Community Case Studies Skornicka Seminar for Communities Teaming Up On Gangs 1999 La Follette School of Public Affairs University of Wisconsin–Madison ©1999 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System All rights reserved. For additional copies: Publications Office La Follette School of Public Affairs 1225 Observatory Drive Madison, WI 53706 www.lafollette.wisc.edu PDF created from HTML files June 26, 2014 Table of Contents Building This Plane as We Fly It: The La Crosse Response to Youth Violence and Gangs ......................................................................................................................................... 1 To Be or To Wannabe: Drug Use, Gang Participation, and Youth Violence in River Falls ..................................................................................................................................7 Fighting for Peace: The Young Gang Problem on Milwaukee’s South Side ........................ 14 Gangs and Youth Violence in Stevens Point ........................................................................... 17 Oneida: Youth, Culture, Gangs, and Cooperation .................................................................. 24 Building This Plane as We Fly It: The La Crosse Response to Youth Violence and Gangs Wendy Kloiber “Do you want to die?” “I don’t want to die. Go home.” Koua Vang would later tell La Crosse police that Anou Lo asked him this question moments before Lo pulled a revolver from his waistband and fired five shots at Vang, hitting his right arm. He would also tell police that Anou Lo was a member of the Imperial Gangsters and that he himself was a member of the TMC’s, or Tiny Man Crew. The TMC’s had been aggressive in earlier interactions with the IG’s, and Vang felt Lo had shot him in retaliation. The shooting took place on July 6, 1995, in a small park on the corner of Hood and 5th streets. The park is surrounded by family homes; many residents of the Hood Park neighborhood have lived there all their lives. Koua Vang was the only person to receive a gunshot wound that night, but he was far from being the only person who felt injured by the violent act. *** Thirty years ago, the Hood Park neighborhood was almost entirely white and blue collar, populated by homeowners who were immigrants themselves or were the children and grandchildren of immigrants. In the years leading up to what would be known as the Hood Park shooting, the neighborhood had been undergoing significant changes. Many of its original homeowners were still there, but they had grown older. An increasing number of homes became rental properties. The neighborhood began to look less established and more transient, becoming a place where people came and went instead of a place where people had put down roots. Perhaps most significantly, the people moving into the rental properties were racially and ethnically different from the residents they replaced. In the last decade, La Crosse’s population has jumped from being only 1 percent nonwhite to 11 percent nonwhite as blacks from Illinois and refugees from Southeast Asia arrived in a contemporary wave of immigrants wanting to make the city their home. The shooting in Hood Park brought into the open tensions that had been building as diversity increased. The incident was felt by many to be a confirmation of the fact that their safe and peaceful neighborhood had become a war zone, populated by people who neither shared nor respected the longtime residents’ love of their home city. “This was a neighborhood where you didn’t lock your car doors. Sure, there were typical kid scuffles, but this wasn’t a place where you had to worry about the safety of your kids or your property.” Sandy Herold lives with her husband and two children a few blocks from Hood Park in the house that was her grandmother’s. It was through her children that Sandy realized that the changes in her neighborhood extended beyond the deterioration of some rental properties. On a Saturday morning when she and her husband were at work, her eleven-year-old son was mugged by a group of young teens who told him they were gang members. “They said to my son, `Give us your ten dollars or we’ll come after you with 9 millimeters and Uzis.’ On that same day in this neighborhood there were two purse snatchings, and some beer was stolen from a car when people were unloading groceries.” 1 Awareness of the presence of gangs in La Crosse happened on two levels at once. The first level was the change in the quality of neighborhood life - a feeling of decreased safety and trust caused by incidents like the mugging of Sandy’s son. While the young teens who threatened him may or may not themselves have been gang members, they were the relatives of adults who had moved into the neighborhood and who in some cases were claiming their gang membership openly. While Hood Park residents felt threatened by the increase of these crimes, at the second level the La Crosse Police Department had been seeing an increase in gang-related felonies committed within the city and the region. La Crosse’s location on a major highway made the city a convenient crossroads for the exchange of drugs, guns, and stolen cars. Established, “corporate” gangs from larger cities as well as “homegrown” white and Hmong gangs were eager to take advantage of the opportunities. In Sandy Herold’s neighborhood a man arrested for delivering a machine gun to his brother reportedly told police he was a general for the Black P-Stone Rangers. He claimed there were 100 Rangers in La Crosse and 200 more coming, and threatened to take out contracts on police if they got in his way. This man lived for a time in the same house as some of the children who had mugged Sandy’s son. *** Prior to the Hood Park shooting, public opinion about gangs and teen violence had been divided. Mark Wehrs, who in July of 1995 was the Opinion Page editor of the La Crosse Tribune said, “At the time, the main concern of our editorial board was not to become overly fearful. We didn’t want to be afraid of all kids and particularly we didn’t want to fan the flames of racist sentiment. Even if it was the truth that there were TMC’s and IG’s, we were determined to softpedal the story. We just didn’t want to incriminate every kid on the streetcorner in baggy pants. “Also, we were conscious of not wanting to divide the old against the young, especially when it was only a small percentage of kids who were in trouble. So even though the police were doing a good job of trying to get the word out, and from a news standpoint we covered the events fully, from an editorial standpoint we stuck our heads in the sand.” The La Crosse police had been making efforts to quietly “get the word out” for some time. In 1993, two years before the shooting, the police department went to local school administrators and suggested a collaborative effort. The result was the establishment of a fact-finding committee, headed by Assistant Superintendent David Johnston, which included parents, clergy, police, and the Hmong Mutual Assistance Association (HMAA). The committee found that there was indeed a gang presence in La Crosse’s schools. The committee report gathered dust on the shelf until the Hood Park shooting. As Dr. Johnston said: With Hood Park we lost our innocence. Before Hood Park, both liberals and conservatives in the city thought the issue was overrated and overplayed. We held workshops that trained teachers to recognize gang insignia, using information that was probably years out of date by the time we got it. We had a false sense of security, and part of that came from the fact that we never had the real players at the table. We were the converted talking to the converted. The kids we talked to were the student council leaders, not the kids who are out until three in the morning. The issue of gangs also brings up the issue of racism, which is difficult and painful. It’s very hard to talk about racism directly until something like a Hood Park happens, and then it’s hard to talk about it productively. The black community in La Crosse has no representative organization like the HMAA. The Hmong community arrived in tribal families as refugees from the Southeast Asian wars that devastated their homelands. By contrast, the black community in La Crosse has arrived family by family. The Hmong, as an “invited” group of people who had been wartime allies of the United States had to make the transition from a tribal people to being residents in a highly technological 2 society. The black community has had to face the fact that many people in their new home felt blacks were bringing with them the very problems - crime, drugs and gangs - they most wanted to escape. Johnston moved to La Crosse 18 years ago, and from his vantage point as an educational administrator has watched the school system adjust to the city’s increasing diversity. We’ve attempted to do outreach to the African American parents, but I wouldn’t say we’ve been successful. The Hmong community has a different history. When the Hmong children first entered the school system they tended to be favorites of teachers because they were hardworking. As they grow more and more integrated into the community that’s less true. Now that they’ve gained a certain level of comfort, the Hmong kids are more likely to act like majority kids, and ignore authority more often. One college-aged black man working as a counselor in a youth program recently made the decision to return to Illinois at the end of the semester. Heavily recruited to attend UW La Crosse, he found it very difficult, in two years as a student there, to feel like an accepted and valued part of the community. This seemed to be a common feeling among many black students and workers in La Crosse. “Both Asian and black students here are isolated. And often the youth of color who are at risk are the kids who are isolated twice - once because of race and once because their families are working hard to meet basic survival needs,” says Denis Tucker of the Hmong Mutual Assistance Association. “Lots of these kids are joining gangs to have a family, to have people to be close to who care about them.” *** In the week before the shooting, Sandy Herold’s kids were unable to deliver all the papers on their 5:30 a.m. route. The “gang kids” would be out on the stoop of their house waiting for her son to come by. One of the kids hit her son and the whole family felt scared. Finally Sandy went to the police station, saying, “This is really happening, we’re really scared. We’re not crazy. We’re not making this up.” An officer offered to sponsor a community meeting with her, and together they made a flyer. Two hundred copies were printed and dropped off the afternoon of the shooting. The next morning, Sandy and the kids delivered the flyers in the morning paper. More than 100 people showed up at that meeting. “It had almost a vigilante atmosphere,” said Sandy. “There were World War II vets there who had had some of those kids riding their bikes back and forth in front of their cars real slow, kind of playing chicken, and the vets were saying, `I’m gonna hit those kids next time.’ We nailed down the three households that were the biggest problem and the feeling was almost like, let’s burn them out.” Overnight, perceptions of the issue of gangs and teen violence went from “overrated and overplayed” to a sense that nothing was more critical to the quality of life in La Crosse than to solve this problem. An incredible amount of time, energy, and resources went into many different kinds of efforts. Several of them grew out of the community meeting. The city established a community planning council, which is attended by residents, members of the mayor’s staff, and police. In addition, a neighborhood block watch got started, with Sandy as a captain. Volunteers attended meetings and trainings, and developed ways of fitting block watch activities into their daily schedules. A program called Skates for Kids took up residence in Hood Park, flooding a skating rink and renting ice skates to neighborhood youth. Each of these programs met a different need. The planning council is the primary venue where questions of what requirements should be placed on the owners of neighborhood property are raised and decided. It can marshal different kinds of direct 3 and indirect authority to deal with the deterioration of property issues that are important to the community. The block watch addressed the lack of safety residents were feeling, and Skates for Kids reasserted the presence of the community in the park, reclaiming it as a play space for children and families. Other efforts targeted young people directly. The Community Youth Initiative was a joint project of the police, the schools, and county social services that was started in 1994. “Ed Kondracki (La Crosse’s police chief) and the superintendent and the social services director just kept finding themselves at the same meetings talking about the same issues,” said the program’s director, Kerry Johnson. “We started looking at models to address the needs of youth in the community and we decided to use the Search Institute’s model. Most models focus on deficits— on all the things that are missing from kids’ lives or from their communities. The Search Institute model focuses on assets, and how to increase them.” The Community Youth Initiative is composed of four bodies. An Adult Advocacy committee works directly in the community on behalf of youth. The newly established Youth Commission pulls together students from area high schools and gives them the opportunity to discuss issues together and serve as an advisory board to community leaders. In addition, two separate teams using the Search Institute model focus on increasing the internal and external assets available to the community’s teens. The Community Youth Initiative has chosen not to focus specifically on at-risk youth, believing that a more general mission is better suited to meet the needs of the community as a whole. A different program, Another Way, works directly with gang members trying to make the transition out of gang membership. Another Way, like many similar programs in La Crosse, is supported by several groups, although it is sponsored directly by the police department. Once in the Another Way program, teens meet with counselors in a group setting two or more times a week. Meetings are designed to give teens a chance to talk about their experiences, and to meet some of the needs for support and companionship that led many of them to join gangs. As a catalyst for many of these efforts, the La Crosse Police Department has exercised a progressive philosophy about the role of the police in solving community problems. “We’ve undergone a real paradigm shift,” says Chief Ed Kondracki. “We’re not ticket writers anymore. We’ve really begun to see ourselves as problem solvers.” Part of the change is reflected in the level and quality of the presence that police officers have established by making themselves a resource to community efforts like the neighborhood block watches and programs like Another Way. Another part is reflected directly in La Crosse’s policing practices. Chief Kondracki is an advocate of community oriented policing, a strategy that moves officers away from a “headquarters” mentality and instead locates officers in smaller offices within the neighborhoods they police. With regard to gangs, La Crosse police have worked to identify both the larger group of teens who claim membership in a gang as well as the smaller group of teens who are habitual offenders. Teens with five misdemeanor convictions, or two felony or weapons convictions, receive extra scrutiny. In addition, the District Attorney’s office strategized alongside police to keep violent kids off the streets. Koua Vang, the victim in the Hood Park shooting, went to jail for gun possession and Anou Lo received a very stiff sentence. The La Crosse County DA assigned an assistant to concentrate on gang violence prosecution, and judges assisted in the effort by making use of sentencing enhancers for gang offenses to increase the jail time served by offenders. *** 4 Much has been accomplished in the two and a half years since the Hood Park shooting. Perhaps the most important gauge of that accomplishment lies in the way residents in the Hood Park area feel about their neighborhood. “Now it’s not even close to a problem to send my son to the store,” says Sandy Herold. Residents agree that the neighborhood once again feels like a safe place to be. While there is some question about whether the vigilance of the neighborhood block watch and the increased police presence have displaced crime away from Hood Park and into less well organized neighborhoods, most people feel that there has simply been a reduction in crime. Community efforts have met with different kinds of challenges as the sense of safety increases. Participation in the block watch in the seventeen- block neighborhood around Hood Park has dropped off, although a strong core of volunteers keeps the program vital and active, and block watches have increased throughout the city. Skates for Kids has become a huge success, garnering attention across the state. As the program gets bigger, its administrative burden increases, and its founders are both extremely proud of their efforts and a little overwhelmed. As the community planning council becomes more institutional, its mission also expands. The Community Youth Initiative has also undergone many changes. “We try to keep in mind that we’re building this plane as we fly it,” says director Kerry Johnson. While one asset team has organized many community events and is pleased with its progress, the other has floundered, uncertain of how best to accomplish its mission. The teams are now working on a plan to reorganize their efforts. Another Way is now well established and continues to work with new groups of youth each semester. There continues to be concern about whether La Crosse is reaching all the youth and whether their interventions are effective. Denis Tucker of the HMAA says, “If we’re talking about youth who have made it all the way out of gang membership, I know three. Out of maybe a hundred.” *** This issue is a particularly poignant one for La Crosse Mayor John Medinger. Born and raised in the Hood Park neighborhood, he has watched La Crosse change and adjust throughout his lifetime. Mayor Medinger and his wife have adopted two black children, and the issues of teen violence and gangs, as well as the issue of race, are deeply important to his family. Recently he had the experience of driving past a group of kids in an empty parking lot on the way to pick up his son and discovering later that the hangout had been the scene of a gang stabbing. “There are reasons to be encouraged. One is the depth of feeling that La Crosse people have about this place. There’s a feeling of protectiveness, that we’ve got a really good thing here and we’re not going to let it slip away. Another thing is the way that in my lifetime, particularly in the political arena, racism has become absolutely unacceptable.” Sandy Herold tells the story that at a recent diversity workshop in her son’s school, he listened as one of the teens who mugged him participated in a panel on being a teen of color in La Crosse. There was a sense of outrage and injustice among the white residents of the neighborhood afterward, a sense that racism was being used to cloak the fact that the behavior of these teens was unacceptable. As Sandy said, “I’m not being a racist. I’m not prejudiced against you because you’re black. I’m prejudiced against you because you hit my son.” When Assistant Superintendent David Johnston talks about ongoing efforts in the schools, he is both very pleased and a little rueful. After giving an impressive listing of workshops, councils and student efforts, he adds: 5 As educators, we’re trained to think that information changes behavior, and that once people have good information, they’ll act on it and the problems will be solved. Of course in reality this is often not the case, as anyone who has tried to quit smoking knows. To make real changes we have to work with emotions, and work with culture. One of the patterns we learned about in the civil rights work of the `60’s and `70’s was that the first stage of a change movement begins with the legal structure. The priority is not that people like you, it’s that you have some protection when people discriminate against you. The next piece of the movement does begin with changing hearts and minds, changing the factors that lead to discrimination. We really look to the young for that. Of course, when we look to the young, to some degree we are asking them to do what we are unwilling to do ourselves. And the separation between different “cliques” in high school is often more brutal than the separations in the adult world. I worry that part of what we do is to teach kids how to go underground with their differences, rather than to connect. Almost all the architects of La Crosse’s solutions to the problem of teen violence and gangs agree that the combination of adult leadership with youth leadership is key, and that neighborhood as well as government involvement is essential. La Crosse has also been an excellent example of the effect of continued civic dialog on a given issue. While initially there was little consensus on how to solve the problem (or even that there was a problem,) the continued focus the issue received has been extremely productive. As one former gang member said when recently asked whether gangs still operated in La Crosse, “It’s not like it used to be. In this city now you know they’re gonna find you out, and when you know they’re gonna find you out, you want to find something better to do than try and hide all the time.” Both the increase in the perception of public safety and the decrease in the perceived benefits of gang membership point to the effectiveness of La Crosse’s approach. 6 To Be or To Wannabe: Drug Use, Gang Participation, and Youth Violence in River Falls Melissa Mullikin and Travis Myren In River Falls, “Anything that looks like a gang or acts like a gang are probably wannabes.” - Pastor Jon Neitzell Although River Falls lies just thirty miles from the Twin Cities, it has been able to avoid many problems associated with big cities such as a high crime rate, pockets of poverty, congestion, and pollution. It is a community that “has a small town type feel where people watch out for each other, which probably keeps some of the [criminal] element out…. The bad element doesn’t stay around long.” River Falls is divided between Pierce and St. Croix counties. The city’s growth rate is approximately 2 percent, which is slightly above the state average. With a population of approximately 10,500, it is like many small communities in Wisconsin. The population is ethnically homogeneous; 2 percent of the population is non-white. Most of its citizens enjoy a relatively comfortable standard of living with 60 percent earning $41,000 or more annually, and 55 percent of the population has attained some type of post-secondary education. The city is also the home of the University of Wisconsin–River Falls. Community Resources Civic leaders have taken a community approach to providing activities for young people. In some cases, organizations act independently while in others they work cooperatively to provide a consistent message and programming agenda for young people. Many of the community leaders involved in preventing destructive behavior among young people meet monthly to discuss comprehensive approaches and apprise one another of their individual efforts. Public, nonprofit, religious, and private organizations all sponsor activities and prevention programming. Youth Officer Jon Aubart indicated, “There is always a big buzz of stuff for kids to do. The school, in particular, has been very supportive of cooperative efforts aimed at preventing gang activity and drug use.” Since most young people spend a large portion of their time in school, school activities are an especially important element of the community’s prevention and programming strategy. The River Falls School District has one public high school, one public middle school, and three elementary schools. The high school accommodates 950 students while the middle school houses 500 students in grades six through eight. The prevention curriculum starts in the fourth grade when high-profile high school students present an anti-drinking, anti-smoking message to the elementary school students through skits. Active leaders in sports and band are chosen because elementary school students know and admire them. This program is relatively successful because it uses an effective delivery system, which is the key to a successful anti-drug curriculum. Counter Act, a prevention program covering drugs, violence, and decision making, is presented in the fifth grade. 