraisal decisions, including such seemingly straight forward categories as: age, time span, representativeness, uniqueness, place in the records-making process, and intrinsic value. In the end, though, choices were made as much, if not more, on their best understanding of needs and likely uses by historians as themselves. The criteria in fact could back arguments both to destroy and to preserve, since important ones were paired, as: completeness and concentration (the extent to which all the records were present as against how much significant information was contained in the volume of paper); evidential value and informational value (the depth of evidence of administrative functioning of the creator in relation to the richness of information on matters other than departmental management). Because microfilm provided the capability of capturing in considerably less physical space records that in their original likely would not have been accommodated, they did utilize contemporary technology to avoid as much disposal decision as they could. In the end, though, their judgment about the records as research resources left the decision being one primarily of personal perception informed by as many considerations as could be applied. Valuein-Use this approach has been styled. The Survival-of-the-Fittest and the Value-in-Use approaches shared one important assumption—that the archival record was the documentation which had survived, however it occurred. The assumption fit the confinement of administrative archival operations for which both were shaped. For 13 collecting archives which gathered the papers of individuals and records of organizations from outside the institution of which the archives was a part, the Value-in-Use approach had led to a distinct emphasis on papers of prominent figures (men especially) and commonly studied institutions, such as political parties and churches. Missing from their shelves, collecting archivists came to realize, was documentary record of entire communities of activity and categories of people. The documentation movement of the 1980s sought to correct that—to expand and enrich the social coverage of the archival record. The documentation strategists set out to document, as the term was and is, peoples and communities in domains of society previously sparsely represented in archival repositories. Domains of society they defined in a number of different ways, including by geography (Western New York State), by movement (evangelical religion), and by group (physicists). Since the volume of archives produced by all the creators within a domain multiplied by times the quantity an archival repository faced when proceeding one body of records at a time, the documentation strategists accepted that selection had to be made. To be systematic about it, they seized on the concept of representativeness. Within the defined community, they would select for accession into their archival repositories the archives of individual men, women, institutions, and organizations that most fully documented the type of which they were deemed to be good examples. Study of the historical development of the community grounded this representativeness. To keep the choices they had to make from becoming any more severe than necessary, 14 they sought to arrange a consortium of archives for each domain in order to accommodate more of the volume. Documentation strategists looked beyond the traditional in terms not only of communities but also of documentation. Helen Samuels in Varsity Letters (1992), applying documentation strategy to a single large institution, a university in her case, asserted that rather than starting the appraisal process with records that existed as a result of the functioning of the institution, the archivist should study the history and purposes of the institution sufficiently to identify the basic functions of the organization, noting especially those that produced few, if any, traditional records. In the case of the university, such functions included, for example, instruction and conducting research. The documentation produced by researchers and by teachers and students is (in large measure) personal to the individuals involved, rather than being administrative records of the institution. Where functions as these were found, she argued, the archivist should actively seek to document the activity in their realms by conducting oral history interviews and/or collecting documentation that lay outside of the regular administrative channels. This, along with the records obtained through the normal channels, would result in a more representative documentary record of the institution. Functional analysis this approach was styled. In a subsequent stage of appraisal, all bodies of archives accessioned into the archival repository would undergo traditional value-in-use appraisal to ensure that they possessed a sufficiency of information for the space they consumed. If the first appraisal were more formula driven, the second one 15 engaged the archivists’ unique knowledge of the records needs and desires of each of the creators and users built up through long contact with each group. When the functional analysis elaboration of the documentation strategists was applied in the government realm, where the volume of hardcopy records continued to mushroom, the approach reached the bazaar end that selection of records for archival preservation could be made without ever looking at the records themselves. By identifying the functions of government and the principal concerns of society, under the theory of Macroappraisal, the archivist could locate the points within government where the two met and find there those records out of the total, uncontainable mass the securing of which would yield an adequately representative selection. In theory, the role of the archivist in determining the archives that belonged in an archival repository had become one of selection by theory rather than by inspection. Inherent in all of the appraisal formulae since Jenkinson was the assumption that selection was necessary, and in all since the value-in-use adherents that representativeness was the best the archivist could hope to do in documenting the domain of society which the archivist’s repository served. The search continues for formulae which, as fully as possible, accept that choices must be made, which remove from the appraisal decision all the personal bias possible, which account for all of the records in the volume which exceeds both space to house them and manpower to inspect them all, and which provide a system that achieves as even-handed and defensible a selection as possible. 