Prevention of Gender-based Violence in Haiti:
Moving Away from the promotion of negative normative frameworks
of rape as a common practice among criminal gangs to men and boys can take action to
prevent violence…
I.
Description of the challenge using the theoretical tools learned in session
1. Brief Background:
In 35 seconds the earthquake in Haiti caused devastation on a scale never seen before, with
consequences for years to come (Jan 12, 2010). The earthquake struck the heart of a nation that was
struggling to emerge from years of instability and recurring, destructive natural disasters, political
instability and poverty.
Addressing gender-based violence (GBV)1 in Haiti is a significant challenge. Long before the
earthquake, GBV was recognized as a major problem for girls and women. Common forms of
GBV in Haiti include sexual assault and rape (including child sexual abuse and politically- and gangmotivated sexual violence2); domestic violence ranging from emotional abuse to physical assault and
rape; sexual harassment; commercial sexual exploitation; trafficking in women and girls; exclusion
from social benefits and other forms of discrimination.3
GBV is defined in the Interagency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in
Humanitarian Settings, 2005 as “any harmful act that is perpetuated against a person’s will, and that is based on socially
ascribed (gender) differences between males and females.” Some examples include: intimate partner violence; rape and
sexual assault; sexual violence and exploitation; forced marriage and child marriage; trafficking and abduction; and
female genital mutilation.
2 Medecins Sans Frontieres recorded having treated 557 women for rape between January 2005 and August 2007 and
indicated that 68% of this total figure had more than one attacker, and about 6% of this total number had experienced
rape in the context of having been kidnapped. See: “Treating Sexual Violence in Haiti: Interview with Olivia Gayraud,
MSF Head of Mission in Port-au-Prince,” (October 30, 2007), available
at:http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/news/voices/2007/10-30-2007.cfm.
3 In a 2006 study by the Inter-American Development Bank in Haiti, one third of women and girls reported physical or
sexual violence, and more than 50% of those who had experienced violence were under the age of 18. See: Aime, T. B.
(2010, January 19). Haiti's Women in the Aftermath of Disaster. Retrieved from
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/taina-bienaime/haitis-women-in-the-after_b_428648.html?view=screen. A 200-6
survey published in the Lancet documents that 35,000 women were victimized in the study area and more than half of all
female survivors identified in the study were younger than 18. See: Kolbe, A. R., & Hutson, R. A. (2006). Human rights
abuse and other criminal violations in Port Au Prince. Lancet, 864–73. Comprehensive Demographic and Health
Surveys carried out on behalf of the Ministry of Health in
1
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Addressing GBV requires long-term, holistic and coordinated efforts of multiple stakeholders
(government, UN, local and international NGOs and community-based organizations) from the
health, psychosocial/social welfare, legal/justice, and security sectors. In Haiti, GBV must be
addressed as a normal development problem as well as an issue of concern in areas affected by
natural disaster, armed violence or other humanitarian emergencies. Efforts must aim to address
short-term needs, e.g. the immediate security needs of women and girls, within a framework for
longer-term development.
Vulnerabilities related to GBV are wide-ranging in Haiti due to the rapid onset of natural disasters
and political unrest, which can result in widespread sexual violence and exploitation that are
exacerbated by chronic poverty and pre-existing gender inequities. The current scenario is affected
by extreme poverty and what is a changed script for many Haitians. Specific risk factors include:
Extreme poverty: While poverty does not cause GBV, it can expose women and girls to increased
risk through the negative coping they may resort to for survival. At the same time, poverty can place
increased pressure on men to meet rigid gender norms of masculine identity in a context where
traditional gender roles, primarily based on economic-based family dynamics, are unrealistic.
Currently this may be resulting in increased male use of sexual, emotional, economic, or physical
violence against women and girls. In addition, as in many humanitarian emergency contexts around
the world, some of the individuals entrusted to protect children and young people—including
security, humanitarian and peacekeeping personnel, teachers and school staff—are taking advantage
of the situation and have instead emerged as perpetrators of GBV.
2000 and 2005-2006 indicate that within the age group 15-19, 10.8 per cent of those who gave information to the survey
said that they had been the victims of sexual violence at the hands of an intimate partner. See: Michel Cayemittes et al,
Enquête Mortalité, Morbidité et Utilisation des Services, Haïti, 2005-2006, Calverton, Maryland, USA:
Ministère de la Santé Publique et de la Population, Institut Haïtien de l’Enfance et Macro International Inc, 2007, p305,
http://www.measuredhs.com/ pubs/pdf/FR192/FR192.pdf, visited 7 July 2008.
