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AMERICAN FEDERAL AND STATE GOVERNMENT
GOVT 2301
► CRN 20282 - SECTION 902 ►SUGAR LAND ► RM 161 ► MWF ► 9 -9:50a
Instructor:
Office: ►
Dr. Ronald W. Vardy
240 K [Fort Bend Technical Center] Phone: 281 239 1583 ►
Email:
rvardy@aol.com (preferred) & Ronaldv@wcjc.edu
INSTRUCTOR’S OFFICE HOURS:
MONDAY- WEDNESDAY- FRIDAY ► 11-1pm ► SUGAR LAND ► RM: 354
TUESDAY
► 9-1PM ► FBTC
► RM 240K
THURSDAY
►9-1PM ► SUGAR LAND ►RM 354
& BY APPOINTMENT
COURSE DESCRIPTION: Survey of American national and state systems of government. Topics covered
in this course include: political ideology, the origins and development of the Constitutions of the United
States and Texas, the principles of federalism and federal-state local governmental relations, the
instruments and methods of political participation and the various forms of local government. Meets the
legislative requirements for a course on the Constitutions of the United States and Texas for teacher
certification.
Prerequisite: THEA reading and writing requirements met.
.
BOOKS:
Politics in America [8th Edition], 2009 , by Thomas R. Dye, Bartholomew H.
Sparrow, L. Tucker Gibson Jr., and Clay Robison
[Custom Edition for Wharton Country Junior College]
ISBN # 0558217672 [AVAILABLE IN THE WCJC BOOKSTORE]
COURSE OBJECTIVES: The objective of this course is twofold. First, you have the opportunity to become
a more informed citizen. The political research shows that the more educated and informed our citizens
are, the more they are likely to participate, which a democracy depends on. The more people that
participate in American politics, the more we can be sure that the demands of the public are known, and
hopefully responded to by those who represent us in the government.
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Second, you probably need these three credits this semester, so another goal is to get you through this
course successfully. While I play a large part in this effort, the final result is up to you. To pass this course,
you will be asked to learn and demonstrate a sufficient level of knowledge in American government and
politics. How to do this is what you would expect. You will have to attend class, read the assigned material,
and perform adequately on the exams and the complete the paper assignments as assigned.
Students will gain an enriched appreciation of the role of government in their daily lives. Students will
become more informed citizens in regard to understanding the various institutions, processes and
participants in government decision-making. Students will be better equipped to participate in our
democracy by focusing on the political, constitutional and institutional interaction within the American
system. A study of American democracy, United States and Texas constitutions, federalism, state and
local government, political economy, political socialization and public opinion, and political parties and
elections. Government 2301 and Government 2302 are fully transferable to other colleges and universities,
and together meet the legislative requirement for government.
STUDENT LEARNING OUTCOMES
(1) Students will improve competence in mastery of basic concepts, theories and methods of studying
government in American democracy and become conversant with current political issues
(2) Students will be able to locate relevant sources of research and buttress their arguments concerning
various aspects of government within the context of the course syllabus, be able to properly cite sources,
will be able to analyze and present research and argument relevant to American and Texas state
government
(3) Students will be able to a write clear and original papers directed to the appropriate audience.
COURSE REQUIREMENTS AND GRADING: There are several requirements for this course, including
the following: (1) attending class having read the assigned material (2) completion of two short paper,
students may write a third extra credit paper IF the first two papers are completed by THE FIRST
CLASS PERIOD OF THE
WEEK OF APRIL 12 [ALL THREE PAPER SCORES WILL BE ADDED
AND DIVIDED BY 2] (3) there will be several quizzes, both announced and unannounced, administered
throughout the term, generally over the material to be covered that day or from the previous class period.
Exams and quizzes may include current events – read the papers and or keep up with the news. Total
quiz grade scores will be summed and divided by the number of quizzes minus one. Students are
encouraged to read appropriate sections of the current WCJC catalog.
Attendance: Students are expected to attend class. Attendance will be monitored and factored into the
student’s final grade.
