Felistus Kinyanjui1
The Missing Link: Interrogating Entry to Kenya’s Secondary School System
Introduction
Determining the right balance between public and private resources in the provision of
primary and secondary resources is high on the global policy agenda. In formalising the
global commitment to universal basic education, the 1990 World Conference on
Education for All (EFA) in Jomtein, made it clear that national governments in
developing countries typically lack the tax-generated resources to fund education at an
adequate level. Jomtein thus established a context for the discussion of school fees and
other user charges in developing countries. The principal argument in the international
literature for abolishing fees is that they are a major cause of non-enrolment among the
poor. Recent studies in Malawi, Uganda and Kenya show the correlation between
enrolment and abolition of fee and related levies. The post-Jomtein awareness and
commitment to democratisation of access and opportunities in education brings with it
irreversible student population explosions and resultant inadequacies.
For instance
students cannot find places in schools, those who are admitted have no materials for work
and are forced or fail or drop-out because parents cannot provide the requisite materials.
The demand for secondary education is soaring worldwide owing to the confluence of at
least three factors. First, as more countries achieve UPE/schooling, demand for education
is moving to higher levels of the education system, and the world is witnessing an
explosion of individual and family aspirations for secondary education. Two, there is the
aspect of turning a global risk into an opportunity by inculcating values, attitudes and
skills of young people through quality secondary education, thus ensuring that they will
become employable. Third, today’s economies increasingly need a more sophisticated
manpower equipped with competencies, knowledge and workplace skills that primary
education does not develop. Indeed provision of secondary education of good quality is
1
Egerton University Department of Philosophy, History & Religion
1
seen as a crucial tool for generating the opportunities and benefits of social and economic
development. For these reasons, secondary education is high on the development agenda.
It is framed by the need to respond to the twin challenges of increasing access to
secondary education while improving its quality and relevance. This centrality of
secondary education will persist even in the future and it cannot be disentangled from the
democratisation of education, as it is an integral part of Education For All (EFA) efforts.
This increases pressure on the public budget in an already constrained public financial
environment in a country like Kenya.
One of the factors constraining secondary education enrolment is that the growth in the
number of secondary schools has not matched that of primary schools. In 2003, there
were 18,081 primary schools compared to 3,661 and 641 public and private secondary
schools respectively. Granted that the GER for the secondary sub-sector declined from
29.4 per cent to 22.2 per cent between 1990 and 2000, the current situation undermines
the country’s efforts towards the realisation of the EFA goal. This imbalance is expected
to worsen following implementation of the FPE which creates more demand for
secondary education.
Since 2003 secondary school enrolment has gone up by close to 19 per cent up from
882,390 to 1,043,467 but this does not resolve placement problem. The total number of
secondary schools has also increased significantly from 4,071 in 2003 to 4,506 in 2006
and the number continues to grow, thus leading to further improvements in the transition
rates. The MOEST intends to sustain and enhance the current growth in enrolments in
order to achieve its target of a transition rate of 70 per cent by 2008. To address the
growing demand for secondary school places, the MOEST is in the process of developing
a secondary education sub-sector strategy. The strategy is intended to increase access to
secondary education through the expansion of existing secondary schools, establishment
of additional day schools, introduction of alternative delivery modes including multigrade teaching, distance learning and accelerated learning.
2
Even before independence Kenyans were impressed by the need to acquire academic
education. On the one hand were peasant farmers, to whom academic education, as long
as it appeared to provide the young with a chance for social mobility would suffice. On
the other were planners who were concerned with the content and relevance of education.
This notwithstanding the government’s long-range desire to provide at least an
elementary education for all its citizens has remained elusive. In particular, transition to
secondary school remains only for “those of recognised abilities”. The promotion of
examinations sat after primary and secondary schooling are pointers to this exclusionism.