7 In addition to drug and alcohol prevention education, the school has teamed up with the police force to educate seventh grade students about gang activity and youth violence. Youth Officer Jon Aubart teaches the Gang Resistance Education and Training program (GREAT) to middle school students. The GREAT program is taught in conjunction with a personal development class, called Quest, which is unique to River Falls. The program teaches conflict resolution and heightens awareness of gang warning signs such as dress and behavior changes. Aubart enjoys the school setting where he is able to make personal connections with students. He feels these positive personal connections mitigate the otherwise negative perceptions students may have of the police force. Without these positive personal contacts, “most of the contact that young people will have with the police is negative.” In the high school, the prevention message and the development of positive decision making skills are continued in health, home economics, and psychology classes. Although these curricular activities are intended to be an effective prevention tool, some students are confused about the classes’ intentions and are skeptical of their effectiveness. One middle school student stated that he had “no idea” of what the Quest class was supposed to be about. An entire group of students supported this notion by relaying a story of having to sew garbage together with no understanding of the point of the exercise. Other students simply question the effectiveness of prevention programs like GREAT. “People are already aware [of drugs and alcohol]. They’ll make their own choices no matter what. No matter how dangerous they say it is, they’ll still do it.” In addition to the curricular prevention program, the school district offers a variety of after school, extra-curricular activities for students aimed at providing healthy and fun ways for students to spend their free time. The most commonly cited youth activity, by adults and young people alike, was involvement in athletics. The high school has 21 athletic teams, and the middle school also offers a number of athletic activities. Team sports are also available through the city’s Parks and Recreation Department. Between 70 and 80 percent of the high school students are on at least one sports team. Community leaders support and encourage student participation in athletics. A rise in overall individual achievement, both academically and socially, is attributed to participation in sports. Along with increased individual achievement through personal development, involvement in athletics reduces the likelihood that students will get involved with drugs and alcohol. Pauly Cudd, former wrestling coach and owner of the Corner Youth Center added, “More dedicated athletes don’t use drugs or alcohol.” Some at-risk students may not be involved in sports because of the behavior code which prohibits smoking and drinking. Employment, too, may keep many at-risk kids from participating in sports; some at-risk students must work in order to support their “family, habit, car, or whatever.” The school has considered adding intramural teams to accommodate students unable to participate in regular athletic teams, but they are finding it logistically difficult because the high school lacks the facilities to support additional sports teams. Among some middle school athletes, there is the perception that students not involved in sports are a small but identifiable group who use drugs and alcohol. A group of middle school students who admit to drug use and gang affiliation acknowledged the prominence of sports in the lives of their classmates. Yet only one of these five at-risk students indicated she would be participating in an organized athletic team. One student acknowledged that he and his friends had been involved in sports, but “it’s not fun anymore.” 8 High school athletes seemed to downplay the prominence and social value of playing on an athletic team. They acknowledged that many of their friends aren’t involved in sports. These students are most likely to be involved in drama or band and frequently attend sporting events. One student noted that non-athletes attend sporting events just to stay involved socially. “A lot of people go just to talk,” he said. “They don’t even pay attention.” Alternatives to sports can be found in the community. A local non-profit agency, Healthy Communities, works to organize both one-time and ongoing events and projects. Healthy Communities receives most of its funding from the local hospital and is responsible for developing and implementing alternative programs for young people. Program Coordinator Eric Johnson works with an advisory board of students at the middle school to plan activities. Johnson is known as a facilitator among organizations and has been involved in several other initiatives to build partnerships within the community. For example, Healthy Communities is the lead agency for the Pierce County Family Community Partnership which will offer a mentoring program for at-risk kids. Johnson, who holds office hours at the local youth center, is viewed quite favorably by high school students. They cited his involvement as an adviser to the school paper and yearbook staff and praised his good ideas, saying, “People respect him a lot.” The Corner Youth Center, owned and operated by Pauly Cudd, is a popular destination for River Falls youth. Cudd opened the Youth Center ten years ago after being approached by a former city administrator. The center receives most of its funding from the City of River Falls, $1600 per month. Although Cudd appreciates this financial commitment, he is surprised that the city is willing to support it as much as it does, noting that some of the aldermen appear not to care about what goes on at the Youth Center. The community is generally supportive of youth activities, but its willingness to pay for them is sometimes questionable, according to some community leaders. Even Cudd’s enthusiasm for the project has diminished through the years. Although he enjoys working with the kids and hearing them say how important the Youth Center is to them, he would like someone else to manage the facility while he maintains limited involvement in terms of building maintenance. The Youth Center is open from 3 to 9 p.m. on weekdays and later on weekends. The facility includes video games, a pool table, air hockey, a dance floor/basketball court, lounging couches, and a d.j. booth. Young people can come in during business hours to hang out without having to buy anything. It is one of the only places in town where loitering is encouraged. While it is open to everyone, high school athletes frequent the Youth Center most. Despite being friends with those involved in sports, students involved in drama and band are not regulars. Middle school students, including athletes, also avoid the Youth Center. One middle school athlete said, “Either you stay there and get tortured or…you leave.” Middle school students prefer to socialize at Li’l Booda’s, a pool hall right down the street. Unlike the Youth Center, however, Li’l Booda’s doesn’t tolerate loiterers, and young people may be asked to leave if they don’t buy anything. While the middle school students are intimidated by the Youth Center and consider it a seedy place where older kids hang out, the high school students find Li’l Booda’s “skanky,” a place where young people can obtain marijuana. Another popular after-school destination for middle school students is other friends’ houses, particularly if the parents are not home. The students use this time just to hang out and listen to music or watch movies. Alcohol and drug use sometimes occur in this setting but is mainly a weekend activity. A middle school student claiming affiliation with a local gang indicated a sort of monotony in their daily activities: “It’s like a daily ritual. We go downtown with friends, somebody has some drugs, we do them, go home, and then we go downtown again the next day.” 9 While the high school students do not typically socialize at friends’ houses, they may attend beer parties about every other weekend. Some parties are staged at a secluded destination in the woods where the students build a bonfire and consume “quite a bit” of alcohol. The students denied that everyone drinks but did acknowledge some pressure to drink. Crime City police confronted only four violent crime cases in 1997, and the number of adult arrests declined by 17 percent. At the same time, the number of juvenile arrests increased, largely a result of a crackdown on curfew violations, increased shoplifting enforcement, and continued enforcement of underage tobacco violators. Police statistics also indicate that underage drinking has increased dramatically. Property crimes, underage drinking, possession of marijuana and other narcotics are the most common youth offenses. The police department has also noticed an increase in vandalism, including gang tagging. Along with these measurable violations, the manner in which young people interact has also changed. “There has been an escalation of violence in terms of how they (young people) treat one another.” However, common indicators of more fundamental and disturbing problems such as tardiness and truancy have remained relatively constant. Nearly all truancy and alcohol and drug problems seem to stem from problems at home. A common perception is that parents are either too busy or seem not to care what their kids are doing in school or after school. Youth Drug Use Consistent with well-recognized cultural norms, alcohol appears to be the drug of choice among River Falls youth. Alcohol is extremely easy to obtain since many adults keep it in the home, and many young people perceive it as a safe drug having minimal long-term detrimental effects. Marijuana is very accessible to high school students, and because of the proximity to the Twin Cities, other drugs are also accessible. Methamphetamine abuse has increased substantially in Iowa and Minnesota, and Wisconsin counties bordering those states are feeling the effects. River Falls has had its share of problems with crank; River Falls is located in Pierce and St. Croix counties, both of which share a border with Minnesota. One of Wisconsin’s most infamous crank cases has come from River Falls; Deb Cochran, a River Falls mother of four, was sent to federal prison in August 1998 for dealing crank. While reflecting on the incident, Todd Schultz expressed frustration with the legal process. Because authorities wanted to build a strong case against Cochran, “it took two years of watching kids become chemically addicted and crash and burn, including her own daughter. We’re still dealing with a lot of fallout.” Because of the highly dangerous and addictive nature of crank, it has the potential to drown out the more widespread problems of alcohol and marijuana abuse. Adults in the community appear to be aware of alcohol and drug use among youth. This perception is well founded. Nearly all of the young people interviewed acknowledged that alcohol use is widespread and that marijuana is readily available, in both the high school and the middle school. A group of middle school students involved in sports and other school activities admitted that they and their friends sometimes drink alcohol. These same students are well aware of how to obtain marijuana. “You could go down to Main Street at any time and buy pot,” according to one student. Although these particular middle school students claimed not to use marijuana or other 10 drugs, drug use among the middle school students appears to be common knowledge: “We know who does it and what they do.” One of the students who has used drugs regularly supplements his $6 a week allowance with drug sales to other middle school students. This student reinforced claims of easy access to narcotics: “I can get pretty much anything; it may just take a while.” This student’s desire to support his drug habit has resulted in possibly being held back a grade. “I used to be good in school,” he said. “I used to get A’s or B’s, but now I’m failing. It’s because I have other things on my mind— how I can get money and stuff like that.” Stories of drug accessibility are not unique to the middle school. High school students also noted the ease with which they could procure alcohol and other drugs. Students are able to “go out at lunch and get it.” Among this group of students, primarily athletes, there is the impression that those who do “go out at lunch and get it” are “people not involved in school…They don’t care as much…. They hate school, have no school spirit.” Like the middle school, then, it appears that there is a defined group of young people who are involved in illicit drug use (other than alcohol). Youth Violence and Gang Activity River Falls has experienced some gang activity. The city has seen the presence of Gangster Disciples and Latin Kings, most likely from Chicago, Milwaukee, and the Twin Cities. These gangs, however, have not maintained any sort of presence in the city, and other local gangs that have are disorganized and fragmented. The Police Department has taken a very aggressive approach to deterring the establishment of gangs. Officers generally have “a lot of contact” with individuals who are suspected of recruiting for gangs or establishing a gang in the city. “If they know we’re watching them, they don’t particularly care