16 Upon reflection, you will note that none of these considerations specifies that the purpose of appraisal is to provide documentation to support historical research. The goal of the contemporary archivist and his or her predecessor of at least a generation is and has been to preserve evidence of the functioning of creators—individuals, institutions, and organizations within society. When Illinois State Archivist Margaret Cross Norton articulated this for the first time in 1929, she was received with stony silence. Appraised as of the greatest value in collecting archives some eighty years ago were caches of documents anticipated to be sought by users in order to write history. The documentary record was searched more for its informational value—the content of documents for use in historical writing—than for its evidential value—how it documented its creator. As the emphasis has changed, so the work of appraisal has developed a more formulaic patina overlaying the continuing utilization of value-in-use considerations at the individual archives level. And as long as value-in-use considerations are applied, archivists will continue to struggle with the challenge of minimizing personal preference while engaging their best professional judgment in determining the documentation that, in light of their decision, will and will not be available for those wanting to continue to know. In the electronic environment, by comparison with that of paper, the minimal cost of storage and the minimal physical space required for servers on which to maintain the documentation suggest that we can save everything and eliminate the need for appraisal. After all, the computer can find in fractions of a second, say among the 40 million emails of the Clinton White House, what could take considerably longer when working through hardcopy 17 files of that volume of memos, directives, drafts of reports and position papers, and so on. Be that as it may, in the electronic environment appraisal may be the least challenging work facing the archivist. Maintaining the functionality, and thus authenticity, of electronic records through time presents challenges in organization and preservation the resolutions of which will affect materially how we continue to keep knowing through records information. ARRANGMENT In organization of archives—“arrangement” in the archivist’s vocabulary—the archivist strives to harmonize respect for the salient character of archives as the documentary record of the creator, and more than that, as an artifact of the creator, with the need for a uniformity in the approach to arrangement and subsequent description of both the arrangement and the content. Two fundamental tenets guide the work. First is the principle of respect des fonds which charges the archivist to respect the integrity of (that is, to keep separate) each body of archives—for example, the papers of each of you. Though the papers of each of you document the common experience of this conference, each of you contextualizes it differently in light of your own life, work, and experience. Those differences, not to mention the full breadth of your life, exist only as your archives is preserved as the product and reflection of its creator. This principle was established in 1841 in reaction to the problems that arose from treating each document received by the archival repository, no matter its creator, as the basic unit of archives and 18 to organization of the individual documents following the principle of pertinence, that is in regard to the subject (rarely is there just one in, say, a letter) to which the content of the document pertained. Second is the principle of provenance or, as many call it, original order. Established in the 1880s, this principle commands that the organization of the documents within a body of archives—the arrangement fashioned and used by the creator—be retained. As you well know, the date something first occurs and the date after which its application becomes common can be years or decades apart. Uniform adoption of original order took a half century in the Texas State Archives. In putting people to work during the Depression organizing bodies of archives, the state archives employed chronology, simpler even than pertinence because it requires no analysis of content. For the Nacogdoches Archives, documentation of administration of the farthest northeastern flank of the Spanish empire, abandoning original order produced one salient benefit—preservation. Absent knowledge of the date of any event occurring between 1736 and 1836, the user had only a single strategy for searching the records—dive in at whatever date seemed likely according to the subject of inquiry and begin wading backward and forward in time hoping to strike the information sought. Hardly anyone used the records. A consequence happy for extending the life of the documentation, this thwarted the purpose for which the records