Kenyans have exhibited a desire for academic education no matter the cost. The
combination of the availability of primary education and the genuine desire of Kenyans
to equip their children with the tools to pursue a better way of life led to a phenomenal
expansion of the primary and secondary systems of education in the first two decades of
independence. In 1963 the opportunity index, that is, the ration of those who were in fact
able to secure places in government or aided schools, was a dismal 4 per cent. To fill the
void, harambee schools, built through the self-help initiative, played a significant role as
sometimes they absorbed more pupils than government schools. In this bid, communities
were satisfying their own demand in the face of the government’s lack of capacity. A
study conducted in 1965 showed that the pursuit for education was founded more on
personal enrichment and not nationalism. Hence the laxity in Kenyans to take seriously
the crisis that many pupils, particularly from poor backgrounds did not secure Form One
Placement. It is against this backdrop that this paper interrogates the issues regarding
access, retention, wastage, rate of transition, relevance, alternative routes, weaknesses,
quota and discrimination tendencies manifested in secondary schooling. We now turn to a
historical background on Kenya’s education system.
A Brief History of Education in Kenya
At independence Kenya inherited an education system that was skewed in terms of race
and regional disparities. The greatest resources went to the so-called ‘white’, national,
provincial and district schools in this order. Performance followed the same order as a
result of biased pupil selection, human and resource allocation. It has been a system that
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exacerbates inequality among pupils and communities. The post colonial state has been
committed in the expansion and accessibility of an education system for all.
In 1963, the government declared a fight against three enemies of development;
ignorance, disease and poverty. In light of this, the government adopted a policy of
universal primary education (UPE). The government’s effort to expand educational
opportunities was informed by decisions informed by research by certain commissions.
The key ones being the: Ominde (1964), Gachathi (1976), Mackay (1981), Kamunge
(1988) and Koech (2000) commissions, all appropriately named after their respective
chairmen. Alongside these commissions are relevant policy documents such as the
Sessional Paper No. 86 of 1988 and the Sessional Paper No.1 of 2005, the latter is a
Policy Framework for Education, Training and Research.
The impetus of these
documents is highlighted accordingly in the remainder of this paper.
The earliest commission (Ominde 1964, 1965) is the bedrock on which Kenya’s
education system has been built albeit with changes and alterations as recommended by
later commissions. The Ominde Commission was emphatic that economic development
could only be accelerated through education. Among the recommendations made by the
Commission was endorsement on the provision of free primary education (FPE). The
Kenya African National Union (KANU), the party which ruled the country from 1963 to
2002, was committed to offering a minimum seven years of FPE, though intermittently.
Another recommendation of the commission was the establishment of the Kenya School
Equipment Scheme (KSES). The KSES was a government agency that provided
educational materials to all primary schools countrywide. To facilitate this, the education
sector enjoyed a lion’s share of Kenya’s budgetary allocation. To supplement the state’s
efforts, the commission recommended that private schools be allowed to operate but their
curricula be regulated by education planners. The report was the best blue print of
education in independent Kenya.
With the implementations of the Ominde commission and the support that the education
sector received from the government, higher enrolment rates were registered. The
proportion of the recurrent budget committed to the support of education rose from about
4
12 per cent in 1964 to 37.7 per cent in 1988. Figures documenting the past expansion of
the education system bear to mention. Primary school enrolments grew from 1,014,719 in
1964 to over five million in 1987; secondary school enrolments rose from about 36,000
in 1964 to over half a million in 1987. While 565 students attended University College,
Nairobi, in 1964, over 26,000 students attended one of the four public universities in
1988. The official policy to enhance enrolment in primary school was bolstered in 1971
when a presidential decree abolished tuition fees for all marginalised communities. More
significantly and inclusive was a presidential decree issued on December 12, 1973, that
provided free education for children in Classes One to Four countrywide and a uniform
fee-structure for those in Classes Five to Seven. Subsequently, Classes One to Four rose
from 1.8 million in 1973 to nearly 2.8 million in January 1974. Clearly the rise in
enrolment was closely tied to a reduction in cost. Further, when the government abolished
all forms of school levies in all public primary in 1978 enrolment skyrocketed
countrywide. But acquisition of primary education is not an end in itself so more
problems lay ahead.