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Grade composition:
Final Letter Grade
Exam 1 1
20 %
90-100
=A
Exam 2
20 %
80-89
=B
Exam 3
20 %
70-79
=C
Exam 4
15 %
60-69
=D
Dept. Post Test
10 %
Below 60 = F
Short Paper (2) (10 % each)
20 %
Quizzes
15 %
If you take ALL quizzes and ALL exams as scheduled or administered I will add 5 points to
your overall grade for the class. NOT NEGOTIABLE AND NO EXCEPTIONS.
For measurement of student progress, this course will incorporate a "Pre-Test/Post-Test System" and the
use of a "Standardized, Comprehensive, and Exit Examination."
The Pre-Test will consist of fifty (50) multiple-choice questions that will be given by the second-class day of
semester. The student is expected to bring a #2 pencils and scantron for this test and all exams.
The fifty (50) multiple-choice questions are subdivided into five (5) academic sub-categories: Ideology,
Federalism, Local Government, Constitutions, and Political Participation. The Post-Test will also serve, at
least in part, as the "Standardized, Comprehensive, and Exit Examination." As with the earlier Pre-Test, it
will consist of fifty (50) multiple-choice questions that will be subdivided into the same five (5) academic
sub-categories as listed above.
Comments on exams, quizzes and papers.
1.
No make up on quizzes (don’t ask). If you arrive to class after the quiz has been distributed you
cannot take the quiz. If the quiz is announced, and you leave class early, your get zero for the
quiz.
2.
PAPERS ARE DUE AT THE BEGINNING OF CLASS, late papers will not, repeat not accepted. If
you turn in your paper ANYTIME after the beginning of class but during the class, there is a two
letter grade penalty that is not negotiable.
3.
If you miss an exam, you must provide sufficient verifiable documentation in advance, missed
exams result in the student making up the missed exam during the last week, subject to
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I will drop your lowest exam grade of, exam one, two, or three. If you do not take the exam, it is a zero,
and is dropped. This is NOT negotiable or subject to revision. There are NO make-up exams.
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satisfactory documentation as to why you could not take the regularly scheduled exam. Make up
exams are essay in format. Make up exams are very rare.
Short Paper guidelines 2
1.
Double spaced, no triple or larger spacing between paragraphs, one inch margins all around, all
papers must be typed or word processed, no larger than 12 font, do not right justify your paper.
2.
PAPER LENGTH, BETWEEN FOUR FULL AND SIX PAGES, excluding cover page, begin
paper on line one page one of paper body, do not repeat title (it is on cover page) ► remember
3.9 is less than 4.0. Papers not meeting the required paper length receive a zero.
3.
Cover page with name, date, course number & section and topic, of course the cover page is not
included in item 2 above, do not place paper in anything, simple staple upper left hand corner
4.
Paper topics to be distributed/discussed the first class period of each week, papers due the
BEGINNING of class the first class day of the following week.
5.
Papers are NOT research papers but do require research, they are primarily intended to be
analytical in nature: quickly develop and discuss the issue at hand plus offering your, the students
opinion and rational. Papers must contain evidence of additional research and referenced as
appropriate. Throughout the term choose which week and which topics to write on.
6.
Papers will not be graded on which position you adopt. They will be graded on the accuracy of
the compliance with paper format, summary, clarity of argument, style, usage and grammar etc.
7.
Paper should be organized in the following manner: (a) Part I – Introductory
paragraph, telling the reader what the paper is about, its main focus or point, and
why this topics is important (b) Part II -- summary of the facts, article or dispute
{about ½ the paper} (c) Part III – students opinion/analysis and why {about ½ of
paper} (d) Part IV – concluding or summary of your paper, telling the reader the
main topic and students overall opinion and primary rationale. [sample A papers
from previous classes are available on the class web page.
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Paper Topics are available on our course web page for downloading and printing. Remember, paper
topics are only good for one week and no more than one paper per week.
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WCJC LIBRARY :
http://www.wcjc.edu/library_n/default.asp
WELCOME TO THE WCJC LIBRARY
How to find articles—On-line tutorials
Articles from newspapers, magazines, and scholarly journals (or peerreviewed journals) are essential components of any research project. WCJC
libraries subscribe to about 27,000 eBooks and over 20 online databases to
provide access to millions of multi-disciplinary and full text publications and
peer-reviewed journals.
