Giornalismo Politico-Economico 26/04/2016 #carmelitainterview

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Giornalismo Politico-Economico
26/04/2016
#carmelitainterview
The Fan Democracy
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
Political parties and candidates now have to produce their
constituencies on the basis of their appeal rather than relying on
already existing social commonalities. Adherents of political parties
seem to share no more than their appreciation of the performance of
that party and its candidates; they may have social factors in
common, but that does not sufficiently explain their alliance with
particular politics. An intermediate process of identification takes
place, which is evoked and mobilized through the particular appeals
of parties and their candidates. The cognitive rational bias of political
theory notwithstanding, these appeals also include emotional,
affective, moral, and aesthetic components.
[p. 59]
The Fan Democracy
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
The structural relationship of the political field to its constituencies as
communities, which materialize as a result of performances and
appeals, has an equivalent in the articulation of mass media with
their audicenes. Street (1997, p. 60) says, for instance, that
politics, like popular culture, is about creating an “audience”,
a “people” who will laugh at their jokes, understand their
fears and share their hopes. Both the popular media and
politicians are engaged in creating works of popular fiction
which portray credible worlds that resonate with people’s
experiences
[p. 59]
The Fan Democracy
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998) have developed a continuum of
audience involvement that ranges from consumers on the one hand
and petty producers on the other, with fans, cultists and enthusiasts
in the middle. Paraphrasing their understanding of the three middle
categories in political terms, one can see how they capture the way
constituencies are called into being by (mass mediated) politics.
[p. 60]
The Fan Democracy
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
“Fans are those people who become particularly attached to certain
programmes or stars within the context of a relatively heavy media
use” (p. 138). These could be considered, in other words,
the voters of a party for a party or a candidate.
“Cultists are more organized than fans. They meet each other and
circulate specialized materials that constitute the nodes of a network” (p.
139). The political parallel here is with the volunteers of a political party.
“Enthusiasts are, in our terms… based predominantly around
activities rather than media or stars” (p. 139). Enthusiasts would be
analogous to party representatives in various governing bodies.
[p. 60]
Personalization
The celebrity politician
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
Miller and his colleagues (1986) examined data from a succession of
American election studies (1952-1984) and identified five stable
categories that people use in their perception of political candidates:
competence, reliability, integrity, charisma, and personal traits.
The first three indicators are related to political performance… In
contrast, charisma and personal traits… are entirely based on the
perception of private features and thus cover the celebrity dimension
of the contemporary politician.
[p. 72]
Personalization
The celebrity politician
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
The celebrity politician, then, is the successful embodiment of the
concurrent constituents of the political field and the stage of private
life. He emerges mainly from performance on television, because
television and its many genres are the main source from which the
majority of people learn about politics, with talk shows ranking high
when it comes to influencing voting decisions. This has to do with the
fact that politicians get to speak much longer in talk shows than the
sound bites allowed to them in regular news and current affairs
programs, which enables politicians to perform a more diverse and
complete persona built from the performance requirements that
emerge from the political and the personal stage.
[p. 78]
Presentations
Popular Resources for Citizenship
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
Elisabet Gidengil’s (2003) comparison of leader effects and voter
characteristics in nine Western democracies suggests that the more
politically involved people are and the better they know who they
want to vote for, the more leadership evaluations matter to them.
[p. 127]
Presentations
Popular Resources for Citizenship
(Van Zoonen, 2005)
Both real and fictional politicians thus seem to function in the
continuous (re)construction and expression of people’s evaluative
schemata. People use their evaluation of both fictional and real
politicians to male clear to others what they think are appropriate
models of conduct to express civic values and perform citizenship.
[pp. 130-131]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
For many, the current state of political news, and thus of citizens’
political knowledge — as well as, by extension, their competence as
democratic citizens — is bleak (L. Bennett 2003; S. Bennett N.d.;
Patterson 1994, 2000). But others (e.g., Popkin 1994; Schudson
1998; Zaller 2003) counter that a press that provides limited
quantities of political information is not necessarily dysfunctional,
arguing that such concerns underestimate citizens’ capacity to make
reasoned voting decisions based on relatively small quantities of
information… Advocates of the former perspective frequently cite the
proliferation of soft news as evidence of the news media’s failure to
equip citizens with proper or sufficient information (L. Bennett 2003;
Patterson 2000, 2003).
[pp. 946-947]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
Baum (2002, 2003) refers to those media outlets that focus primarily
on such material — including entertainment and tabloid news shows,
network newsmagazines, and daytime and late night talk shows —
as the soft news media. These outlets differ in many respects. Yet, in
contrast to traditional, hard news outlets — such as The New York
Times or network evening newscasts — they all focus primarily on
soft news themes like crime, disaster, or scandal, and they all cover
political issues similarly to one another (Baum 2003). Their
audiences also tend to have comparatively little education or interest
in politics (Baum 2003; Hamilton 2003).
[p. 947]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
Why would an individual who is uninterested in and does not
understand politics pay attention to political news? Baum (2002,
2003) argues soft news can, under some circumstances, render
political information cost-effective for even apolitical individuals.
His “incidental by-product” model shows that if substantive political
information is presented in an entertaining context, it can be attached
to information intended primarily to entertain, and hence consumed
incidentally, effectively at no extra cost.
[p. 948]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
Many low-awareness voters, in turn, base their vote choices more on
the candidates’ personal qualities—as an information shortcut—than
their policy positions (Baum 2005). By assessing the candidates’
“likeability” (Sniderman, Brody, and Tetlock 1991), voters can often
figure out which candidate best represents their interests, even
absent substantial knowledge of their policy positions. Consequently,
entertainment-oriented talk show (“E-talk show”) candidate interviews
can help viewers vote consistently even absent significant discussion
of policy issues. Nevertheless, despite their “soft” approach to
political interviews, E-talk show interviews do address public policy,
albeit far less so than campaign coverage by traditional news outlets.
[p. 949]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
Looking to the interaction of political behavior and news
consumption, we render an understanding of quality that extends to
hard or soft news, and thereby focuses our analysis on the conditions
under which quality results from the interaction of citizens’ news
consumption and their political decision making. As much as
possible, this places the assessment of news quality in the hands of
citizens we understand to be rational. Upon doing so, we discover
that, at least with respect to voting, most citizens are able to act in
their own interests, even if their predilection is for Oprah Winfrey
instead of Jim Lehrer.
[p. 957]
The Oprah effect
(Baum&Jamison, 2006)
Even though E-talk shows focus far more on candidates’
personalities than their policy positions (Baum 2005), there is no
reason to believe that the political information contained in these
programs, however limited in scope or personality oriented, is
fundamentally inaccurate. This suggests that, in the context of U.S.
elections, a little information may indeed go a long way, particularly
for the least politically aware voters. It further suggests that when
low-awareness Americans tune in to Oprah, Regis, or Leno,
democracy may well be strengthened, rather than weakened.
[p. 958]
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