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Children’s gender-specific vulnerabilities: Children and youth face different gender-specific
vulnerabilities in Haiti. Girls and young women in Haiti are particularly vulnerable to multiple forms
of GBV. While for male youth, their particular vulnerability includes recruitment into armed gangs
and exposure to additional violence.
Use of GBV as a weapon: In Haiti, there is a history of rape and other forms of sexual violence
and exploitation being used as a political weapon against communities to subdue them through fear
and gendered mistrust. In the current context, gangs may be similarly motivated to use perpetration
of GBV as a weapon to intimidate and deter community mobilization. At the same time, they can
also use it as way to enforce male conformity to harmful gender norms of masculine identity and
behaviour that bind gang members to group power structures.
General lack of security: For many, Haiti falls into the category of countries where the state is
unable to provide protection for its citizen. The current situation of having more than 1,000 sites
around the country for internally displaced persons and abysmal living conditions further weaken
the security situation for women and children, girls especially.
Legal Frameworks and Rule of Law: Haiti does not have specific legal provisions on domestic
violence although some forms of domestic violence are addressed by existing legislation. Rape only
became a crime in Haiti in 2005, and like in many other countries, judges and local leaders negotiate
monetary settlements to be paid to the survivor’s family or at times the survivors are still forced to
marry the perpetrators. Prosecution remains rare with very few cases being brought before a judge
and few being successfully prosecuted. The earthquake severely weakened law enforcement capacity
of the Haitian National Police (HNP) and the justice system as much of the infrastructure has
collapsed and many officials were killed. It is also important to note that even before the earthquake
the police force was operating way under capacity and with few-to-no vehicles. In addition, the
HNP are generally not trusted by the wider community.
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Social Norms Framework4
Empirical Expectation
Men and boys conform to rules of violence against women, not supporting survivors of violence,
and not intervening to stop violence. Men and boys believe this for various reasons including what
people tell them and due to what they see (in their homes and in their communities and through
other reinforcing agents, e.g. negative messages through music, etc.).
Normative Expectation
Men and boys believe that their peers expect them to conform to rules of perpetuating violence
against
women,
not
supporting
survivors,
and
not
intervening
against
violence.
What is the Sanction?
The sanction may actually be that men’s and boys’ masculinities will be called into question if they
do not stick to the script. This is likely based on presumptions (e.g. “what will they think of me if I
act like this...”) or on actual observations of men being dismissed/stigmatized or even harmed
because of their insufficient 'manly' behaviour. The sanction is upheld by not only men and boys
but also by women and girls in Haiti.
How it this really happening at the societal, community, relational and individual levels? Where does pluralistic
ignorance come into the picture?

The minority are observed engaging in what becomes highly visible negative behavior that
falls along the spectrum of offensive sexual comments to physical sexual violence.

These negative acts are remembered more than the positive/responsible behaviors because
the positive/responsible behaviors are less common and less visible. For example, not
hitting your girlfriend when you might otherwise have hit her is not observable.
4
Much of this section is a combination of learning from Bicchierei, Mackie, Xiao, Dana, Muldoon, and Mercier.
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
Many people may start out with the attitude that violence is bad (e.g. think of it as bad
behavior or a crime), but then the individual witnesses violence and they see no action to
rectify or stop the violence, but among the individuals who take no action is that person who
is observing the violence.
For example, not only is the person a bystander to the
violence/negative behavior, but they also reinforce to others that the behavior is okay. If
most people believe that women and girls should be treated better, but do not act on it for
fear of sanctions, then everybody will think that no one (but them) thinks that women
should be treated better. People are misinformed about what other people actually think.
This further inhibits acts or expressions of positive attitudes and behaviors and encourages
negative expressions or acts of violence and perpetuation of other related negative social
norms. The situation is reinforced by the sanctions that are imposed in relation to “how
men and boys should behave.” For example, being identified or called out as “unmanly” or
un-masculine. The sanction can be used against you (by both males and females) if you do
not perpetrate violence, but it can also be used against you if you stand up against the
violence. This norm also brings with it a set of related norms. For example, in Haiti these
include: norms that women should submit, women manage money only in the presence of a
man, women cannot decide on sexual activity—they must always be happy to be with their
husbands, and women should never say “no”.