A registered student can log in remotely to our subscription databases 7
days/24 hours through the page of the library proxy server at
http://libproxy.wcjc.cc.tx.us/login or visit WCJC web site at http://wcjc.edu.
select Library, choose Search Databases and click on Online Databases
(Proxy Server)
You will need to enter Username: Your last name (either upper or lower case
is fine)
Password: Your birth date (Entered as MMDDYYYY Example: 01211976)
DATES TO REMEMBER AND PLAN ACCORDINGLY
EXAM DATES………………………………………..SEE COURSE SCHEDULE [BELOW]
LAST DAY TO DROP ……………………FRIDAY ,APRIL 16
FINAL(EXAM 4 AND POST EXAM)……………..WEDNESDAY
Withdrawal: The withdrawal
, MAY 12th
8:00 -10:00am
date (Drop-day) for this semester is FRIDAY, APRIL 16th,
(WCJC schedule of classes). Students are responsible to withdraw themselves from class with the approval
of a counselor or advisor. If a student does not withdraw from class, does not attend class, and does not
complete the required assignments and examinations, that student will receive the grade of F.
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Academic Dishonesty - If a student uses the work of others and presents it as his/her own or otherwise
cheats or is academically dishonest in any way, that student will be given the grade of F and withdrawn from
class immediately and may be expelled from the class and the college. Students need to familiarize
themselves with the Misconduct section of the current WCJC catalog. Please see current WCJC catalog.
STUDENT CONDUCT AND DISCIPLINE3
The proper role of the student while on the Wharton County Junior College campus is to attend classes
and to engage in related educational activities. Students' involvement in the affairs of the college is
encouraged and avenues of communications are provided, but abuse of democratic process is not
tolerated.
All WCJC students are expected to obey the law, to show respect for properly constituted authority, and to
observe correct standards of conduct. In addition, they are expected to refrain from other types of improper
and socially unacceptable behavior that is specified in the Student Handbook. Students who
violate these rules of appropriate conduct as defined by the college are subject to
disciplinary action. Misconduct for which students are subject to discipline include the following
categories:
1. Dishonesty, such as cheating, plagiarism, or knowingly furnishing false
information to the college. (Plagiarism and cheating refer to the use of
unauthorized books, notes, or otherwise securing help in a test; copying
tests, assignments, reports, or term papers.)
2. Being in unauthorized places such as offices or buildings after hours or
in any instructor's office without his or her permission.
3. Forgery, alteration, or misuse of college documents, records or
identification.
4. Obstruction or disruption of teaching, research, administration, or other
college activities, including its public service functions or other
authorized activities on college premises.
5. Physical abuse of any person on college-owned or -controlled property
or at college-sponsored or -supervised functions, or conduct that
threatens or endangers the health or safety of any such persons.
6. Theft of property or damage other than accidental to property of the
college or of a member of the college community or of a campus
visitor.
3
Please see the WCJC catalog
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7. Violation of college policies or regulations.
8. Use, possession, or distribution of alcohol, narcotics, or dangerous
- 32 - WCJC 2009-2010 Catalog
drugs.
9. Disorderly conduct or lewd, indecent, or obscene conduct or expression
on college-owned or -controlled property or at college-sponsored or supervised functions.
10. Failure to comply with reasonable directions of college officials acting
in the performance of their duties.
11. Making unreasonable noise on campus.
12. Conduct that adversely affects the student's responsibility as a member
of the academic community.
13. Use or possession of firearms, explosives (including fireworks),
swords, daggers, straight razors, or illegal knives is not permitted on
campus or in automobiles on campus streets or in parking lots.
14. Any form of gambling.
15. Improper dress. In consideration of sanitation, distraction, or
offensiveness to other students and faculty, students are expected to
wear appropriate clothing.
16. Unauthorized use of facilities.
17. Failure to have an official student identification card. Students are
required to show the ID card upon the request of a staff member,
faculty member, or security officer.
