Pamela M. Allen for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Human Development and
Family Studies presented on November 2, 2015.
Title: Awareness of Aging in Taiwan and the United States: An Examination of
Ageism among College Students using Stereotypes and Future Self-views.
Abstract approved:
______________________________________________________
Karen A. Hooker
Ageism in the context of global population aging could lead to increasing human and economic costs. Age stereotypes tend to be negative (Hummert, 1990) and ubiquitous (Nelson, 2002) there are a variety of well documented detrimental consequences of negative age stereotypes on older adults’ physical, cognitive and psychological outcomes (Hummert, 2011; Levy, 2009; Hess et al., 2003). This contributes to a toxic social environment for older people. The issue is of growing importance especially in Asia, where most of today’s older people reside (
United
Nations, 2012) and where ageism appears to be on the rise despite traditional predictions that cultural collectivism and filial piety should protect against negative stereotypes (North & Fiske, 2015).
Ageism is proposed by stereotype embodiment theory (Levy, 2009) to be driven by a lifespan process by which beliefs about aging are internalized from the sociocultural context of the individual beginning in childhood. In addition, age stereotypes and self-views related to aging assimilate such that age stereotypes also become internalized into one’s se lf-view. Together, age stereotypes and self-views

are components of one’s overall subjective awareness of aging (AoA), an “integral psychological process or condition of the aging self” representing one’s sense of having grown older (Diehl et al., 2014, p. 2). Depending on whether AoA is positive or negative it functions to enhance or constrict developmental opportunity throughout adult development, respectively. In early adulthood, a period characterized by identity consolidation (Côté, 2009; Erikson, 1968) and a developing future time orientation (Nurmi, 1991)
, age stereotypes stand to be internalized into one’s future oriented selfconcept. Internalization of negative age stereotypes into young adults’ future selfviews (of one’s self in old age) matt ers because it could give rise to negative AoA early in adulthood and developmental trajectories constraining healthy aging later in life.
The cross-cultural ageism research in Western and Eastern societies has assessed stereotypes only and there has been little attention to future self-views
(Markus & Nurius, 1986), developmental influences such as experiences with older people (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005), or processes such as internalization by which negative stereotypes can become self-relevant (Levy, 2009). Conversely, the extant work examining internalization of age stereotypes into future self-views as of yet offers little insight into cultural or developmental factors for the processes of internalization (e.g., Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012). Therefore in this dissertation I draw on stereotype embodiment theory (Levy, 2009) and the Awareness of Aging model (Diehl et al., 2014), to examine the positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views among young adults in the U.S. and Taiwan. Data from the Cross-Cultural
Perceptions of Aging Study were used to quantitatively measure experiential

variables as well as the degree of positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views among 942 American and 659 Taiwanese college students using the Taiwanese developed Older Person Scale (OPS; Lu & Kao, 2009). The dissertation adapted the
OPS for first time use in English before using it to examine how cultural context, personal experiences with older adults related to age segregation, and gender impact the positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views cross-culturally.
Multiple group confirmatory factor analysis established partial scalar crosscultural measurement invariance of 15-item and 17-item versions of the scale for measuring age stereotypes and future self-views, respectively. Results showed a four factor structure of the scale reflecting the domains of 1) physical abilities and appearance, 2) psychological and cognitive abilities, 3) interpersonal relationships and social engagement, and 4) employment and financial security. Content analyses of open ended descriptors of age stereotypes and future self-views among American college students provided a check on the assumption that the OPS captures content of these constructs in the population of American college students. Due to the superior psychometric properties of the OPS for measurement of the social domain, and relevance of this domain for experiences of intergenerational contact, the primary research questions were addressed with respect to the social domain.
Results of moderated mediation modeling showed that, as hypothesized
(hypothesis 1), Taiwanese participants exhibited less positivity in stereotypes and self-views in the psychological and social domains but not the physical or employment domains. Contrary to the expectation, Taiwanese age stereotypes were better characterized as slightly positive or ambivalent rather than negative. As