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Scripts become even more complicated when talking about violence.
Not only is the person a bystander to the violence/negative behavior
because they are afraid of the social sanction, but they also reinforce
to others that this behavior is OK.
The pluralistic ignorance is when boys and men feel like they are the only ones who do not want to
perpetrate violence, or they underestimate their peers’ discomfort with the negative behavior they
will likely abstain from expressing concern or dissonance with the negative behaviour. As our
attitudes are shaped by our behaviours, many or most men and boys might start with an attitude that
is negative towards violence against women (e.g. it is thought of as wrong), but then that person
witnesses violence against a woman and no one does anything about it including you because this
would mean going against the “norms” (Mercier). However, not doing anything is dissonant with
that person’s attitude, but because of this experience that person changes their attitude. Now they
are more likely to think that violence against women is justified. Thus, not only are they a bystander
to the violence/negative behaviour, but they also reinforce to others that this behaviour is ok.
On the other hand, in some contexts if men and boys do not actually follow the normative script of
actively perpetrating violence (along the spectrum from less severe acts such as verbal sexual
harassment to physical sexual violence) they may be sanctioned as being “unmanly.” Standing up
against GBV (ideally collective action) must start taking place in order to avoid further and
potentially more lethal violence and also to ensure the perpetrator does not enact violence against
the person trying to intervene.
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The script is also directed by Haiti being generally perceived as a culture of violence. Though there
is limited data available, and while we do not know about the scale and scope of the problem, the
information that is available does highlight that GBV is a significant problem in Haiti. The current
situation is also influenced by media reports from the post-earthquake context that may
sensationalize the problem of sexual violence while also only highlighting men as rapists and failing
to include stories on how men and boys have also engaged in positive acts to protect women and
girls in their families and communities.
What are the Desired Outcomes?
The desired outcomes include: Utilization of the post-earthquake setting as an entry point for gender
transformation that is characterized by a focus on the positive; what men and boys really believe in
and how many people also most likely perceive men and boys. Through the project boys and men
will have space to come up with new norms endogenously based on what many of them already
believe, but do not share with their peers. This will include breaking down norms against sharing
these kind of “non-normative” feelings, but will likely also lead to increased peer networks. Given
that 45% of the Haitian population is under 18 and the tremendous displacement that occurred and
that continues to occur due to the earthquake and other on-going bad weather events (e.g. six month
long hurricane season), the project will also aim to increase peer networks/social capital. The will
also fall nicely under the broader framework that the country is using to “Build Back Better”, and
ideally lead to a new generation of male role models.
The project will identify incentives for individuals and then collectives to deviate from the norm, e.g.
where are the benefits for boys and men to not perpetrate violence and to take action to prevent it.
The process will demonstrate to boys and men that there is an increasing and sufficient number of
others “doing things differently” with regard to violence (e.g. increased bystander willingness to take
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collective action to prevent violence). There will be empirical evidence of change. Currently the
equilibrium is violence + violence, but as more of the intervention starts to work more and more
boys and men will start to reveal positive changes in normative expectations in relation to treating
women and girls with respect, not perpetrating violence and taking action against violence. To get
the violence to stop, groups (and individuals within those groups) need reassurance that others are
going to take positive action, and because people want to be norm followers they will start to join in
the coordination game. This approach will include tackling the different blocks that promote silence:
realization of pluralistic ignorance, formation of a core group of young men and organized diffusion
to shift the expectation in a coordinated way. The challenge is that even one act of violence has
the ability to start shifting the norm back to the negative behavior/acts of violence (e.g.
leading to no change in the empirical expectations and possibly a strengthening of the normative
expectations). To ensure that there is change creative methods will be identified so that feedback is
provided in the most vivid ways possible to provide this reassurance. Examples might include
getting men to publically take on tasks that women/girls “traditionally” do. Public commitments
will be identified, but they have to be chosen strategically so they do not reinforce perceptions that
violence is ok, e.g. not perpetrating violence on the weekends demonstrates the idea that some
violence is okay.
To measure the desired outcomes baseline/follow-up data must be available that will allow for real
“change” analysis in normative expectations. For instance, baseline and follow-up questions might
include: I believe that the average man is less likely to intervene in situations where a women is being
mistreated; I believe that my peers expect me to “bother” women; I believe that my peers expect me
to “take sex” when I want it, etc.