Misconduct may result in the student being placed on disciplinary probation or
suspension (dismissal).
WCJC has identified certain behaviors which are possible grounds for
immediate dismissal from the college. If any of these six situations occurs,
immediate dismissal may result:
1. Illegal use or possession of controlled substances (alcohol, drugs)
anywhere on college property or at a college event or collegesponsored
activity.
2. The presence of the opposite sex in a student’s dorm room.
3. Willful destruction of property, damage to buildings or furnishings, or
defacing college property.
4. Physical assault or threat of physical assault on anyone on college
property or at a college event or college-sponsored activity.
5. “Hate messages” including, but not limited to, racial epithets or
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derogatory remarks attacking or belittling someone’s religious beliefs,
lifestyle, national origin, physical attributes, etc., whether delivered
orally or in writing.
6. Refusal to comply with legitimate directives from dorm supervisors,
security personnel, or any college officials or exhibiting defiantly
disrespectful behavior to such persons.
Services for Students with Disabilities
Wharton County Junior College is committed to providing a discrimination-free environment for its students
with disabilities. Students with disabilities are encouraged to inform the college of any assistance they
may need upon application. Early self-identification will allow the student to receive whatever
accommodation he or she may need as quickly as possible.
Students with disabilities are encouraged to register with the ADA Coordinator, located in the Office of
Student Services and to provide appropriate medical documentation. This action entitles qualified students
with disabilities to their legal rights and assures them of receiving information on services and procedures
available to them. Disability information is strictly confidential and is not released without consent of the
student. It is the responsibility of the student with a disability to voluntarily and confidentially disclose
information regarding the nature and extent of the disability. Wharton County Junior College does not
assume responsibility for providing special accommodations and services to students who have not
identified themselves as having a qualifying disability and who have not made their need known.
Specific disability services are based on individual needs and circumstances. To initiate services, students
should contact the ADA Coordinator, prior to each semester. The ADA Coordinator’s office is located in
the Office of Student Services at 979-532-6384.
ADDITIONAL COMMENTS REGARDING THE SHORT PAPERS
1. WIKIPEDIA OR SIMILAR SOURCES ARE NOT AN ACCEPTABLE ACADEMIC
SOURCE.
2. The papers in this class are NOT research papers, they DO require research
to develop your opinion and analysis.
3. The papers in this class do NOT require a works cite page or reference
page.
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WK
WEEK OF
TOPIC & REFERENCE
1
JAN 20
Introduction/Orientation Pre-test will be administered, FRIDAY JAN 22
FRIDAY – DISCUSSION OF PAPER TOPICS ►POLITICS Ch. 1
2
JAN 25
POLITICAL CULTURE ►Ch. 2
THE CONSTITUTION ►Ch. 3
3
FEB 1
THE CONSTITUTION ►Ch. 2
► Executive Agreements _D-1
4
FEB 8
FEDERALISM ► Ch. 4
5
FEB 15
OPINION and PARTICIPATION ► Ch. 5
6
FEB 22
REVIEW FOR EXAM 1
EXAM 1, WEDNESDAY, FEB 24
MASS MEDIA ►Ch.6
7
MAR 14
MASS MEDIA ►Ch.6
POLITICAL PARTIES ►Ch. 7
8
MAR 8
POLITICAL PARTIES ►Ch. 7
CAMPAIGNS AND ELECTIONS ►Ch.8
NO CLASS – SPRING BREAK5
9
MAR 226
CAMPAIGNS AND ELECTIONS ►Ch.8
INTEREST GROUPS ►Ch.9
10
MAR 297
INTEREST GROUPS ►Ch.9
(PLUS FED # 10 (APP-2)
11
APR 5
REVIEW FOR EXAM 2
EXAM 2, WEDNESDAY APRIL 7
THE SOCIAL and ECONOMIC MILIEU of TEXAS POLITICS ► Ch. 19
12
APR 12
THE TEXAS CONSTITUTION ►Ch. 20
13
APR 19
INTEREST GROUPS, POLITICAL PARTIES, AND ELECTIONS IN TEXAS
►Ch.21
14
APR 26
REVIEW FOR EXAM 3
EXAM 3 WEDNESDAY APRIL 28
LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN TEXAS ►Ch. 25
15
MAY 3
LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN TEXAS ►Ch. 25 &► 21st Century Fort-Bend
County: A More Urbanized Identity C-1
Review for Exam 4 ( Ch. 25 & reading on Local Government) and Review
for Post Test
16
MAY 10
Exam 4, Monday, May 10th Last day of class: Monday, MAY 10
POST TEST WEDNESDAY – MAY 12, 8 – 10am
MARCH 5, FRIDAY, NO CLASS –TCCTA Conference
SEE WCJC SPRING 2010 CREDIT CLASS SCHEDULE FOR MORE INFORMATION
6 MARCH 26, FRIDAY, NO CLASS –SEE WCJC SPRING 2010 CREDIT CLASS SCHEDULE