predicted by hypothesis 2, females and those reporting regular experience of contact with older adults expressed more positivity in age stereotypes and future self-views in the social domain across cultural contexts. In support of hypothesis 3, age stereotypes mediated the association of 1) cultural context, and 2) contact frequency to the positivity of future self-views in the social domain. Exploratory results indicated that the strength of indirect effects did not vary significantly across cultural contexts or gender. Based on culture- and gender-based differences in interdependence of self-construals (Cross & Madson, 1997; Markus & Nurius, 1986),
I hypothesize that Taiwanese students and American women would exhibit stronger association of age stereotypes to future self-views (i.e., internalization) than
American men (hypothesis 4). Taiwanese and American women were found to have among the strongest internalization, but, unexpectedly, American men exhibited equal internalization and Taiwanese men exhibited the weakest internalization. A fifth hypothesis predicting that age integration (i.e., contact with both kin and non-kin older people) moderates the association of contact frequency with age stereotypes was unable to be tested due to an unbalanced response distribution on the relevant variable.
Results of this dissertation reinforce the relevance of age stereotypes for future self-views among young adults and speak to the appropriateness of tailoring ageism-focused programs, policies, trainings or educational efforts to the individual or the cultural context.

©Copyright by Pamela M. Allen
November 2, 2015
All Rights Reserved

Awareness of Aging in Taiwan and the United States: An Examination of Ageism among College Students using Stereotypes and Future Self-views by
Pamela M. Allen
A DISSERTATION submitted to
Oregon State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Presented November 2, 2015
Commencement June 2016

Doctor of Philosophy dissertation of Pamela M. Allen presented on November 2,
2015.
APPROVED:
Major Professor, representing Human Development and Family Studies
Co-Director of the School of Social and Behavioral Health Sciences
Dean of the Graduate School
I understand that my dissertation will become part of the permanent collection of
Oregon State University libraries. My signature below authorizes release of my dissertation to any reader upon request.
Pamela M. Allen, Author

I express my sincere appreciation to my primary mentor Dr. Karen Hooker, as well as my supporting committee members Dr. Carolyn Mendez-Luck, Dr. Kathy Gunter,
Dr. Adam Branscum, and Dr. Janet Lee for their support and guidance throughout the development of this project. Dr. Hooker, especially, has generously provided her time to closely supervise the research program that allowed me to manage a cross-cultural study and gain invaluable experience as a researcher. Her investment in my learning has contributed greatly to my success in the doctoral program and beyond. I also want to acknowledge the instrumental feedback provided by Dr. Mendez-Luck in my process of preparing for my preliminary oral examination, and the interdisciplinary research experiences organized by Dr. Gunter as a part of my participation in the National Science
Foundation (NSF) Integrative Graduate Research Education and Training (IGERT) fellowship program. I also thank Dr. Gunter for supervising my doctoral minor in Aging
Sciences, Dr. Branscum for supervising my second integrative minor in methodology, and Dr. Janet Lee for participation in my graduate committee as the graduate council representative.
In addition, I am grateful for the work and support of my fellow doctoral student and friend, Han-Jung Ko (Koko). Her assistance was vital in making the Cross-Cultural
Perceptions of Aging (CCPA) Study a success at the design, IRB approval, and data collection phases of the research. I also thank Dr. Leslie Richards for her encouragement of my research interest in Taiwan and her contributions in the CCPA study as a coinvestigator. The help of Dr. Fei-Li Fo Young of Fu Jen University in Taipei, Taiwan, was also instrumental the process of approving the CCPA study. Undergraduate research assistants Erica Cabibbo, Megan Gordon, Briana Laird, Anna Le, Viviana Morales, and

Olivia Chac assisted with data entry, as did graduate student Liz McDermott and postdoctoral researcher Dr. Soyoung Choun.
I also offer my thanks to the individuals who volunteered to participate in our study because this project would not have been possible without them. Oregon State
University’s Distinguished Provost Fellowship, the NSF IGERT
in Aging Sciences (DGE
0956280) and the NSF East Asia and Pacific Summer Institute in Taiwan (OISE-13
1310721) provided support during the course of my studies. Last but not least, I have so much appreciated the support from my fellow graduate students, mentors, friends, and family. This includes my professor, collaborator-mentor, and friend, Dr. Sharyn Clough, members of Karen’s synergistic research collective, notably Shannon Mejía, Han
-Jung
Ko, and Soyoung Choun, many others in the HDFS program, my family in Corvallis, and my fiancé, Brendan Fox, who have shared the experiences of these years and contributed to my attainment of this goal.