for it. They say we’re harassing them, but that’s okay. I can deal with that.” River Falls was one of the first communities to use Wisconsin’s Gang Solicitation Statute in 1994. The city used the statute after a suspected gang-related beating at a nearby mall. As part of the plea agreement, the suspected gang member was asked to leave the community, and the Gangster Disciple connection to Minneapolis appeared to die out, at least temporarily. In response to the incident, the community also held a series of educational evening lectures on gang activity. While corporate gangs have not firmly established themselves in River Falls, it appears that there is a local gang based at the Meyer Middle School and the Good Shepherd Christian Academy. Middle school students not involved in the gang say there is a small group of drug users who might become violent if provoked, but they did not classify this group as a gang. “As long as you don’t get in their way,” one student said, “they’ll leave you alone…. A lot of it’s just to show how tough they are.” Although students not directly involved with this group do not recognize it as a gang, those who are involved consider themselves to be gang members, and they fiercely guard the group’s secrecy, particularly from the police. Despite these efforts, Jeff Horner, the elementary and middle school psychologist, has identified a number of core members. The gang is made up of about 15 members. One seventh grader at Meyer said she was supposed to join the gang, but didn’t want to go through with the initiation which involved “brawlin’” with a friend (another initiate) in front of two of the gang leaders. Some members were initiated by being “beaten in” for a minute or more. The initiate is not allowed to fight back. Details about the activity of the group are sketchy although one middle school student who is friends with a number of gang members said they are essentially “weed buddies.” For the most part, the group socializes together, drinking and smoking marijuana. It appears that there is no rival 11 gang, although one leader in the gang did mention his hatred for “the Loopies,” a group of people who park on the Main Street loop and harass passersby. This same young man mentioned the presence of Gangster Disciples, Vice Lords, and Crips in River Falls, with the Gangster Disciples attracting the most recruits. The middle school gang members, he says, “usually party with people who are G.D.” The group of middle school students who claim gang affiliation admitted to the most hard core drug use. One student has done crank on a number of occasions. He has been high on crank for three or four days at a time. He and his friends use this opportunity to “play” with local law enforcement: “We’re so bored and so full of energy that we’ll just sit on the street downtown and wait for the cops to come. Then we run away. Then we come back and wait for them to come again.” Another student admitted to having done crank once with a relative. “Crank gives you a really, really, really weird buzz….Me and my cousin thought we were going to die.” The two young women thought they saw bugs crawling all over the room and proceeded to scrub every inch of the walls with toothbrushes. While she admits that being on crank is “scary,” the rush is so great that she wanted to do it again and again. Many of these young people seem to thrive on this sense of invincibility. “I’ve done stuff that I didn’t even know what it was. I have been at parties where everyone brings a drug; then we sit in a circle and each take a drug from a bowl or something. It’s really stupid. I’ve only done it when I was really drunk.” This same student claims that parents are present at parties where she and her friends get high: “There are always parents there. They let you drink, they let you smoke, they let you do drugs.” Another student claimed that some parents actually roll the joints for them. It appears that the middle school gang members are reticent to join the ranks of big city corporate gangs. The young leader interviewed said he didn’t want to get involved with “the big gangs” and, although he likes “guns and stuff,” he doesn’t want to carry one. Policies and the Law In response to past suspected gang activity, the school tightened school discipline and “refined” the way students are treated. School policy currently prohibits hats, baggy clothes, and it does not allow students to carry backpacks in the hallway. Some high school students view these policies as unnecessarily harsh. According to one, for example, “I know high school isn’t a democracy, but it shouldn’t be an absolute dictatorship.” Another noted, “If the policies weren’t so harsh, maybe we wouldn’t rebel as much.” School officials justify these policies: “Is it worth the frustration it causes the few every year? Yes, because it makes a safer environment for the majority of kids. And that’s important.” Assistant Principal Carroll deals with all serious discipline problems at the high school. Carroll stresses the importance of clear and swift consequences for both good and bad behavior. He makes an effort to get to know students on a personal level and uses snack coupons and “positive telegrams” to let students know that their good behavior is appreciated. At the same time, he is not reluctant to use a progressive disciplinary policy if students disrupt the learning environment. The disciplinary policy includes negative consequences such as detention, in-school suspension, school service, and out-of-school suspension. If a student develops a pattern of negligence and abuse, Carroll refers him or her to the school psychologist. High school psychologist Todd Schultz offers psychological assessments, crisis intervention, and direct counseling to students. He also organizes and facilitates support groups called “personal growth groups” where students gather to talk about personal problems. The groups are not organized around a specific theme, and students don’t know who other group members are until 12 they join the group. Students leave the group with strategies they can use to solve problems now and in the future. Jeff Horner, the middle school psychologist, provides similar types of direct service to students. Outside of school, new juvenile offenders are typically processed through the municipal court system. Repeat offenders, however, are often referred to the county’s Human Services Department or are processed through the juvenile justice system. In some cases, hard core repeat offenders are placed in a juvenile detention center or group home. The threat of juvenile detention, however, does not deter all young offenders. One River Falls middle school student has been in a number of these detention centers. He states, “ I don’t really like it, but I get to see friends I haven’t seen in a while.” Conclusion UW-River Falls Sociology Professor Brian Copp calls River Falls “a very well-kept secret.” But for how long? Mere proximity to the Twin Cities serves as a constant reminder of the possible migration of gang activity. If left unchecked, this, along with rising methamphetamine use in Northwest Wisconsin, may disrupt the small-town sense of security felt by most River Falls residents. Although the local police appear to have been successful in “moving gangs on” and out of the area, a new threat has emerged. While corporate gang members from outside the community have been relatively easy to identify and track, the newly forming gang is made up of River Falls residents, many of whom have lived in the community since birth. Dealing with this low-profile secretive group will likely pose a significant, though not insurmountable, challenge to community leaders. There are already a number of prevention and intervention strategies in place to address these challenges. Education programs aimed at prevention include GREAT and Counter Act. Activity programs aimed at prevention include extracurricular activities through school and programs and outings sponsored by Healthy Communities, the Corner Youth Center, and other community organizations. Current intervention services are provided primarily by school psychologists. Prevention and intervention strategies can always be improved and new strategies can be introduced to enhance the effectiveness of current strategies. For example, the timing of current prevention strategies may need to be reconsidered, since most drug and alcohol abuse and gang activity appears to start in middle school. In addition, community leaders may want to consider the potential of athletic programming to prevent the youth problems cited above. Additional emphasis could be placed on providing sports for students who are unable or unwilling to participate on traditional, competitive athletic teams, and alternatives to athletics should be encouraged, particularly at the middle school level. To maximize participation in these alternatives, students should be involved in planning activities and should be consulted regularly to assess the effectiveness of the programs and to develop new ones. There appear to be very few intervention strategies and programs aimed at helping at-risk youth. At-risk middle school students are not interested in participating in athletics or other school sponsored activities, yet they are the students who are most in need of these alternative activities. The community should consider developing programs and activities targeted at young people who demonstrate the highest probability to hurt themselves and others. For these students, comprehensive intervention strategies may be required. Such intervention strategies would combine anti-violence and anti-gang messages with positive outlets and activities, preferably designed by the students themselves. 13 Fighting for Peace: The Young Gang Problem on Milwaukee’s South Side1 Wendy Kloiber and David Saikia “These guys -- they ain’t afraid of God or nothin’. And a man who ain’t afraid of God is a dangerous man.” “A man who doesn’t fear God is a fool.” “You don’t think a fool is dangerous?” — exchange at a south Milwaukee restaurant, regarding a murder that occurred across the street on the steps of St. Anthony Catholic Church Milwaukee’s South Side is a fascinating area—in part because of its contradictions. Known as “Walker’s Point,” the community has both the city’s largest employer and one of its highest unemployment rates. Walker’s Point is home to the city’s oldest architecture and newest ethnic culture. Nestled in the middle of “America’s Dairyland” is a prime source of authentic Mexican cuisine. Walker’s Point was thriving by 1835, and from the start, it was an industrial community. Populated primarily by German immigrants, the area was home to textile mills and breweries, many of which are still standing. During the 1870s, the demographics shifted, as Polish immigrants began to move into the area, while the German descendents began to relocate to other parts of the city. A further ethnic shift occurred after World War I, as Latino immigrants began to settle into the area, becoming the area’s predominant group. Together with the adjacent Historic Near-South neighborhood, this community has both Wisconsin’s largest Hispanic population and the state’s highest population density. Although the area is rich historically, it has never been rich economically. As of 1990, 40 percent of the families living in the area fell below the poverty line. The average income was only $17,714. Still, visitors to the area would most likely be shocked to hear those figures. The area homes are primarily freestanding houses, complete with small, typically well-manicured plots. The streets are lined with fairly new cars, in enough abundance to suggest that residents do not fear vandalism or theft. One might be tempted to think that if this is truly Milwaukee’s poorest neighborhood, the city has few problems. Residents know better. And, because of several recent, high-profile events, the conflicts within the community are receiving outside attention. For decades, Walker’s Point and Historic Near-South (hereafter collectively referred to as WP/HNS) have been subject to wars between rival Latino gangs. Although all agree that the violence has escalated in recent years, the threat of gang violence has been present since at least the late 1970s, when rival factions of the Spanish Cobras and the Latin Kings began staking out turf. Many gangs have their roots in Chicago, and initially saw Milwaukee as virgin territory ready to be annexed. Over time, the Milwaukee chapters grew from a few disciples to thriving brotherhoods. At present, there are several established Latino gangs alternately battling for supremacy in the area. Some of the best known gangs are: 1 *Dedicated in loving memory to Carlos Hernandez. 