7 APRIL 2, FRIDAY, NO CLASS, EASTER HOLIDAY
4
5
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CRITICAL THINKING SKILLS
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Recognizing and evaluating sources of information
Organizing, classifying, and prioritizing information
Dividing concepts into individual parts and combining parts into a cohesive unit
Comparing and contrasting related concepts and institutions
Fusing isolated ideas into more sophisticated concepts
Formulating relationships between concepts or things
Identifying examples, recognizing symbolism, and making analogies
Appreciating perspectives, motivations, and roles of various institutional actors
Questioning core assumptions and unspoken understandings
Analyzing logical argument and chains of thought
Using and evaluating evidence to defend or attack a proposition
Distinguishing between cause and effect
Distinguishing between relevant factors and irrelevant factors
Explaining unexpected phenomena and predicting events and results
Testing hypotheses and choosing between alternatives
Applying information and principles to the real world
Measuring the short-term against the long-term and the costs against the benefits
Creating and evaluating reforms and solutions to problems
Expressing one's ideas in persuasive writing
http://www.indiana.edu/~wts/pamphlets.shtml
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SAMPLE PAPER
I.
The article “Israel Gears Up for Burst of Far-Right Anger” by Greg Myre discusses the
planned pullout of Israeli settlements from parts of the occupied territories and the internal
factional and constituency politics involved therein. This current situation is an example of both
the strategic choices that states face while trying to balance issues of external security with
domestic policy as well as the trade-offs involved in pursuing an agenda where various stated
goals come into conflict with one another due to interaction both between factions inside a
coalition and between the coalition and opposing factions within the policy-making arena. This
topic is important because it illustrates and illuminates the impact of strategic choices and
linkage politics on the everyday lives of Israeli citizens. Examination of these issues can help
lead to a better understanding of the way linkage across various arenas affects the development
and implementation of a state’s policies and their impact on international relations.
II.
Myre begins by noting the increasing opposition faced by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
from former right-wing supporters over his intention to relocate Israeli families who have settled
anywhere in the Gaza Strip or in parts of the West Bank. He states that opposition groups have
made Sharon and other members of the government targets, not only of peaceful protests, but
also of threats of violence against themselves and their families because of the planned moves.
Such threats echo those made by opponents of the policies of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who
was assassinated in 1995. He further notes that, while the security services have not released
any information regarding specific threats, officials are considering “administrative detention” for
vocal leaders of the opposition in which they would be imprisoned indefinitely without being
formally charged with or tried for any crime.
According to Myre, security officials have even mentioned one prominent activist, Itamar
Ben Gvir, as a good candidate for detention. Ben Gvir has stated that Sharon is betraying Israel,
but, despite his admiration of anti-Arab militants, has denied any intention of resorting to
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violence. He and his supporters frequently appear at events attend by administration officials
and verbal confrontations are not unheard of.
While conceding that opposition leaders disclaim any plans for violence, Myre points out
that they admit that there are those who will resort to it in an effort to derail the planned
relocations. He points to recent protests that have become aggressive as important votes on the
issue have been taken in the Knesset. He also suggests that unrest may not be limited to the
affected areas since opposition leaders have also indicated that, rather than opposing the
pullouts in the occupied territories, militant groups may instead attempt to thwart it by causing
disturbances throughout Israel, requiring increased police presence nationwide and causing a
shortage of the necessary manpower to proceed with the withdrawals.