Page
Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................. 1
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................ 11
Theoretical Orientation ............................................................................................ 11
Lifespan Developmental Theory ......................................................................... 11
Stereotype Embodiment Theory .......................................................................... 13
Awareness of Aging (AoA) Model ..................................................................... 22
Cultural and Developmental Influences on Awareness of Aging ............................ 33
Positivity of Age Stereotype and Self-views in the East and West ..................... 33
Developmental Influences on Awareness of Aging ............................................ 46
The Current Study ..................................................................................................... 55
Hypotheses for Research Question 1 .................................................................. 57
Additional Expectations Related to Research Question 2 ................................... 58
Chapter 3: Methodology ............................................................................................... 59
Study Design ............................................................................................................ 59
Study Participants .................................................................................................... 59
Sampling Criteria and Recruitment ..................................................................... 59
Sample Description ............................................................................................. 60
Procedures ................................................................................................................ 60
Data Collection .................................................................................................... 60
Participant Confidentiality .................................................................................. 60

Page
Measurements .......................................................................................................... 61
Outcome Measures: Awareness of Aging Constructs ......................................... 61
Predictor Measures .............................................................................................. 63
Analytic Plan ............................................................................................................ 64
Cross-Cultural Measurement Equivalence of AoA ............................................. 64
Assessing Content Relevance of OPS items for American Students .................. 68
Analyzing the Relationship Between Cultural Context, Developmental
Factors, and AoA Constructs .............................................................................. 69
Chapter 4: Results ......................................................................................................... 81
Analysis of Open Ended Descriptors ....................................................................... 83
Analysis of OPS Results .......................................................................................... 88
Exploratory Factor Analysis for Age Stereotypes in Taiwan ............................. 88
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for Age Stereotypes in the U.S. and Taiwan ...... 96
Exploratory Factor Analysis for Future Self-views in Taiwan ......................... 103
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for Future Self-views in the U.S. and Taiwan ........................................................................................................ 108
Measurement Analysis Result Summary .......................................................... 115
Results for Primary Research Questions and Moderated Mediation
Analyses ............................................................................................................ 117
Chapter 5: Discussion ................................................................................................. 138
Cultural Context ..................................................................................................... 138
Contact Frequency ................................................................................................. 143

Page
Gender .................................................................................................................... 146
Mediation by Age Stereotypes ............................................................................... 147
Moderated Mediation ............................................................................................. 149
OPS Scale Results and Recommendations ............................................................ 155
Limitations and Future Directions ......................................................................... 158
Implications for Awareness of Aging and Lifespan Developmental Processes .... 164
Practical Implications of Awareness of Aging for Global Population Aging ....... 167
Chapter 6: Conclusion................................................................................................. 175
References ................................................................................................................... 179
Appendices .................................................................................................................. 198
Appendix A: Survey materials from the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of Aging
Study with Taiwanese and American college student participants ......................... 199
Appendix B: Full Summary of Open Ended Descriptors ....................................... 209
Appendix C: Correlation Matrices of all Variables ................................................ 216
Appendix D: Equations Used to Generate Predictions ........................................... 222

Figure Page
1. The Awareness of Aging Model ............................................................................... 70
2. Original Proposed Moderated Mediation Model ...................................................... 73
3. Final Moderated Mediation Model ........................................................................... 77
4. Age Stereotype Partial Scalar Model Estimates for the U.S. ................................. 100
5. Age Stereotype Partial Scalar Model Estimates for Taiwan ................................... 101
6. Future Self-views Partial Scalar Model Estimates for the U.S. .............................. 112
7. Future Self-views Partial Scalar Model Estimates for Taiwan ............................... 113
8. Predicted Positivity of Age Stereotypes in the Social Domain............................... 129
9. The Direct Effect Interaction of Cultural Context and Gender ............................... 130
10. Cultural Context and Gender Moderate Stereotype Internalization in the Social
Domain ........................................................................................................................ 136
11. Predicted Positivity of Future-Self Ratings in the Social Domain by Culturual
Context and Gender at Three Levels of Age Stereotype Positivity ............................ 137