14 • • • • • The Latin Kings, known as the largest and one of the oldest gangs in the area. They hold the largest single chunk of turf in WP/HNS, as well as several small islands throughout the city. La Familia, a smaller gang, with turf adjacent to the Latin Kings. The Unknowns, the local chapter of an old and well-established gang, which, like the Latin Kings, got their real start in Chicago. The two gangs have a friendly relationship in Chicago, but relations are strained in Milwaukee. The Spanish Cobras, which disbanded for a period, but seem to be on the rise. The Mexican Posse, which gained notoriety for its feud with the Latin Kings. This gang has a reputation for being small, young, and extremely violent. The inherent instability of youth gangs contributes to the problem of proliferation. Splinter groups routinely develop out of established gangs, usually over drug distribution rights or leadership disputes. Naturally, these splits result in heated animosity and often violence. An example of such a splinter group are the “2-1’s,” who were once a group of younger Latin Kings known as the “Junior Kings.” Because of the influx of gang activity from Chicago and the splintering of existing gangs, Milwaukee now has approximately 25 street gangs throughout the city. In addition to the gangs mentioned above, WP/HNS is also home to the “Latin Disciples,” the “3rd Street Posse,” and the “Nasty Boys,” as well as numerous smaller subsets. In addition, several of the gangs in WP/HNS have ongoing feuds with gangs from other parts of the city -- for instance, the Latin Kings foster a hated rivalry with the “Eastside Mafioso,” a cross-town splinter group of the Kings. The Threat of Violence -- What Is It Costing? Every gang has several distinguishing features. Each has its own colors (for instance, black and white for the Unknowns, or black and gold for the Latin Kings). In addition, each gang typically adopts a side, left or right, and displays this by taking to one side of the street, tilting baseball caps to one side, and shifting belt buckles over by one loop. But, by far, the most significant, visible, and obvious sign of gang activity is graffiti. Although it is quite possible that a casual observer might walk through WP/HMS and not see any signs of gang activity, a trained eye would quickly pick up frightening amounts of information. From the graffiti, which often looks like nonsensical scribbling, an expert can often deduce not only which gang is responsible, but the artist’s “streetname” (all members have one), the extent of a gang member’s criminal activity, whether the artist has been to jail, who the gang’s chief rival is, and, in some instances, if the gang is planning to attack. Further, the graffiti usually indicates whether the gang is part of the “People” (indicated by a downward pitchfork) or “Folk” (indicated by an upward fork) Nation. These are nationwide umbrellas covering a loose affiliation of gangs, across cities and ethnic groups (however, it is not unusual for different gangs of the same nation to be at war with each other). Though unsightly, the graffiti was typically seen by community members as innocuous, often illegible. While residents were certainly annoyed by the prospect of removing the graffiti from their homes, they knew that the graffiti was seldom directed at them _ they were unlucky, but nevertheless random, victims, and had no reason to suspect themselves targets of a future robbery or act of violence. Like the gangs themselves, the graffiti was just a fact of life. These days, the graffiti takes on much more significance in certain areas. Because of the heightened awareness of gang activity, the scrawlings are more evidence to people in the community 15 that anyone can be a victim, especially in areas in close proximity to sites of high profile crimes. A manager of a restaurant near St. Anthony’s Church related the economic ramifications of graffiti. Because some gang related scribbling nearby convinced customers that they were in an area still under constant threats of gang violence, he had trouble filling his restaurant at night, even during his busiest season. Before long, he could not attract enough patrons to cover operating costs at night, and he had to close during daylight hours. The vandalism, though it was removed promptly, cost him thousands of dollars. Consumers, establishment owners, and local businessmen all have suffered. But none of these groups are nearly as threatened as the area youth, who must choose between the gang lifestyle, which can often appear glamorous, or resisting gang affiliation, which can often appear lonely and dangerous. Don Krieger is principal of South Division High School, and he discusses his school’s problems with remarkable candor. Dealing with the gang influence is an intricate ordeal, he explains, because they dictate the fashions, styles, and slang to everyone else. In short, teachers cannot tell a young person that gang membership is not a prerequisite to being cool, because the gangs dictate what is cool. While Krieger and his staff try to prevent gang members from wearing obvious signs of affiliation on campus, the problem is impossible because, as Krieger says, “anything can be a symbol.” When gang affiliation is a key to social status, and the threat of gang violence is present whether or not they join, it is small wonder that diverting youth from gangs is a problem. In fact, many see joining a gang as the only protection from violence. Gang violence becomes a vicious cycle, difficult to break. The community is trying many approaches. There are more centers offering more social services in this neighborhood than any other in the state. And while all of these centers deal continuously with the perils of turf war, they themselves recognize the problems of overlap, in terms of both geography and services. As Ernesto Chacon of the Federation for Civic Action describes it, “Whole lot of money and nothing getting done.” But as Ramon Candelaria of the Milwaukee Christian Center said recently, “If we stop trying, we might as well be dead.” 16 Gangs and Youth Violence in Stevens Point Tim Casper, Julie Lassa, Abe Rabinowitz To a casual observer Stevens Point appears to reinforce the stereotypical notion of small town Midwestern America. A drive around town reveals a well-kept community with abundant park space, modest homes, and apparently no “bad” neighborhoods. People are friendly, and no typical signs of trouble are apparent. The demographic statistics also reinforce the image. Stevens Point is predominantly white, with a small, but visible Hmong community as well as small African American and Latino populations. Though not the exact vision of the small town setting of Leave it to Beaver or Pleasantville, it’s pretty close. City residents, however, are hesitant to confirm this perception. Built on the Wisconsin River, Stevens Point is home to approximately 25,000 citizens and is described as economically stable. It houses a paper plant, the University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point, and is the headquarters for a large insurance company. There is little unemployment in the community and few families on public assistance. All of these characteristics support the positive stereotype that community members are hesitant to accept. In speaking with citizens about gangs and youth violence, it became clear that part of their reluctance to accept the problem-free characterization stems from problems the city has witnessed with its youth. A closer look at the specific problems the community has experienced with gangs and youth violence reveals deeper community problems that need to be addressed. Among community members that regularly deal with gang issues, there is consensus that the emergence of “wannabe” gang activity occurred in the late 1980s. In describing gang activity in Stevens Point, it is important to approach the problem from three perspectives: the larger community, law enforcement, and the schools. Community Perspective Though the community is generally aware of gang activity, they do not perceive gangs as a serious problem. Most citizens claim that the community mainly has “wannabe” gang members, but some recent events have sparked more serious concern. Last year, a pizza delivery boy was brutally beaten with baseball bats by three Stevens Point youth as a gang initiation ritual. The beating was ordered by a gang member in jail and was intended to formalize youth participation in local gangs, including a local arm of the national Gangster Disciples gang and an affiliate, the Simon City Royals. The boys ordered several pizzas and when the delivery boy arrived viciously beat him with baseball bats, robbed him, and vandalized his car. In a similar incident, a local girl was badly beaten with baseball bats by a group of girls who were ordered to commit the battery by their gang leader who received orders from a Milwaukee man. During the past year approximately 40 guns were stolen from a local sporting goods store, a crime that has been attributed to a local gang. Recent drive-by shootings and the arrest of a local youth who made a pipe bomb have not been linked to gang behavior, but certainly represent a more dangerous trend of youth violence in the community. While these incidents are not typical, they do indicate that hard-core gang activity and violence have the potential to become more deeply rooted. The linkage of these events to gangs that exist outside the community, indicates that recruitment efforts are ongoing and that more serious gang activity is infiltrating the community. This increase in gang activity has also fostered the perception that groups of youth dressed similarly and “hanging out” are gang members. While this may be true in some circumstances, often youth are misidentified. This is especially true for Hmong 17 and other minority youth in the community. The appearance of more serious crimes and community misunderstanding of the problem threatens to widen the natural gulf between adults and teenagers and increase deviant youth behavior. Community Response These incidents sparked interest in the gang problem and resulted in strong calls for action. The community has met these concerns primarily by issuing stiff legal penalties and heightening suppression efforts. The youths in the pizza delivery incident were arrested and convicted on charges ranging from armed robbery to criminal gang behavior and sentenced to jail terms from one to fifteen years, depending on their level of participation in the beating. The woman who relayed the Milwaukee-based order to the girls who is currently facing trial. The girls who committed the beating were convicted and sentenced to terms in correctional facilities. Those tough sentences were intended not only to punish those guilty of the crime, but also to deter those considering similar behaviors. While the community response is most clearly reflected by deterrence through punishment, other preventive activities also take place. An informal group meets to discuss youth issues including gang violence, which allows community leaders to update one another on youth activities. Also, several nonprofit organizations, including the YMCA, CAP Services, Big Brothers/Big Sisters, Family Crisis Center, and the Family Resource Center, provide services that support community youth and the gang problem indirectly. The YMCA has a beautiful sports complex that includes a swimming pool, a large gym, a gymnastics area, weight and fitness room, and racquetball courts. The youth program also arranges trips for kids. These trips provide supervised development opportunities for youth who rarely leave the community. While the agency has been successful in providing services to the area’s youth, including many described as at risk, it continues to look for ways to reach out to community youth and involve them in productive activities. CAP Services provides a wide array of services to the community’s low-income members, including the community’s 200 Hmong families. CAP works hard to help these families integrate into Stevens Point and the United States. They also try to educate community members about the challenges the Hmong face and to debunk the myths that circulate about them (e.g., that they are all on welfare, that they eat pets, or don’t have to pay taxes) . Staff are committed and dedicated, but face an uphill battle and limited resources. Leaders noticed negative effects on Hmong families from Wisconsin Works (W-2) and have identified increased parent education, mentoring, and other programs to help support the successful integration of the Hmong into the Stevens Point. Community education about the Hmong and their cultural differences is seen as vital to successful integration efforts. Big Brothers/Big Sisters matches youth seeking mentors with