The Quest for Secondary Education
For primary school pupils, proceeding to secondary school involves completing Class
Eight (up to 1985 Class Seven) and obtaining good scores at the national primary school
examination-Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE). The obvious observation is
that since independence there are more students completing primary school than can be
absorbed in the secondary schools in the country. The Kenya government has responded
to the problem of human resource development by making a major expansion in
secondary education. Between 1966 and 1970, 58 per cent of Kenya’s education budget
was spent on secondary schooling. But the demand still outstrips the supply. Between
1964 and 1968, Form One intake doubled from 8,956 to 15,169. In the 1980s there was
even a higher demand for space and since then Kenyans have experienced a real crisis.
Table 1.1 illustrates the low transition rates between primary and secondary school in the
last one decade.
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Table 1.1 Primary to Secondary Transition Rates 1999-2004
Year in Std 8
Enrolment in Std 8
1999 Enrolment
Transiting to Form 1 (%)
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2004
(‘000)
436.3
474.6
463.4
508.3
541.3
548.3
in Form 1 (‘000)
201.0
205.3
215.6
221.5
251.1
277.1
46.1
43.3
46.5
43.6
46.4
50.5
Source: Education Statistics Section, Ministry of Education
Evidently from 2002, at least 48 per cent of those who sat the KCPE had access to
secondary education. There were 3,200 schools which absorbed 287,248 pupils out of the
514,350 who sat the KCPE. This translated into 55.5 per cent missing Form One places.
Simply put these are wasted pupils and opportunities. Again, out of the 650,000
candidates who sat the KCPE examination in 2004 only 300,000 secured Form One
placement. The poor transition from primary to secondary school remains a major
concern in Kenya, like in other sub-Saharan African countries. The transition rates take
the contours of gender and regions. Table 1.2 shows how girls fared in the last one
decade.
Table 1.2 Primary to Secondary School Transition Rates by Sex, 1990-2001
1
990
Boys 42.9
Girls 39.4
Total 41.3
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2001
991
45.4
43.7
44.6
992
46.9
45.0
46.0
993
41.8
35.0
38.4
994
43.2
42.1
42.7
995
45.4
43.9
44.7
996
46.0
44.3
45.2
997
45.3
44.5
44.9
998
46.4
43.1
44.8
999
44.0
44.2
43.1
000
47.3
44.9
46.1
50.9
46.8
48.9
Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Technology
Available evidence reveals that by the time a cohort entered Form One, approximately
three-quarters of the girls who entered Class One had been eliminated from the formal
educational system, compared to only two-thirds of the boys (Krystall, 1978:58). As girls
advance, obstacles which reduce their chances of completing the primary cycle and
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proceeding to secondary school increase. Failure to secure Form One placement further
disadvantages girls.
In its 2002 study titled The business of education: A look at Kenya's private education
sector, the International Finance Corporation [IFC] observed that in the 2001 secondary
school intake, public primary schools in Nairobi sent only 16 pupils (11.5) per cent to
national schools while private schools sent 123 (88.5) per cent.
As early as 1979 David Court observed that so long as access to higher quality schools is
visibly related to factors other than individual ability, regional and ethnic disparities in
the provision of educational facilities are not redressed, it is difficult to accept that the
Kenyan government follows an ethos of equal opportunity. Rather the underlying cause
of unequal access to education is the patron-client relationship. The projection by Court
has become vivid with time and it is now clear that education in Kenya is really a
preserve of the few elite, it is discriminatory and only favours those from stable financial
backgrounds.
As has already been pointed out some areas and schools have received a disproportionate
share of the resources allocated to education. Some of the specially favoured national
secondary schools include the two Alliances, Mangu, Starehe, Moi Forces Academy,
Kabarak, and Maseno, situated in the Central, Western and the Rift Valley Provinces. The
situation has not changed even after 40 years of independence. Therefore, Form One
placement is a nightmare to many parents in Kenya. Yet, the secondary school that one
attends cardinally determines one’s chances of proceeding to higher education as well as
career prospects. Needless to say once you have missed a chance in a national or
provincial school your chances of success in life are reduced by more than a half.