Table Page
1. Summary of Participant Background Characteristics ............................................... 82
2. Summary of American College S tudents’
Most Frequently Used Descriptors of
Older People in General (Age Stereotypes) and Future Self-views ............................. 86
3. Summary of
American Students’ O pen Ended Descriptors of Age Stereotypes and
Future Self-views that were Not Represented by the Four Domains of the OPS ......... 87
4. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the Exploratory Factor Analysis of the 35 OPS Items in the Taiwan sample ....................................................................... 93
5. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the Exploratory Factor Analysis of the 16 OPS Items in the Taiwan Sample ...................................................................... 94
6. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the Exploratory Factor Analysis of the 16 OPS Items in the U.S. Sample ........................................................................... 95
7. Age Stereotypes Modification Model of the OPS in the U.S. and Taiwan
Samples ......................................................................................................................... 98
8. Summary of Invariance Tests for 15 Age Stereotype OPS Items in the U.S. and
Taiwan samples ............................................................................................................. 99
9. Summary of Age Stereotype Partial Scalar Confirmatory Factor Analysis Model
Estimates of Intercepts and Mean Differences in Each Domain ................................ 102
10. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the 35 OPS Items in the Taiwan
Sample......................................................................................................................... 105
11. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the 22 OPS Items in the Taiwan sample ......................................................................................................................... 106
12. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the 22 OPS Items in the
U.S. Sample ................................................................................................................ 107
13. Future Self-views Modification Model of the OPS in the U.S. and Taiwan samples ........................................................................................................................ 109

Table Page
14. Summary of Invariance Tests for 17 Future Self-views OPS Items in the U.S. and Taiwan samples. ................................................................................................... 111
15. Summary of Future Self-views Partial Scalar Confirmatory Factor Analysis
Model Estimates of Intercepts and Mean Differences in Each Domain ..................... 114
16. Summary of OPS Subscale Reliabilities and Items Identifying Each Domain .... 116
17. Tabulation of the Original and the Dichotomized Variable Measuring Contact
Frequency with Older Adults ...................................................................................... 120
18. Tabulation of the Original and Dichotomized Variable Used to Measure Age
Integration ................................................................................................................... 122
19. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables and OPS Social
Domain Items .............................................................................................................. 124
20. MLMV Estimates for the Moderated Mediation Model for the Social
Domain ........................................................................................................................ 126
21. Frequency that Each of 811 Words Used in Open Ended Descriptions were Used to
Describe Age Stereotypes and Future Self-views Among American Students .......... 209
22. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for 35 OPS Age Stereotype Items .......... 216
23. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for 35 OPS Future Self-views Items ....... 219

1
Awareness of aging in Taiwan and the United States: An examination of ageism among college students using stereotypes and future self-views
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Beliefs about what it means to grow old can shape the aging process itself.
Positive perceptions of aging tend to facilitate pathways to optimal long-term health and well-being, whereas negative perceptions can constrain developmental outcomes in late life. Stereotypes constitute the widely shared and over simplified beliefs about the characteristics of social groups that are used to guide judgment and behavior in the absence of detailed information. Specifically, age stereotypes provide an impersonal basis for categorizing people based on inferences about age. There are a variety of well documented detrimental consequences of negative age stereotypes on older peoples’ physical, cognitive and psychological outcomes
— outcomes such as cardiovascular and sensorimotor functioning, gait speed, hearing, and memory performance, which are also used as makers of the aging process (Hummert, 2011; Levy, 2009; Levy, Slade, & Gill
2006; Levy & Slade, 2002; Levy et al., 2008; Levy, et al. 2011; Levy & Zonderman,
2009; Hess et al., 2003). Other associated outcomes include, but are not limited to, reduced health behavior (Hess, 2006), achievement of personal goals (Cheng, 2009), quality of intergenerational interactions (Lin, Harwood, & Hummert, 2008), day-to-day feelings of usefulness (Allen, Mejía, & Hooker, 2015), and will to live (Levy, Ashman, &
Dror, 2000; Marques, et al. 2014). Those reporting positive compared to negative views about their own aging at midlife have been shown to live 7.5 years longer (e.g., Levy,
2003). Individually, each of these consequences is substantial and together their combined impact should be even greater given that ageism is ubiquitous in the U.S. (Kite,

