Nadia E. Brown, PhD Political Science and African American Studies Susan Bulkeley Butler Center for Leadership Excellence Faculty Scholar, Spring 2014 The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Lawmakers This book length research project examines how body politics impacts the legislative process and Black Congresswomen’s experiences in American politics. Scholarship on body politics— that is, work that challenges the hegemonic forces that map, order and silence real bodies – investigates the ways which power relations “regulate, denigrate, define or produce” how particular bodies are constructed and located (Coole, 2010, 165). Bodies are sites in which social constructions of differences are mapped onto human beings. The research proposed here will investigate how body politics contributes to legislative success for Black women. As such, I will assess the role of hair style/texture in Black women elected official’s presentation of self and its impact on the legislative process. The findings of this study will illustrate the importance of an intersectional approach to Black feminist research on politics by paying special attention to the racialized and gendered interventions within body politics, American political culture, gender and racialized performance, and stereotypes about Black women. I was awarded a 2014 Butler Center Faculty Scholar award to begin my preliminary research. During the spring of 2014, I conducted six interviews with Black women elected officials or candidates for political office: Delegate Aisha Braveboy (D-MD); Representative Charniele Herring (D-VA); School board member CJ Brown (Lafayette, IN); Candidate Diane Harris (RIL); City Councilmember Muriel Bowser (D-DC); and Candidate Reta Jo Lewis (D-DC). During the early summer of 2015, I collected interviews with Black women elected officials and candidates in the Saint Louis, MO and Kansas City, MO metro region: Representative Bonnaye Mims (D-MO); Alderwoman Dionne Flowers (D-STL); Representative Jamilah Nasheed (DSTL); Candidate Leslie Broadnax (D-MO); and State Treasurer Tishaura Jones (D-MO). I also conducted three rounds of focus groups with Purdue University students to measure voters’ preferences, opinion, and attitudes toward Black women politicians. Lastly, I collected images of Black Congresswomen from their official biography page on their congressional webpages. To examine the extent to which Black Congresswomen employ selective-self representation I will use image content analysis, which involves the thematic coding of each image to measure into these women’s image construction. 1 I used the funds and course reduction afforded to me through the Faculty Scholar grant to hire two undergraduate research assistants and to partially fund my travel to Chicago, Illinois and Washington, DC to conduct interviews. The research funds were also used to purchase food and drinks for participants who attended the focus groups (extra credit for political science students was offered as compensation for participating in my research). I used the additional time from the course release to conduct secondary research on body politics, Black women’s aesthetics, and voter bias. Unfortunately, I was involved in a motor vehicle accident on August 14, 2014. The accident was very severe and I was unable to collect and analyze additional data. I was on medical leave during the fall semester of 2014. Regrettably, the slow process of recovery has impacted my research productivity this semester. I have been unable to make significant progress on the data analysis for this project. Thankfully, I am now strong enough to resume my research agenda. I plan to analyze my existing data and collect additional data this summer. Because the accident interrupted my research schedule, I have decided to focus my attention on Black women lawmakers – namely, Congresswomen – as I do not want to wait for the next national election to conduct research. My overarching research theme of body politics has led me to assess the self-presentations of Black Congresswomen rather than focus on candidates or elected officials at lower levels of government. The self-presentations of Members of Congress (MoC) are carefully constructed identities that reflect social and cultural norms that either directly or indirectly provide viewers with a glimpse of their personalities, political ideologies, and sense of self. These images, in sum, communicate more than personal style but rather can be used as a political heuristic. For women, gender stereotyping creates a unique tension for this population. Congresswomen can be charged with selective self-presentation if they enhance or alter their appearance. Self-enhancement, accomplished through make-up, hairstyling practices, shapewear, heels, etc., is often juxtaposed with the desire to present an accurate or unadulterated view of the self. Women’s beauty regimes that alter a Congresswoman’s outward appearance can create an inaccurate physical representation of the woman (Hancock and Toma 2009). Social science research consistently indicates that women and minorities face a disadvantage in attempting to craft a professional image due to negative stereotypes, lower expectations, and workplace norms that advantage White male standards of behavior and appearance (Shelby Rosette and Dumas, 2007; Alversson and Due Billing, 1997). As such, White women and minority men and women face obstacles in presenting their desired professional image. Gender is a double-bind for women who want to display professional 2 characteristics, which are defined as typically male characteristics such as ambition, competitiveness, and competence. Similar to women of other races and ethnicities, Black women must negotiate femininity and attractiveness in the work environment, yet Black women navigate both their race and gender to find a suitable way to present themselves to their colleagues. In the workplace, African American women’s hair choices and skin tones are often read as either unintended or intended personal and political statements. Given that within the workplace, as well as other social and institutional environments Black women have found that all too often choice of hairstyle has a tremendous impact on how corporate culture expectations often clash with their individual sense of style and hair textures. Congress, the workplace of Black women lawmakers, is a similar yet unique institution that must be carefully navigated for this population. According to Hawkesworth (2003) institutions are both raced and gendered