were kept at all—use. The circumstance points up starkly one of the archivist’s greatest challenges in preservation and transmission of knowledge in hardcopy, which is the conflict between use which contributes, 19 however slowly, to deterioration, and preservation, a principal pillar of which is reducing handling. For records, unlike the Nacogdoches Archives, that arrive at the archival repository in disarray, the archivist, as you by now anticipate—the archivist strives to provide an order as reflective as possible of the life, work, and actual filing system of the creator. Standard in this endeavor, the archivist studies the life and activity of the creator, immersing himself or herself in the mind that shaped the archives so as to fashion an organization that orders the documentation effectively relative to the matters with which the creator dealt. So it happened after the staff of the United Textile Workers of America Southern Regional Office in Memphis mentally transferred the enthusiasm I expressed for the excellent organization in which I found the records in the file drawers—transferred it to the containers in which the records were housed. Believing that my effervescence over the wonderful transfile cases that functioned as individual file cabinet drawers, but more importantly could be shipped as was to the archives, meant that somehow they—the transfile cases—contributed meaningfully to the good organization of the files in them, the staff in packing the records to travel to the Southern Labor Archives in Atlanta unceremoniously dumped the records into other containers for the trip and saved the transfile cases to reuse. We spent a year ferreting out every hint of filing systems in order to recover as fully as possible the organization employed by the office, which arrangement conveyed information of its own about the manner in which the office conceived and conducted its work. 20 Regarding organization of the documentary record in the electronic environment, a significant contribution to knowing, that is, to finding desired information among 40 million email messages, for example, is a means of relating communications where threads departed from subject lines that characterized only the original message and in which different authors used different terminology for the same matter. Global searches alone do not ameliorate the need for some structure. PRESERVATION Preservation presents a set of challenges all its own. As the term is used in 2008, preservation at base means extending the life of the archival material for the purposes for which it has been received into the archival repository. In some cases, this means ensuring the continued existence of the original document—for example, the Texas Declaration of Independence. In others, it means maintaining only the information in the document (such as through a microfilm copy) and disposing of the original. As with archives, the definition and the work of preservation have not been static during the past two hundred years. For Thomas Jefferson, preservation meant publication. Jefferson sent off original documents to be published and bothered little whether they ever were returned to him. Published, they were preserved. Innumerable copies both ensured the continuing existence of (the information in) the document and greatly reduced the possibility of it being surreptitiously altered. Through most of the twentieth century, with the volume of records skyrocketing, with the cost of preparing print editions increasing, and with archival repositories being 21 created in large numbers after World War II to support research—for these reasons in the twentieth century, saving of the originals in an archival repository replaced printing as the optimum means of preservation of the archival record. In the electronic environment, one cannot help but wonder whether Jefferson’s method may gain new life. For twentieth century hardcopy archival records, the first preservation decision to be made is whether the thing whose life is to be extended is the information alone (in which case, a photographic copy—microfilm, photocopy, or digital) would suffice, or is the information and its carrier together, in which case emphasis falls particularly on the carrier. Preserving the original of the 1876 constitution of Texas, for example, means attending the paper, the ink, and the binding. Several circumstances necessitate preservation of the information and its carrier: where any question exists whether the item is a forgery, such as in the case of the questioned de la Peña account of David Crockett’s death at the Alamo; where the item has great public interest, such as the Texas Employment Commission form completed by Kennedy Assassin Lee Harvey Oswald; and where destruction of the documentation stands to call into question the motive for its destruction, which occurred following supposedly routine disposal in Canada of records of German war criminals living in the country.2 Terry Cook, “‘A Monumental Blunder’: The Destruction of Records on Nazi War Criminals in Canada,” in Richard J. Cox and David A. Wallace, eds., Archives and the Public Good: Accountability and Records in Modern Society (2002). 