Moreover, so many of the children from poor families do not make it to Form One it
follows that they are locked out of secondary schools yet the children of the rich secure
admission in the best government secondary schools which increases their chances to
secure admission to the public universities. Education is no longer a channel for upward
mobility but it increases inequality.
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After the KCPE results are announced, what follows are nearly predictable banner
headlines that decry that close to half the candidates who sat KCPE fail to secure Form
One placement in the national, provincial and district schools. More worrisome is that
inasmuch as this trend is predictable successive governments are yet to effectively handle
this ever looming annual crisis. Not that the problem is totally insurmountable. It bears to
explore some of the options.
For instance, there are few polytechnics and other institutions whereby those who fail to
secure Form One admission can acquire technical skills and crafts that make them
employable. Ideally that is the role of vocational training but not in Kenya. Vocational
and technical education existed in colonial Kenya but was a major source of conflict
between the state and the people. While the state perceived technical and vocational
education as a means of introducing relevant skills for rural life, the population regarded
it as a legitimisation of inferior and futureless non-academic education designed to
condemn Africans to menial jobs - an attitude that still persists. The village polytechnics
(VPs) signified a response to the then emerging problem of primary school leaver
unemployment of the mid 1960s. The original idea was to provide rural primary school
leavers with informal training in skills for which there was a demand in the local
community. Through support from the government the VP movement witnessed a rapid
expansion up to the 1980s before they took a downward spiral. This is due to lack of
government subsidy resulting to inadequate personnel, physical facilities, training
equipment and materials and tools. A further problem of YPs is their poor image in the
community where they are seen as catering for school dropouts who are generally
considered academic failures.
Beyond the question of inadequate space in secondary schools recent research shows that
the cost of education in Kenya is written examination based. The Koech Commission
(2000) established that under the new system of education, the primary school curriculum
had become highly focused on examination. Hence selection or screening of those who
will continue with secondary education is based on the KCPE scores. Rather than
channelling pupils to different institutions that address the students’ specific needs and
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talents, all are subjected to an exam. Attendant to this rigidity is that the KCPE has
become highly competitive so much so that districts are ranked according to their
schools’ performance in this examination. Consequently, district and zonal mock
examinations that are aimed at improving each school’s mean score have become
frequent (Koech, 2000, p.282). Pupils are overworked, drilled and over loaded in a bid to
raise mean scores.
With an education system that rewards ‘examinocracy’, a culture of cramming and low
application capacity in students has been perfected. That is, the system rewards those who
developed good exam skills and score highly while it denies a chance to those who were
not good at demonstrating their achievement through the medium of exams. Complaints
about the undue influence of secondary admission requirements and also that a new
emphasis on testing has led to increased cramming and memory drills. Not to mention
poor teaching and lack of textbooks denies the pupils an opportunity for holistic learning.
Pupils only memorise to enable them pass the KCPE and effectively gain the much
coveted admission to national and provincial schools. Little wonder students seem to
perform best in subjects that require rote learning but dismally perform in subjects that
require understanding of relationships, principles and application. When memorising fails
students resort to examination malpractices including cheating.
It is a commonplace to have pupils cheat in national examinations. The vices of collusion
with invigilators, impersonification, leakage of examinations and buying papers before
hand are malpractices commonly reported including this year (Daily Nation, 15
November 2007). The unethical culture has been borne of an education system that
recognises scores, and ignores non-academic talent. Also, pupils engage in double
registration in order to attain requisite scores for the ultimate prize, securing Form One
admission.
Parents who are financially able, educate their children in high-cost schools, but because
the government discriminates against the pupils from these schools in form one
placement parents enrol their children in public primary schools. This way they are
guaranteed to secure Form One placement in the top national schools. For example, in
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2004 to the chagrin of the MOEST, 5,000 candidates who registered for KCPE did not
present themselves for the actual examination (Ministerial Speech Delivered on 5 January
2005 during the launch of Form One selection exercise). Many of whom were suspected
to have registered twice (in public and private schools) in order to optimise their chances
of gaining admission to national or provincial schools.