high school students and adults who volunteer to provide a positive example. Although the organization is limited to taking “manageable” cases because its volunteer base is small, it actively encourages participation and is as flexible as possible in providing mentor services for children seeking additional guidance. Though likely not a solution for youth involved in significant trouble, mentor programs such as Big Brothers/Big Sisters help to provide youth with additional adult leadership outside of their immediate family. The Family Resource and Family Crisis Centers provide preventive and ongoing support as well as crisis intervention for families in need of assistance. The Family Resource Center runs programs for parents seeking help in managing the multiple challenges of parenthood, while the 18 Family Crisis Center responds to calls for help from families confronted with difficult family situations. These programs help to remedy hard situations and can work to discourage delinquent youth behavior. Community businesses and the United Way were also identified as supportive of community efforts and as possible collaborators in prevention efforts. United Way currently funds some of the above programs, and local businesses including Sentry Insurance and the Stevens Point Brewery were identified as supporters of community-building projects. The community is clearly intolerant of gang and violent youth behavior and has expressed that intolerance through support for strong punishments for youth who become involved in gangs. The community also has many strong resources to support its youth and families. It is unclear, however, whether these resources have been used to their capacity to prevent or intervene to prevent gang or delinquent behavior. Law Enforcement Perspective The escalation of gang activity in neighboring Wausau most likely influenced youth in surrounding communities and Stevens Point. While much of the gang activity has been attributed to Laotian and Hmong youth, the problem has not been limited to those groups. Law enforcement has identified a number of gangs active in Stevens Point and the surrounding area. These include the Gangster Disciples; the Simon City Royals, an affiliate of the Gangster Disciples; the Latin Kings, from the Wautoma area; the Latin Counts; and 27 Strong, an independent gang. Evidence of their presence in the community includes tagging (graffiti), hand signs, and acts of violence, burglary, and vandalism. Local officers note that gang members are fairly mobile and have exported their activities to the Stevens Point area from the Fox Valley, Minneapolis, Chicago, Milwaukee, and neighboring communities. Within Stevens Point and the surrounding region, these gangs have attempted to recruit and expand their membership. The favorite gang recruitment spot was a local dance club at the Wednesday evening teen nights. There, recruiters spoke with youth and identified those who did not seem to have strong parental support or guidance. Their recruitment rhetoric emphasized the family-oriented nature of the gang and its provision of protection and support. Law Enforcement Response To counteract these recruitment efforts, the Police Department and the Portage County Sheriff’s Department assigned and specially trained a detective to handle gang activity. Both agencies have taken a proactive and firm stance regarding gang activity and youth violence. Efforts to quell gang behavior have included video and photo surveillance of possible gang members. Officers have also attempted to engage recruiters in conversation to send the message that their efforts are monitored by police and are unwanted in the community. Law enforcement officials feel that these visible actions have helped limit the growth of gang activity in the community. They continue to update a logbook with pictures and profiles of confirmed and potential gang members. As one law enforcement official put it, “If we receive a report of gang activity we will place officers there until the gang leaves or we catch those involved.” The gang specialists within the county and city police departments continue to speak with civic organizations, school administrators, parents, churches, the business community, and anyone else interested in gangs and gang activity in Stevens Point and Portage County. Through their community outreach law enforcement officials feel that they have a good system for handling gang 19 activity in the area. However, they are continually looking for new and innovative ways to improve their efforts. Other programs that indirectly discourage gang activity are community policing, Quick $50, and Crime Stoppers. Community policing is an interactive approach to police work that connects police and residents on a more personal level. Quick $50 is a program that offers a cash reward to students for anonymous, valid tips regarding weapons, drugs, or alcohol in school. The program is advertised to students in their handbooks and on posters around school buildings. Crime Stoppers is a community-wide program that fosters information gathering on crimes committed throughout the county. As with the Quick $50 program it is also anonymous. Currently, Crime Stoppers is offering a reward for the aforementioned drive-by shootings. Another program is the Gang Resistance Education and Training program (GREAT). GREAT is designed to educate youth about the dangers of gangs and youth violence. The Portage County Sheriff’s Department is trained to present the program and actively teaches it to youth in the county. School Perspective Stevens Point is home to the largest high school in the state—Stevens Point Area Senior High School (SPASH)—and there are two junior high schools within the school district—P.J. Jacobs and Ben Franklin. While the high school has openly acknowledged issues of youth and gang violence, the junior high schools have been reluctant to connect violence to gang activity. Last year, the two junior high schools together placed 166 calls to the Stevens Point Police Department. Though these calls are not proof of gang activity, one community member noted that her child, a junior high school student, knows that gangs exist and could identify youth in these gangs or “wannabe” groups. The young person said that students are not coerced into gang behavior and that it could be avoided. Another youth indicated, however, that students who engage in gang-related behavior intimidate their fellow students. Though gang members may intimidate other students, fights and other obvious delinquent behaviors are not regularly associated with gang activity. One young person mentioned that she heard people talk about fights as gang-related, but did not personally view altercations in this manner. When asked whether these students were in gangs, she responded that much of the gang activity is more about bragging than actually following through on negative behaviors. It appears that school fights cannot be directly connected to gangs, but it seems logical to see these behaviors as indicators of potential gang activity. Officials at the high school identified a potential gang problem about ten years ago and began to take steps to address the issue. In the schools, some students are identified as gang members because of their manner of dress and the activities they engage in such as skateboarding, gathering in public places, or tagging(creating graffiti). Though not all of these students are gang members, their presence and behaviors and the community’s association of these indicators with gang activity make gang behavior an issue relevant to school administration. School officials noted that students who engage in gang activity do not necessarily wear identifiable clothing, have other markings, or engage in other behaviors typical of gang members. Rather, more subtle behaviors may be indicators. Truancy and youth who do not live at home were two of the most central concerns. Truant students fall behind in their studies and begin to separate from school. One school leader mentioned that some parents enable this behavior because they permit their children to stay at home and may also allow their children’s friends to hang out at their house during school. Some of these students are regularly truant because they no longer live with 20 their parents, even though by law they are too young to live alone. These behaviors allow for too much independence among youths and lead them to experiment with delinquent behaviors that tend to get more serious without appropriate intervention. Leaders within the school system and those outside of it also identified racism as an key issue in the community and the schools. Within the school-aged population the effects of racism are visible in the interaction between Hmong and what community members described as “redneck” youth. Tensions between these two groups of young people have led to violence in the past. For young Hmong people in the schools, racism is not the only issue. A tension also exists between values of the traditional Hmong culture and the majority American culture. Some young Hmong students may reject the values of their culture, but might not fully understand the American values they are trying to embrace. This creates additional difficulties for young Hmong people and their relationships with their families and peers, and cause Hmong students to rely more strongly on one another. While this reliance is partly cultural, it also reflects their need for protection from school groups that are biased against them. This group behavior results in both the perception of and actual gang-related behaviors. School Response Schools have responded to the issue of gangs and youth violence primarily through suppression strategies. The Stevens Point Area School Board recently decided to place police liaisons in the junior high schools. The liaisons will be full-time members of the Stevens Point Police Department and will work at the schools to address issues of youth and gang violence and facilitate communication between the schools and the police. This communication role served by the liaison is important because it ensures that both the schools and the police are aware of any potential issues related to young people that may develop at school or within the community. This policy is an extension of one that already exists at the high school. Stevens Point Area Senior High School (SPASH) has a full-time police liaison and two security officers on campus to ensure that the school is a safe place. In addition to these personnel, the school also has a sophisticated security system with non-obtrusive cameras located throughout the school and the student parking lot. Additionally, SPASH has a policy in place to address youth violence and gang issues. The policy, entitled “Antisocial or Criminal Activity by Students,” explains the school board’s position on gang and criminal activity. The policy also outlines a criterion of fifteen points that it uses to identify gang member affiliation and is cross-referenced with school disciplinary policies. To complement this formal policy, one school official suggested that programs designed to prevent students from engaging in anti-social behavior should be integrated into the curriculum of the schools. These programs have students examine themselves and their beliefs and consider the ramifications of discriminatory and criminal behavior. Although these programs are used in schools, they are only offered to a very limited number of students. One school leader believes that the design of the policies and programs aimed at eliminating youth and gang violence issues are most effective when they do not punish the vast majority of students who are not disruptive. Instead, effective policies and programs need to treat young people with respect, yet clearly articulate what is and is not acceptable behavior. While it is clear that policies to prevent gang and violent youth behavior should not encroach upon the rights of innocent students, it is important that clear intervention strategies are in place that prevent youth from experimenting with delinquent behavior and from becoming more serious criminals. Noticeably absent from the discussion of school efforts to address issues of youth and gang violence was the role of counselors and social workers. Although these staff people exist and work to address these 21 issues, there was no mention of specific programs or services that were provided by them for at-risk students. SPASH has had a positive experience with the Police Liaison program and has pointed to the benefits of the positive communication between the schools and police in identifying problems within the schools. The addition of police liaisons in the junior high schools will extend those benefits to them. What the