2 22 Regarding documents judged to have intrinsic value, that is, to be important in their original, archivists have tried to adopt the dictum of conservators, those professionals equipped with a deep knowledge of materials chemistry and dexterous hand skills who treat documents so that they can be used without compromising either their integrity or their continuing existence. The dictum is to do nothing that cannot be undone. Though this sounds cut and dried, it is not always so, and treatment that technically can be reversed can, at the same time, impede knowing. At mid twentieth century, lamination was the new, well researched and highly recommended solution for strengthening and protecting flat paper. By melting acetate, the process sealed a document between two sheets of Japanese tissue. One of the documents in the Texas State Archives so treated was the brightly colored first rendering of the flag adopted in 1839 as the national banner of the Republic of Texas and subsequently as our state flag. Condition of the document did not warrant the treatment, but enthusiasm for new solutions to on-going problems, the application of which might somehow eliminate the problems, always can be seductive. In the case of the flag drawing, its authorship, and thus authorship of the design of the flag, was and continues to be disputed. Study of the chemistry of the colors might yield information pointing to one or the other of the two claimants to authorship. Removing the lamination requires chemical treatment. With no way to test the effect of acetone on the colors to ensure that the treatment will not harm them, possibly vital information lies not out of view, but out of reach. Pursuing the best of preservation intentions, archivists can severely affect our ability to know, specifically to know something new from something old. 23 Where in the electronic environment, preservation may appear to be the least of the archivists’ work, in fact it is among the most important. Essential to the concept of records information is the relationship between the document and the action of which it was a part. More difficult in the electronic than in the paper environment is maintaining the functionality of the record—that is, the look and feel of the context in which it existed—and the operability of the record—that is, the ways in which the document could be manipulated and used. Especially is this true for electronic documents composed of text, image (still and moving), sound, and links to information objects existing beyond the control of the document in question. If the existence, or even the functioning, of any of the components is lost, the “original” document no longer is what it was. CONCLUSION Well, the role of the archivist in preserving and transmitting records information to serve the end that humans can keep knowing is, to say the least, challenging. Competing prescriptions tug the archivist in different directions. One calls on the archivist to manage each archives (documentary record of a creator) in a manner that maintains the documentation as much as possible as the creator generated, filed, and used it. The archives is an artifact of a unique life. Sustaining the association of its components with the events of the creator’s life in which the documents were generated provides a common foundation for creators and users alike consulting the archives to achieve knowing. Not a century ago, though, arrangement by pertinence or chronology was the prescription. Another calls on the archivist to make 24 choices as to value—deciding what should and should not, will and will not become part of the documentary record of society. Still another calls the archivist to hold himself or herself as far from affecting the context in which the user finds the documentation as possible. Yet as humans maintain their papers and records in greater or lesser conditions of order, to bring disordered documentation to a level of arrangement that facilitates navigation between and among the units of documentation of an archives requires the archivist to make decisions he or she can make only by engaging his or her judgment— best professional judgment to be sure, but his or her judgment nonetheless. Inherent in the work we prescribe as appropriate or inappropriate, ethical or unethical in the conduct of preservation and transmission of knowledge lies another fundamental question, the answer to which is the most important of all. It is this: in our role contributing to the continuation of knowing, are we archivists mediators of meaning—middlemen or middlewomen, servants of those who make meaning—or manufacturers of meaning, substantially affecting the options open to those who come to the documentation in our repositories so as to make their own meaning? How much of the change in daddy is of our doing and how much of the doing of others? The answer cannot help but be: some of both. Principally in appraising and selecting archives and secondly in the methods employed to preserve and transmit the singular resource of records information, archivists occupy a position in which they both influence and strive as much as possible to avoid skewing the meaning those who come to archives derive from using the documentation. As great as the challenge may be in terms of the ethics of any action, at least the ethics to which we ascribe are a matter of record and 25 thus always available for reference. Where the problem looms largest is in the mindset of the times in which we live—that unconscious outlook that influences if not guides our decisions. The most important personal job of the archivist must be always to ask these questions and then to try to get outside of himself or herself to answer them from as detached a position as any human could achieve. If civilization is fashioned from the collective experience of human beings, then archives, which document experience as it was gained, must be principal to it. Playing a role supporting civilization can be daunting as well as invigorating. Which is the greater of the two is the decision of each archivist. But, as they say, somebody has to do it—has to play the role—for without it, civilization ceases to exist. For me, there is no more significant role to be played. In other words, if I were an artist, I would have done just as Peter Hurd did when the two brothers came to him. I would paint away! 26