There is a general acrimony between private school investors and those in the education
public sector. This rivalry is at its helm in January when the KCPE results are announced.
Sometimes it gets so politicised that policies are introduced to cool temperatures. For
example, in 2001 the government introduced a quota system to discriminate against
pupils who attended private primary schools. Under this system, such pupils were entitled
to only 15 per cent of the slots available in the government secondary schools regardless
of their individual scores. The remaining 85 per cent of the slots were reserved for pupils
who attended public primary school. The extent to which this policy has been
implemented is questionable. Granting that the same people who take their own children
to private academies are the policy makers who cannot watch idly as their own miss
admission to the best schools after spending a fortune in the academies to enable them to
reap and leap in the Kenyan education system.
The woes of the children from poor backgrounds who make it to secondary schools do
not end with admission to Form One. Further wastage takes place in secondary schooling
which is characterised by high levels of dropouts. Available statistics show that close to
half a million pupils sit the KCPE yet only a mere quarter of a million get to sit the
Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE), which determines entry to higher
education. For example, in 2005 only about 222,676 students sat KCSE yet in 2001 about
508,000 pupils had sat the KCPE. Where does the 285,324 go to and who is accountable
for this low retention rate? Secondary school fees, even in government schools, are high
and above the income of the average family. Those who do not make it to government
schools are absorbed in harambee schools. In the latter case fees are much higher since
schools are the source of the entire operating budget. Therefore with the benefit of stable
incomes, a small elite can afford to accord the benefits of education to children
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irrespective of their gender. At the opposite end of the spectrum, the poorest and the most
destitute cannot contemplate educational investments for any of their children. But for the
majority in between who may be able to support the education of only some of their
children, enrolment patterns strongly suggest that parents prefer to educate sons. Chege
argues that at the secondary school level, there are 118 enrolled boys for every 100 girls
enrolled. The increase in the male to female pupil ratio at this level also reflects the
higher dropout rate for girls (Chege, 2006, p.59).
More worrisome is that a report from the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology
(MOEST) in 2004 showed that a majority of pupils from private schools popularly
referred to as academies, which excel in the KCPE end up at the tail-end in Form Four.
But the average ones from public primary schools, some having scored poorly, turn the
tables and excel. This trend is traced to the fact that pupils from the academies take time
to adjust to the secondary school environment, are complacent and take high school for
granted. Again, the pupils from public schools have potential that can be exploited and
nurtured during secondary schooling if given a chance. With free secondary education,
which the current government has promised if re-elected, maybe there will be higher rates
of retention, therefore opening more opportunities for the children from poor
backgrounds.
With the re-introduction of FPE in 2003 the public primary schools which had recorded
sterling performance hitherto have continued to trail as the 2004 KCPE results shows.
Private schools continued to set the standards whereby out of 100 best students 38 came
from a single private school in Central Kenya while only one was from a public primary
school. In a typical way the Education Minister denied that free primary education had
compromised quality but could not explain why former public school academic giants
trailed. Instead he blamed the poor performance on some examination questions which he
claimed were beyond the primary school pupils' level of knowledge. Of course this was
red herring. Even before the dust had settled an Assistant Minister for Education
acknowledged that 60 per cent of the places in national secondary schools were taken up
11
by pupils from private schools much as they accounted for only 10 per cent of the total
KCPE candidates.
The reality is that the academies are dominated by the children of the elites. The charges
are exorbitant, have requisite facilities and they employ graduate teachers. On the
contrary the government sponsored public schools are run by primary trained and
untrained teachers. Essentially education is a preserve of the rich and problems of access
remain glaring. The government institutes policies that are ambitious and short-term.
For instance, after one year of free primary education and dismal performance by the
public sector the government acted fast but in an unpromising way. After the 2004 results
were announced the ministry instituted stop-gap measures to absorb many pupils into
Form One. Among these measures were:
 Asking Secondary School managements to take on an extra class
wherever, facilities could allow,
 Provision of laboratory equipment to 10 schools in each District, giving a
total of 710 schools at a cost of Ksh.160m,
 Providing grants to schools in ASAL areas covering 28 Districts,
amounting to Kshs.50m,
 Providing grants to schools in regions classified as Pockets of poverty,
totaling Ksh.30m.