program seems to lack, however, is an intervention strategy that identifies youth on the verge of problematic behavior and a way to refer them to community resources. An impediment to this kink of intervention strategy is the difficulty in sharing information among the schools, law enforcement, and social service agencies. Recent changes to state law governing issues of privacy for minors have complicated the matter, but without clear lines of communication among these agencies, a successful intervention strategy is unlikely to emerge. Root Causes The above discussion suggests that underlying racial tension, the difficulties of cross-cultural immigration, and youth who are not living with their parents are the root causes of delinquent youth behavior in Stevens Point. Focusing briefly on these issues underscores their importance and reveals the challenges the community faces in addressing its issues of gang and youth violence. Underlying racial tension does exist in Stevens Point, particularly between the Hmong and white youth. This tension has been manifested in traditional youth group conflicts such as arranged fights. One communitiy member reported that it was common to hear of fights at the bowling alley between Hmong and “redneck” youth. Several other distinctions between youth groups were offered including “jocks,” and “dopers.” That a racial rather than a social distinction separates the Hmong highlights their isolation from the more traditional community. This isolation can be further inferred through the persistence of various myths about the Hmong. Stories of blatant racism include an instance of an older woman who leaned out of her truck to curse at two Hmong children who were crossing the street hand in hand and ordered them to “go back to where you came from.” This underlying tension is passed on to community youth who develop cliques, gangs, and other negative groups that either rally around or protect against this hatred. The source of this isolation can be attributed to both a misunderstanding of the Hmong culture among the larger community and problems the Hmong have had in integrating into the larger society. The self-reliance, adherence to tradition, and mobility between communities and among families are Hmong traits which have been misiterpreted by the large community as an attempt to remain essentially separate. One interviewee also noted that community behavior toward the Hmong has been inconsistent, which has sent mixed signals and has confused parents already struggling to integrate into the community and understand its expectations of them. This problem contributes to community difficulty with outreach efforts and deters the development of common friendships among youths. Because many Hmong are first generation immigrants and rely primarily on other Hmong families for support, many adults lack a strong command of English. Hmong children, however, attend school, learn English, and adopt many American traits. Because they understand English, they have more power in their homes and may have more freedom than other youth their age. Not only does their understanding of American culture allow them this power of self-determination, it also leaves them with an identity crisis. Caught between the traditional mores of their parents and their own perceptions of what it means to be American, Hmong children are left at a crossroads that is difficult to navigate without adult support. Without a full understanding of what it means to be Hmong and only a self-developed sense of what it means to be American, these children have little 22 guidance and rely on one another to navigate their way to adulthood. This need for peer support is one of the primary reasons for joining a gang. Given the situation of Hmong children, it is not surprising that they are inclined toward communal, gang-like behavior. Though the Hmong present the most obvious problem for the community, similar tensions exist toward other minority groups. African American and Latino community members are also easily distinguishable in the largely white community, and they too experience racial tension. One Latino man confirmed the feeling of isolation to a community member who had publicly challenged the community to deal with its racial problem. This Latino man, who had resided in Stevens Point for seventeen years, expressed relief that someone had said publicly what he has felt internally throughout his years in the community. A common theme in many of our interviews was the perception that traditional families were breaking down at an increasing rate and that de facto “youth emancipation” was becoming more common. In many ways, youth freedom has the same effect as the Hmong youth empowerment through integration. Young people are forced to make decisions before they properly understand consequences. When confronted with difficult situations they rely on peers who are in similar situations, and strong associations are formed. This behavior has manifested itself in occasional youth runaway and truancy problems. Many runaways go to live with older friends or with other families. These types of associations closely resemble the type of bonds found in many gangs, and the negative behaviors that emanate from such associations are predictable. With underlying racial tension and a subculture of unmonitored youth as core causes, the Stevens Point community faces large challenges in protecting itself from youth and gang violence. Clearly these factors reinforce negative youth behaviors and must be addressed in order for the community to prevent further and more serious incidents. Progress on these issues will likely have spillover effects that will be equally positive in building a stronger and more supportive community. Conclusion Traditionally, three different types of strategies have been used to combat gangs and youth violence issues: prevention, intervention, and suppression. The primary focus of efforts to deal with these issues within Stevens Point has been on suppression. As a community, Stevens Point has a number of efforts in place to address issues of youth and gang violence when such incidents occur. The police and community strongly discourage gang activity by punishing perpetrators and seeking out “kingpins” to stop gang activity at its root. Schools also act strongly by identifying youth violence and gang-related issues. Though general prevention efforts are in place including programs like community policing, unobtrusive security at the high school, and the preventive services provided by the nonprofit community, there is not a strong connection between these efforts. While there are several organizations that work toward addressing the identified root problems, it does not appear that they are connected to a larger community prevention or intervention strategy. The challenge is to integrate and build on existing resources to develop a strong and integrated community approach. Creation of an integrated approach must confront and seek solutions to the root causes identified above. With several nonprofit organizations, an active police force, solid educational institutions, concerned community members, and a supportive business community, Stevens Point has a wealth of resources at its disposal. The challenge for the citizens of Stevens Point, and the conference group, is to find ways to work with one another to create a holistic, community-based strategy that builds on current suppression and prevention efforts and identifies appropriate prevention and intervention strategies. 23 Oneida: Youth, Culture, Gangs, and Cooperation Kelli Marciel and Debra Meyer The Oneida of Wisconsin face a complex set of issues in dealing with gang and youth violence. Tribal government must work with two Wisconsin counties that the reservation overlaps (Brown and Outagamie) as well as the city of Green Bay. Though Green Bay is the largest neighboring city, several smaller communities that ring the reservation are also influential because Oneida youth attend schools in five different districts. Dealing effectively with youth internally is tricky as well, as the Oneida have seen significant demographic and economic change in recent years. An appreciation of the practical challenges facing the tribe, as well as the community’s cultural background and traditions, is central to understanding where the Oneida are today. Modern History After the Oneida’s forced transition to Wisconsin from native lands in New York in the early 1800s, they had little economic opportunity if they wished to reside on the reservation. Substandard living conditions and lack of employment were prevalent through the 1950s and beyond, and as a result many Oneida left the reservation. By the 1970s the exodus slowed. Changes in federal block grant policies, a new tribal government structure, reclamation of tribal lands to a total of almost 10,000 acres, and the passage of the Gaming Regulatory Act of 1988 allowed for renewed economic growth for the Oneida Nation. Today the Nation has invested in schools, community centers, housing, a local police force, a day care center, and industrial enterprises including retail stores, a printing company, an electronics facility, community farms, and a premier casino and hotel complex. By 1995, employment exceeded 3,600, compared with just nine in 1969. With this increase in economic stability, many Oneida who had left the community began to return to tribal lands. Some of the current residents are Oneida who never left. Others were born in the community and have returned to raise their families after spending some time away for schooling and work opportunities. Though the tribal community welcomes this growth, it brings a challenging mixing of cultures. Families who have lived in other parts of the state or country bring back different perspectives and experiences. The vast majority of gang behavior seen thus far in Oneida can be easily traced to families who have lived in larger cities in the region and returned to the reservation. Culture: “Through the Seventh Generation” Besides bringing with them the influences of urban areas an additional concern to the community is that those returning may have lost touch with their Oneida cultural roots. Taking a very long-range view in keeping with their cultural traditions, the Oneida have made a commitment to preserve their heritage and language through the next seven generations. This commitment includes providing immediate needs of food, shelter, education, and security as well as protecting the land and the environment for the current population and those to follow. To fulfill the Seventh Generation Commitment, the Oneida have built a strong social services structure to provide family, youth, educational, and substance abuse treatment services, but formal agencies are not the only source of assistance for families in need. The Oneida exhibit a strong sense of sharing in their neighbors’ challenges. Problems do not belong simply to individuals or households but to the community as a whole. Frequently, for example, youth having personal or 24 family problems are taken in by other families in the community to help get through a tough time. This is often done through informal community networks rather than through formal legal channels. Onayota’Aka (Oneida) Gang Prevention Task Force Among the challenges posed by the recent growth in the Oneida community is the emergence of organized gang activity. In 1994, officials noted gang-affiliated graffiti at one of the housing sites. Lois Dalke, an official with the Oneida Housing Authority called on the Oneida Police Department for help in dealing with the vandalism and the underlying problem it revealed. Detective Mark Ninham, in turn, sought guidance from Jim Swanson of the Green Bay Police Department, which had been dealing with organized gang activity since 1992. The Onayota’Aka (Oneida) Gang Prevention Task Force was formed from these discussions. The task force’s first official meeting was held in October 1995 and was attended by law enforcement personnel from Oneida, Green Bay, and DePere, as well as a former gang member. At the time of the task force’s creation, members’ primary concern was with the apparent activity occurring in Oneida housing facilities. The task force’s early work resulted in a change in housing regulations to reflect a new “zero tolerance” policy regarding both drugs and gang activity: residents could be evicted following an infraction. Families involved were removed from housing shortly after the new policy took effect, sending the message that gang activity would not be tolerated. In addition, an informational brochure targeted at parents was developed and distributed widely in the community. It described indicators of gang involvement or influence and suggested early