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II. Critical Evaluation of the Work So Far
In the field of GBV in emergencies there is new enlightenment and reflection on the reality that
much of our ‘quick fix’ efforts to raise awareness about GBV, for example, even our efforts to raise
awareness on where to access treatment for rape, while they might raise awareness, may also
propagate a norm that “rape is common” which may license violent behavior instead of activating
positive behavior to reduce it or even demonstrate alternatives. For example, if the messages are not
well thought out or that they only target a descriptive norm then the message might alert members
of the target population to an unhealthy behavior that they were not already aware of. The messages
below demonstrate that rape is a major problem, e.g. it is happening everywhere, which makes rape
seem typical, thus potentially implying that it is expected, and even less serious along the spectrum
of violations that might be occurring in a certain location (e.g. places that might be considered to be
a climate of violence: Haiti, DRC, Liberia). Much of this new learning is based on recent lessons
learned from a review carried out by the International Rescue Committee on Social norms marketing
aimed at GBV. Given that social norms communicate ideas about what is socially approved, or
what is perceived to be normal behavior, different campaigns have the ability to promote
perceptions about the prevalence and “acceptability” of different forms of GBV such as sexual
violence in Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo or Haiti. Often there is not enough
critical reflection on the message and what it communicates (arguably in both development and
emergency settings).
The refined approach will aim to generate shorter term changes to improve the protection of
women and girls from violence while also using the emergency context as an entry point for longer
term change.
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III.
Change in Practice
The new approach will be characterized by the following: Mapping/analysis of social networks and
influencers, as it will be of fundamental importance to identify who people talk to, associate with,
and who and how do individuals influence one another (Muldoon). This will include identification
of the mobility of existing networks, and identification of community attitudes toward the negative
behavior, e.g. who believes in the behavior; who are the “leaders” who can help promote
change/role models. Hopefully this process will help identify existing positive male role models at
the community level and also of men that are more “visible” at the level of the media and politics
that can be tapped into to start a change process based on empirical evidence.
When starting the groups of young men, the strategic identification of and capacity building for
group facilitators will be essential. The project must identify males who can deliver the message in
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the right way (e.g. those that can truly demonstrate gender equitable norms). To aid these group
facilitators a standard curriculum must be identified that can be adapted to the Haitian context so
that the facilitators have a road map to assist them in strategically eliciting what it is that boys
organically believe but that they feel unable to discuss. This will help in the identification of the
exact behaviors that the boys want to change and how; the new behaviors that they want replace the
old behaviors with, including generating creative approaches for collective action, e.g., banging on
pots and pans, or collective action to make public spaces safer.5
The approach’s success will be based on its gradual implementation, to start efforts to modify small ,
more subtle behaviors will be used and then efforts will slowly start to work on the other end of the
spectrum all the while aiming to promote quick strategies to improve security for women and girls,
utilization of and creative ways to ensure positive feedback in the most vivid ways possible, constant
monitoring to measure backlash or steps in the wrong direction, e.g. empirical evidence that the
situation is not changing (one act of violence…).
The approach will also include a model pilot project6 for promoting institutional change that will
also build confidence in the police which have a lot of contact with local communities, are
predominately male and who have the potential to be positive male role model. Working with the
police will also eventually help address ensuring that survivors of sexual violence have access to the
It is important to note that this is only one small portion of the larger efforts to address GBV in Haiti. Eventually the
approach will include girl groups, men’s groups and women groups, and some mixed.
6
For example the replication of a project that has demonstrated positive change among the police:
Copperbelt Model of Integrated Care for Survivors of Rape: Testing the feasibility of police provision of Emergency Contraception Pills. From
2005–2008, the Zambian Ministry of Home Affairs (Police Service), Ministry of Health (MOH) and Population Council
collaborated on an operations research study designed to improve services for survivors of GBV. Specifically, the study
tested the feasibility of police provision of emergency contraception (EC), a contraceptive method which prevents
unwanted pregnancy within 120 hours of unprotected sex. It also hypothesized that the intervention could strengthen
GBV services at both police and health facilities through an increased emphasis on multi-sectoral collaboration.
5
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Page 11
services that they need. However, survivors will not be actively channeled to the police services
until there is a certain level of confidence in these services.
IV.