 Registration of new day Public Schools in many Districts in the country.
To compliment these initiatives by the government, the Minister appealed to parents and
all other stakeholders to play their role in providing physical facilities in their schools. He
also made an appeal to private sector investors to build more secondary schools. But all
along the government has not been friendly to private school development. Instead of
viewing them as partners they are perceived as rivals or competitors as alluded to in the
section that addresses the discriminative quota systems.
Recommendations
The participation of private organisations, individuals and agencies in secondary
education is justifiable and in some cases advisable, in view of the socio-economic,
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technological and employment constraints in the continent. This justification does not,
however, exonerate the state from the responsibility of determining the direction,
dimension and control of education.
Also, there is no evidence of effective utilisation of the existing facilities such as
conversion from harambee day to boarding schools. Their performance in the national
examination is far from satisfactory. So they should revert to being day schools which are
accessible to pupils within a 5 km radius hence raising enrolment in secondary schooling.
To date people are compelled to pursue more and more education to the point where
much of the demand for expensive higher training is largely fuelled by credential
inflation. The returns to society from superfluous training are minimal. It is this
relationship between education and employment that has fuelled much of the tremendous
expansion of educational opportunity of the 1970s and 1980s. Not only has the cost of
this expansion become oppressive, but the value of educational growth has been
increasingly undermined by credential inflation. Many people with qualifications are
underemployed or unemployed. But this does not make desire to pursue education wane.
As long as the factors that affect peasants’ strategies for economic viability remain
unchanged, the demand for education will remain irresistibly strong. The only way to
diminish the intensity of educational demand is to alter the survival equation, that is,
provide new economic outlets. Besides, the Government also needs to come up with a
way of ensuring that those who do not make it to secondary school end up doing
something constructive for their lives. To this end, it is clear that vocational training
institutions be revamped and well equipped to absorb all those who are left out of
secondary schooling. Embrace the jua kali which absorbed the graduates from vocational
institutions.
Another striking feature, indeed positive development from the varying and differentiated
secondary education types and cycles is progression from one level of education to the
other. For instance, the skills centres and community/trade schools for post-primary
pupils who are unwilling or unable to go to the mainstream of secondary education. Such
centres where properly managed, provide avenues, after specific examinations, for the
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initially unwilling or unable students, to re-enter secondary school mainstream later in
life.
Although the transition rate from primary to secondary education in many African
countries is gradually increasing, the interfacing of the two levels is still comparatively
low. Africa’s average transition rates for primary to secondary education from 1980, 1990
and 1992 were 34%, 43% and 48% respectively. Granting that there may be other factors
relating to organisation, resource allocation and management of primary schools that
could influence transition to secondary schools, it is equally plausible that age and
maturity at the primary level could enhance student’s predisposition for secondary
education.
The high student population growth-rate occurs in the face of limited school facilities,
thus school managers often resort to fire-fighting methods to cope with the admissions,
placement and student welfare programmes. The situation is compounded by the growing
anomie, restiveness and destructive tendencies among today’s children.
Conclusion
Kenya is a country of few resources that should be put into effective use. The obvious
question of wastage, low retention rates and transition rates translate into wastage of
individuals and opportunities. Education remains for the elite who transmit the same to
succeeding generations thus propagating inequality. Intermittent school waivers have
dismally failed to end this exclusionism. Stronger institutional policies ought to be put in
place for purposes of consistency and continuity for future development of posterity.
Alternative skills can be acquired from the technical and middle level colleges which
should enjoy government subsidy and support. Education is still big business in Kenya
as the aspiring presidential candidates portray through their manifestos which are
engrained with great election pledges on free basic education if they take the leadership
mantle come 2008. In conclusion Kenyan policy makers ought to know that no country
has industrialised without making heavy investments in its secondary education system
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thus they should urgently pool private and public resources to this end and secure a
guaranteed future for its posterity.
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