strategies for parents who suspect their children are involved in gang activity. Housing has also conducted surveys of housing residents to assess the needs and perceptions of gang activity at the various housing sites. A tragic event sparked a renewal of the task force’s activity, which current members describe as a “rejuvenation process” that is ongoing. In 1997 a child was beaten severely at an Oneida community recreation center. Officials suspect that the perpetrators were affiliated with the Latin Kings. The perpetrators were reportedly incarcerated, and their families were evicted, but the incident highlighted how the problems had increased in severity. Disturbed by this apparent escalation of gang activity—from petty vandalism to extreme violence—many more concerned employees of Oneida’s social services, education, and law enforcement circles joined in the task force’s work. Since the beating incident, members have formalized the task force’s structure and developed a comprehensive set of goals and objectives that incorporate prevention and intervention strategies. Virtually all Oneida organizations involved directly with youth and/or crime are represented on the task force. Participants come from the following programs and agencies. Tribal Education In 1994, the Turtle School opened, serving Oneida children from kindergarten through eighth grade. In addition, a tribal high school operates out of the same facility as the Oneida Business Committee. Together, the two tribal schools serve approximately 500 Oneida students. This includes a drop in enrollment at Turtle School since its opening, from 500 to 360. Most of these former students now attend one of the surrounding schools (Seymore, Freedom, or Pulaski) even though they live on tribal land. The remaining majority of school age Oneida children in the area—approximately 675—attend school in the five districts surrounding the reservation, per their 25 parents’ preference. Many community and youth activities are held at Turtle School and when necessary, Oneida Transportation Services are used to ensure that students living or attending school off tribal land are able to attend. Youth Education Services (YES) At the high school level, Oneida youth attend the tribal school and five others. To address this dispersion and the isolation that can result, the Tribe provides a Student Advocate (SA) for Oneida and other American Indian students in each of the neighboring schools that tribal youth attend. These advocates, most often trained in social work or counseling, represent an adult on campus with whom Oneida youth may relate more easily than other school staff. Student advocates report that the issues faced by students vary from school to school. In area rural schools like Freedom and Seymour for example, Oneida youth are typically the only significant minority group. In Green Bay and DePere schools on the other hand, student bodies are more diverse, including black, Hispanic, Asian and other American Indian students. Student advocates often act as academic and personal counselors and provide culturally based guidance and resources. Thanks to cooperation with federal Title IX Indian Education program personnel, Oneida student advocates often serve other American Indian students in those schools as well, avoiding overlapping and redundant services. Social Services Oneida Tribal Social Services administers comprehensive programs providing personal and family counseling, alcohol and other drug abuse (AODA) services, senior citizen programs, group homes for youth, and economic support. Social Services staff who are most directly involved with youth issues have been an early and active part of the task force. Child Care The Tribe operates a comprehensive child care center that serves children from infants to age five. Before- and after-school care for school-aged children through third grade is also provided at the same facility. In recent months, there has been at least one apparently gang-related incident in which a group of girls aged 7-11 planned to cause harm to a teacher. Center personnel believe that quick response to warning signs effectively stemmed the problem before any violence occurred. Housing Following its early efforts that were focused primarily on suppression strategies for dealing with gangs’ issues, the Oneida Housing Authority has also been active in prevention efforts. Officials have organized “Take Back the Site” events at each of the reservation’s recreation sites, where after-school programs are conducted. These well-attended events were designed to give community members a sense of involvement and ownership in the recreation areas. Community members—adults and youths—gathered at each center for a meal and presentations by guest speakers. In addition, the investment of resources and new personnel at one of the recreation sites is held as a success story where vandalism and violence were once a problem. Today, attendance has increased and youth view the center as a safe and fun place to spend the potentially difficult hours between school and parents’ return from work. Cultural education is incorporated into many activities at these recreation sites, and plans are under way for a renewed emphasis on academic support as well. 26 Police The Oneida Police Department (OPD) was formed thirteen years ago amid considerable tension with the law enforcement agencies that had previously held jurisdiction in the area. In recent years however, cooperative relationships have been fostered. As a result, OPD, the sheriff’s departments of Brown and Outagamie counties, and the Green Bay Police Department collaborate frequently on specific cases and issues of concern. Early interaction with the Green Bay Police Department on gang concerns was seminal in forging these relationships. Currently, a consortium of area law enforcement agencies from Oneida, Green Bay, Ashwaubenon, DePere, UW-Green Bay, and Pulaski is working toward securing funding to allow the installation of a laptop-accessible information system in area squad cars to share information. Most of the schools Oneida youth attend have a police liaison officer on campus. These officers provide a police presence on school campuses and assist the OPD as well as other law enforcement agencies in the area to identify and address potentially dangerous activity. As evidenced by a recent series of articles in the Green Bay Press Gazette, the gang problem in Green Bay has grown. Though the overall number of gang incidents has decreased, the severity of the incidents has increased. Green Bay is a natural gathering spot for all youth of the area, including the Oneida. Thus the problems experienced in Green Bay will likely spill back to the smaller surrounding communities. Working together on these issues is important for the Oneida and the greater Green Bay community, and collaboration is often first seen among police departments. Religion and Culture There is currently no formal representation of tribal or other churches on the task force. A minister from the local Methodist church was an active member at one time, but since his departure from the community, no others have joined. The student advocates and recreation centers provide opportunities for Oneida youth to engage in cultural awareness activities. At Freedom High School for example, advocate Paul Ninham offers students opportunities to participate in Longhouse and sweat lodge ceremonies with Oneida elders as a way of strengthening connections between Oneida youth and their community and spiritual traditions. Parents Beyond their professional roles, many members of the task force are also parents of Oneida youth, and thus bring that perspective to the table as well. Even among those who are not parents, task force members gain insight into community youths’ interests, attitudes, and behaviors through personal ties with extended family and friends. One task force member, who is a parent and herself grew up in the community, shared the notion that so many of the families are related to one another that there are very few secrets, and “word gets around” quickly. Tribal Government A nine-member Business Committee, elected by the General Tribal Council of which all 12,000 enrolled adult Oneidas are members, is responsible for administering the operations of the Tribal government. Currently, the Business Committee is represented on the task force by an assistant to one of the Council members. This connection is important as the task force works toward securing funding for the various projects it is undertaking. Until now, the task force’s activities have been supported through members’ agency budgets. For example, though the task force was involved in organizing and publicizing the “Take Back the Site” events, funding came 27 through the Oneida Housing Authority. A subcommittee of the task force is currently developing a formal proposal for the Business Committee seeking official recognition and specific funding. If successful, one plan is to hire a staff member through Americorps to facilitate the work of the task force. Looking Ahead Several task force members express enthusiasm for the notion that the Oneida culture provides a unique opportunity for dealing with youth issues. Cultural traditions are seen as something that youth can hold on to and feel a part of, thereby better enabling them to resist the sense of acceptance that is often an attraction of gang affiliation. This desire to prevent gang activity by working to instill in youth an appreciation and investment in their native culture is reflected in the goals of the task force. Indeed, in recent months the task force has returned to the practice of opening its meetings with a recitation of the Kanuwelatuksla—the Oneida thanksgiving prayer. Members also caution, however, that an exclusive focus on culture may not work for all youth, and thus nonculturally based strategies must also be developed. Current plans of the task force include: • Development of crisis response teams. These teams will each be composed of one individual trained in gangs intervention strategies, and one individual familiar with Oneida cultural practice and holistic approaches to intervention. Once established, these teams will be available on an on-call basis to assist in a variety of crisis situations from violence to drug use to suicide attempts. • Establishing a Student Advisory Committee as a permanent component of the task force. The Student Advisory Committee will provide the task force with a “reality check” on its activities for their relevance to youth, and assist in planning appropriate alternative activities for Oneida youth. In keeping with the task force’s planned timeline, a recruitment meeting has been held to elicit support among youth for the project and attract individuals to serve on the committee. • Institute a mentoring program. This program, already under way, hopes to link at-risk youth with a supportive adult. Specifically, the program targets youth in danger of gang affiliation, teen pregnancy, or suicide. The Police Department, social services groups, and other concerned adults in the community are working on this program. • Provide parenting classes. Weekly classes have already begun at the Three Sisters site and are planned for all of the Oneida housing sites. The task force has high hopes. Beyond addressing the Tribe’s own concerns and challenges concerning youth, including teen pregnancy and suicide, task force members hope that their efforts will lead to the development of a model for youth intervention and prevention that will help other tribes and communities. To this end, the task force has already formed an unprecedented collaboration with the Menominee, Stockbridge, and Potawatomi tribes for a joint conference on gangs. By combining financial resources, these tribes have secured a nationally recognized authority on youth gang activity in Indian country for a commitment of two days in each of the four communities. Wauneta Lone Wolf has spent one day with youth and parents and another with community leaders. 28 As is common in many communities, early attention to gang and youth violence issues in Oneida focused on suppression of visible activity, primarily through penalties for youth perpetrating crimes and for their families. As concerned residents learned more about gangs in general, however, and about youth in their own community, more attention has been paid to intervention and prevention strategies as well. Once in place, the task force’s proposed programs will combine all three approaches—prevention efforts to keep youth from engaging in risky behaviors, intervention efforts to assist when youth have succumbed to the temptations of gang involvement, and enhanced law enforcement efforts to suppress known gang activity. 29