Executive Summary
In 35 seconds the earthquake in Haiti caused devastation on a scale never seen before, with
consequences for years to come (Jan 12, 2010). The earthquake struck the heart of a nation that was
struggling to emerge from years of instability and recurring, destructive natural disasters, political
instability and poverty.
Addressing gender-based violence (GBV)7 in Haiti is a significant challenge. Long before the
earthquake, GBV was recognized as a major problem for girls and women. Vulnerabilities related to
GBV are wide-ranging in Haiti due to the rapid onset of natural disasters and political unrest, which
can result in widespread sexual violence and exploitation that are exacerbated by chronic poverty
and pre-existing gender inequities. The current scenario is affected by extreme poverty and what is a
changed script for many Haitians.
The empirical expectation is that men and boys conform to rules of violence against women, not
supporting survivors of violence, and not intervening to stop violence. Men and boys believe this
for various reasons including what people tell them and due to what they see (in their homes and in
their communities and through other reinforcing agents, e.g. negative messages through music, etc.).
The normative expectation is that men and boys believe that their peers expect them to conform to
rules of perpetuating violence against women, not supporting survivors, and not intervening against
violence.
The situation is affected by the sanction that men’s and boys’ masculinities will be called into
question if they do not stick to the script. This is likely based on presumptions (e.g. “what will they
think of me if I act like this...”) or on actual observations of men being dismissed/stigmatized or
even harmed because of their insufficient 'manly' behaviour. The sanction is upheld by not only
men
and
boys
but
also
by
women
and
girls
in
Haiti.
The situation is also affected by pluralistic ignorance when boys and men feel like they are the only
ones who do not want to perpetrate violence, or they underestimate their peers’ discomfort with the
negative behavior they will likely abstain from expressing concern or dissonance with the negative
behaviour. As our attitudes are shaped by our behaviours, many or most men and boys might start
with an attitude that is negative towards violence against women (e.g. it is thought of as wrong), but
then that person witnesses violence against a woman and no one does anything about it including
you because this would mean going against the “norms”. However, not doing anything is dissonant
with that person’s attitude, but because of this experience that person changes their attitude. Now
they are more likely to think that violence against women is justified. Thus, not only are they a
GBV is defined in the Interagency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in
Humanitarian Settings, 2005 as “any harmful act that is perpetuated against a person’s will, and that is based on socially
ascribed (gender) differences between males and females.” Some examples include: intimate partner violence; rape and
sexual assault; sexual violence and exploitation; forced marriage and child marriage; trafficking and abduction; and
female genital mutilation.
7
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Page 12
bystander to the violence/negative behaviour, but they also reinforce to others that this behaviour is
ok.
In the field of GBV in emergencies there is new enlightenment and reflection on the reality that
much of our ‘quick fix’ efforts to raise awareness about GBV, for example, even our efforts to raise
awareness on where to access treatment for rape, while they might raise awareness, may also
propagate a norm that “rape is common” which may license violent behavior instead of activating
positive behavior to reduce it or even demonstrate alternatives. For example, if the messages are not
well thought out or that they only target a descriptive norm then the message might alert members
of the target population to an unhealthy behavior that they were not already aware of.
The desired outcomes include: Utilization of the post-earthquake setting as an entry point for gender
transformation that is characterized by a focus on the positive; what men and boys really believe in
and how many people also most likely perceive men and boys. Through the project boys and men
will have space to come up with new norms endogenously based on what many of them already
believe, but do not share with their peers. This will include breaking down norms against sharing
these kind of “non-normative” feelings, but will likely also lead to increased peer networks. Given
that 45% of the Haitian population is under 18 and the tremendous displacement that occurred and
that continues to occur due to the earthquake and other on-going bad weather events (e.g. six month
long hurricane season), the project will also aim to increase peer networks/social capital. The will
also fall nicely under the broader framework that the country is using to “Build Back Better”, and
ideally lead to a new generation of male role models.
The project will identify incentives for individuals and then collectives to deviate from the norm, e.g.
where are the benefits for boys and men to not perpetrate violence and to take action to prevent it.
The process will demonstrate to boys and men that there is an increasing and sufficient number of
others “doing things differently” with regard to violence (e.g. increased bystander willingness to take
collective action to prevent violence). This approach will include tackling the different blocks that
promote silence: realization of pluralistic ignorance, formation of a core group of young men and
organized diffusion to shift the expectation in a coordinated way.
Mendy Marsh
Page 13