Another activist, Noam Federman, who is currently under house arrest for suspicion of
planned violence, in commenting on whether violence against Israeli politicians was a legitimate
tactic said, "I didn't take out Rabin. I didn't weep when he died, but I didn't wipe him out."
Federman continued, "It's very possible that someone will take out … Sharon, [but] it will not be
from me or my close friends. We have our own plans on how to struggle." Death threats have
been made against several government ministers.
Myre continues that despite the death threats against officials, opposition leaders
maintain their intent is to protest the government action peacefully, blaming the threats on
“cranks and psychos.” He notes that they do concede that in the present political atmosphere,
violence may occur, but place the blame for inciting it on the shoulders of Sharon and the
government. They assert that government statements intended to link settlers to “fringe
elements” are among the causes of the increased tension. He concludes that while security has
been visibly increased around Sharon, recent actions by the Knesset and the Cabinet have
passed by much wider margins than previous votes on the pullout.
III.
Myre’s article succeeds very well in its attempt to portray the results of Israel’s internal
conflicts over one plan to increase its national security by reducing tensions with the
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Palestinians. A more in-depth examination of the positions of various actors is illustrative of the
linkages between domestic and international policies, as well as providing some insight into the
trade-offs often involved in implementing such policies. Accordingly, the positions, motivations
and perspectives of the primary actors involved, i.e. the Palestinians, other nations, Sharon and
his allies in the Israeli government, and domestic opponents to Sharon will be examined in order
to facilitate an analysis of these linkages and their affect on both internal and external policies.
The Palestinians have long called for an end to Israeli occupation of the occupied
territories and the establishment of any settlements therein, and while Palestinian National
Authority and Palestinian Liberation Organization officials seem to indicate they fear that the
effort is “tricks” intended to “turn… Gaza to ‘a big separated prison,’” according to a Palestine
News Agency story (http://english.wafa.ps/body.asp?field=tech_news&id=198). A poll taken by
the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research
(http://www.pcpsr.org/survey/polls/2004/p11b.html) indicates that over 70 percent of Palestinians
welcome the Israeli pullout. Additionally, almost half of the Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip
believe the pullout will reduce attacks against Israel originating from the Gaza strip. Since
terrorism by Palestinian activists is among the most direct ongoing threats to the security of
Israel, from the Palestinian perspective the proposed pullout, although widely distrusted and
viewed with much skepticism, is quite likely to increase the overall level of security.
From the point of view of other countries, Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip are one of the major hindrances to achieving lasting peace in the region. According to an
Expatica story (http://www.expatica.com/source/site_article.asp?channel_id=2&story_id=11847)
German president horst Koehler said of the planned withdrawal, "We hope with you that the
courageous step of the planned withdrawal from Gaza will be a first, but important, step on the
path towards peaceful coexistence." French Foreign Minister Michel Barnier signaled recognition
of the plan as a positive step by Israel, saying, "The European Union has taken note of this
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commitment. It is prepared to offer support under certain conditions" according to a News24’s
report (http://www.news24.com/News24/World/News/0,,2-10-1462_1545359,00.html).
It is the prospect of increased security and better relations worldwide that have prompted
Sharon to press forward with his proposal as is noted in Appendix A to the four-stage
Disengagement Plan as released by the Israeli government. The plan also enjoys widespread
support from the Israeli population as a whole, with a recent 17-5 vote for the plan in the cabinet,
a vote in favor in the Knesset of 59-40 and nearly 60 percent support among voters according to
the Australia/Israel Jewish Affairs Council (http://www.aijac.org.au/updates/Dec-04/031204.html).
However, despite the importance of security and improved relations with other states, Israel, like
any other government has concerns in many other areas that it must address. Among these are
domestic concerns such as the local economy, education, health care, and other social issues.
These two, seemingly separate, sets of concerns have become linked in Israeli domestic politics.
This linkage is due to the preferences and policies of Sharon’s domestic opposition.