which produces different effects for legislators at the intersection of these identities. The practice of racing-gendering – the political process in which minority congresswomen are stereotyped, excluded, and made to be invisible - generates and maintains systems of power and disadvantage that can hinder the legislative achievements of a Black congresswoman (Hawkesworth 2003; Kathlene 1989, 1994; Thomas 1994). Hawkesworth contends that “political institutions may play a critical role in producing, maintaining, and reproducing raced and gendered experiences within and through their organizational routines and practices” (2003, 530). The somatic norms in Congress have led to the advanced marginalization of non-White male bodies. Furthermore, masculinity and femininity are raced and race is intimately connected to constructions of gender. Racialization and gendering can play a distinct role in organizational practice by recreating and reproducing symbols as well as identities. Since a raced-gendered identity has tangible effects in the larger discourse outside of Congress, these identities are constantly renegotiated within the institution. Because of their race and gender, Black congresswomen have to learn how to best operate in a White male dominated institution to best accomplish their legislative goals. Women of color legislators are often silenced or made to be invisible in key legislative functions such as committee negotiations or floor discussions (Brown 2013). Furthermore, experiences of marginalization are not necessarily mitigated by seniority, leadership position, or policy success (Smooth 2001). This marginalization affects the tactics that African American women lawmakers employ to achieve their legislative priorities and how they advance their political agenda. Black congresswomen may seek to present themselves in familiar ways (i.e., straightening their hair, accentuating certain physical features, or altering bodies to seem more attractive according to European-American standards) in order to mediate the negative effects of racing-gendering. 3 The dual processes of racing-gendering and women’s beauty norms may lead Black congresswomen to alter their self-presentations in order to appear more feminine and with softer racially-distinct features. Because hair, both texture and style, is a political heuristic, Black women lawmakers may forgo Afro-centric styles in order to achieve their legislative goals in a White male dominated institution. In sum, I expect that Black Congresswomen with Euro-centric hairstyle/textures will have greater legislative success than those with Afro-centric styled hair. My goal is to complete the preliminary image content analysis of the C-SPAN Archives data by September 2015. This data contains still and video images of all racial/ethnic minority and women Members of Congress (MoC) from 1968 to the present. These images were drawn from C-SPAN video of MoC on the Senate or House floor either through hearings, committee meetings, and roll call votes. I will use this data to examine how MoC construct their image or signal their identity to their peers, constituents, and general public. To examine the extent to which Black Congresswomen employ selective-self representation I will use image content analysis, which involves the thematic coding of each image to measure these women’s image construction. The objective is to determine the characteristics of Black congresswomen’s self-presentations in comparison to those of minority congressmen and White congresswomen’s in terms of gendered and racialized personal styling. If Black congresswomen employ certain raced-gendered self-presentations strategies (Afro-centric or Euro-centric, feminine or masculine) it is likely that such strategies will be evident in the C-SPAN images of their hairstyle. The first part of this study will be based on purposive sampling aimed at further theory construction rather than population representation. As such, the first step of the sampling process is to examine all the images of Black women between 1990-2000 to limit the potential intervening effects of time period and style, which will isolate differences in hair trends among the decades. I will then sample their male counterparts and White congresswomen in office during this same time period. This initial sampling method will be used to explore hairstyles as a political heuristic. Specifically, a mixture of operational construct sampling (when sampling non-Black congresswomen) and theory-based sampling (when sampling Black congresswomen) will be employed in this study. The next phase of this research project is to map these self-presentations onto the legislative successes of these Black women lawmakers. I am currently working with a team of graduate students to code the number of bill introductions, co-sponsorships, and laws enacted by Black congresswomen. I will be on parental leave in the fall of 2015 but have a research leave scheduled for the spring of 2016. During the spring of 2016, I will conduct interviews with Black Congresswomen in Washington, DC. I have been awarded the Marguerite Ross Barnett Research Grant from the American Political Science Association that provides limited financial support and office space in the Centennial Center. 4 During the spring of 2016, I also plan to conduct focus groups with a non-student population. The conversation from the focus groups will be recorded and transcribed by my undergraduate research assistants. To interpret the data gathered from the focus groups, I will use the frames of abstract liberalism, cultural racism/sexism, minimization of racism/sexism, and naturalization to explore how potential voters view Black women’s bodies as well as understand the implication of body politics for this group of lawmakers. While I am deeply disappointed that I was not able to make further progress on this research agenda, I remain hopeful that I will be able to complete this research by the spring of 2017. This study is the first to examine the politics of appearance for Black congresswomen. The Butler Faculty Scholar program has allowed me the opportunity to conduct research during the spring of 2014. The preliminary data conducted in 2014 allowed me to apply for and receive other grant opportunities (such as the Marguerite Ross Barnett and the Newcomb Center Postdoctoral Fellowship at Tulane University). The generosity of the Butler Center allowed me to maximize productivity over the spring and summer and make significant progress on my initial ideas about body politics. 5