Opponents of the plan come primarily from the right on the political spectrum, and for both
religious and secular reasons. Some members of the Likud party, which Sharon heads, are
opposed to implementing the plan in absence of a nationwide referendum. This faction appears
to be led by Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who averred that the importance of the issue
made a referendum absolutely necessary. Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin, who believes that a
unilateral pullout will convince Palestinians that terror is working and make Israel less safe,
represents other opponents. A third major group of domestic opponents to the plan are those
who believe that the “real” borders of Israel are not set by UN resolution or physical control of the
land, but rather by God in the Old Testament when he “gave” the land to Abraham and his
descendents, who cite the disengagement as “the first time the leaders of Israel had voluntarily
relinquished control over land explicitly promised them by the Almighty” in an editorial published
by the Jerusalem NewsWire (http://www.jnewswire.com/library/article.php?articleid=340). These
three internal factions, while they have so far been unable to halt implementation of the pullout,
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have joined forces with the left-wing in the Knesset to block the 2005 budget. While the left is
more supportive of the pullout, they are refusing to approve a budget that does not reflect their
domestic priorities in education, welfare and health care. Despite the wide difference in
preferences over policies by the varying components of this temporary coalition, they share a
preference over outcome in the removal from power of Ariel Sharon. If the budget is not
approved by the end of March, Sharon’s government fails by default and new elections would be
held within three months. This would allow the left a better chance of achieving their domestic
aims, while permitting the far right to effectively kill unilateral disengagement.
Now, with an understanding of who the actors are, and a sketch of the basis on which
they make their decisions, we can more clearly see the results of faction politics. While Sharon
enjoys majority support on both his broad domestic agenda and on the disengagement plan, the
differing minority factions have, for the short term, been able to unite and seriously threaten both
policies while remaining opponents over specific policies. This strategic interaction forces
Sharon into a difficult position. He can choose to make a side-payment to one of the coalitions,
compromising some part of his policy to achieve the rest, or he can continue to highlight the
issues in the public arena with the hope that the constituencies of one or more factions will force
support for the budget in light of what they may lose under a different regime. Alternatively, he
can trust in the desire for personal power of the members of the Knesset to influence some of
them not to risk an election in which they may not be certain of reelection. Finally, he can
choose to risk all of his policies on his ability to withstand an election and retain the power
necessary to achieve all of his aims. Various analysts differ as to which outcome is more likely
at the present, and as to which of Sharon’s choice would to shift the probabilities how much in
any particular direction.
While Myre refrains from offering a prediction of the outcome in this episode, I believe it appears
likely at this point that Sharon will depend on the power-seeking of the Knesset to maintain the
government as now constituted, however as the March 31 deadline approaches there will
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undoubtedly be increasing pressures to make some kind of deal to preserve the current
administration. I also believe that pressure by the Israeli citizens to implement the new budget
will force sufficient numbers in the Knesset to support Sharon, as the alternative would probably
leave all government offices with identical funding levels to last years budget for most or all of
this year. Viewing this concrete example of this interaction between several factions, with
differing preferences in both policy and outcome, and identifying those conflicts as well as the
way in which factions opposed to each other’s policies are able to support each other temporarily
in hopes of prevailing over the long haul serves to reinforce the linkage of policy arenas and the
concept of strategically interdependent interaction. Understanding these ideas makes analyzing
the actions states in the international arena more complex, but failure to understand them makes
it difficult to understand the specifics of states’ actions. It is only through accounting for the
linkages between the domestic and international policies that we can truly understand the
rationale behind decisions and gain some ability to accurately predict actions beforehand.
IV.
In conclusion, the example of the disengagement plan in Israel, and the domestic
factional squabbles it has engendered, detailed so well by Myre, serve to illustrate the linkages
between the domestic and foreign policies of states and to illuminate the process of factional
politics through which these policy decisions are reached. Through carefully analyzing the
factions involved and their preferences over policy and outcome, we can begin to comprehend
the decisions reached by non-unitary actors such as most state governmental systems. This in
turn facilitates increased knowledge of the relationships between states and the causes of
increasing or decreasing tensions in international relations.
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