2
Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005; Nelson, 2002) and other youth-oriented Western societies (McConatha, Schnell, & Volkwein, 2003). Ageism in the context of global population aging could result in magnified human and economic costs, especially if its effects extend to East Asia.
Ageism is already a social issue at the international level (Hudson et al., 2012) and by 2050 the number of older adults worldwide is projected to more than double to 2 billion (United Nations, 2014). Asia is home to the majority of older people alive today
(65+; United Nations, 2012) and the region is experiencing notably rapid growth of older populations (United Nations, 2014). Despite the frequent assertion that views toward older people should be more positive in Asia, especially in East Asian cultures due to the inheritance of Confucian traditions (Ho, 1994, 1996), cultural collectivism (Hofstede,
1980; Triandis et al., 1988), and interdependence (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), when compared to Western societies the results have been mixed (e.g., Boduroglu, Yoon, Luo,
& Park, 2006; Levy & Langer, 1994; Tien-Hyatt, 1987). A recent meta-analysis even indicates that results are trending opposite to those expectations, such that individuals from South and East Asian societies tend to endorse more negative views (e.g., North,
2013; North & Fiske, 2015). This effects appears to be especially pronounced in East
Asian contexts. Improved understanding of cross-cultural differences in ageism is important for estimating the reach of its consequences, and for gauging the need for culturally specific means of promoting healthy aging.
To an extent, cross-cultural similarities in age stereotypes are expected. A strong feature across cultures is that older adults are perceived to be high in warmth and low in competence, an idea that has been described as “dear but doddering”
(Cuddy et al., 2009).

3
Although age stereotypes are known to be multifaceted and complex both in valence and content (Hummert, 2011; Kite et al., 2005), they are also more negative than positive
(Hummert, 1990), at least in research with Western samples. Examples of common positive stereotypes of older adults include “wise”, and
“insightful” or classic exemplars like the “perfect grandparent
,
” whereas negative stereotypes include, but are not limited to, “useless”, “senile”, “reclusive”, “ugly”, “slow”, incapable of learn ing,
“curmudgeonly”
(Hummert, 2011; Palmore, 1999) and a host of other negative person characteristics (Grühn, Gilet, Studer, & Labouvie-Vief, 2011). Much of the content of age stereotypes is represented in both Western and East Asian samples, but some stereotypes are culturally specific (e.g., laodao or “endless repeating” in China;
Zhang,
Hummert, & Garstka, 2002).
Beyond stereotypes of typical older people, selfviews of one’s own aging also shape the aging process. If negative stereotypes become integ rated into one’s self
-views about aging, the effects of the stereotypes can be increased (Levy, 2009). In general, social cognitive theories about the relationship between stereotypes and self-views have proposed two ways in which these variables relate to each other, termed contrast and assimilation effects. According to theories of social comparison processes (Festinger,
1954; Wills, 1981; Heckhausen & Brim, 1997), a contrast is predicted when a member of a targeted group compares oneself to the stereotype of that group. When the group stereotype is negative, it provides the basis for a downward comparison boosting one’s self-concept. In other words, when older individuals are confronted with negative stereotypes of their age group, their self-views could be adjusted to become more positive.
Hypotheses for assimilation effects, on the other hand, derive from theories such as

4
Kuypers and Bengtson's (1973) social breakdown syndrome proposing that stereotypes and self-views become more similar to each other through mutual influence (also see Rodin &
Langer, 1980). One way this occurs is if stereotypes infuse, contaminate, or become internalized into one’s self
-views such that over time self-views grow to resemble stereotypes. This kind of internalization allows for the phenomena of self-stereotyping whereby one’s negative self
-views provide an additional source of exposure to negative stereotyping that can compound the already negative consequences of stereotyping from others. It explains how self-views can increase the impact of negative age stereotypes.
Assimilation processes play an important role in ageism. First, at the most basic level, one’s age stereotypes a re influenced by exposure to the societal beliefs about older people that exist in one’s societal and cultural context. For example, older Americans who report higher lifetime exposure to television watching also report more negative age stereotypes (Donlon, Ashman, & Levy, 2005). Second, internalization also occurs, as described previously, when stereotypes influence self-views. In support of this, experimentally manipulated exposure to negative age stereotypes is known to cause subsequent self evaluations to assimilate to those stereotypes (e.g., Kotter-Grühn & Hess,
2012). A cross sectional study among adults of age 30-80 found future self-views to mediate the relationship between age stereotypes and current self-views. It also found evidence of stereotype internalization for all ages, though internalization was strongest for the oldest (Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012). Rothermund and Brandtstädter (2003) provided longitudinal evidence of stereotype and self-view assimilation over time in their report of older adults’ age stereotypes at baseline predicting self-views 8 years later. In their study the reverse process of externalization was also simultaneously evident: self-

5 views at baseline predicted stereotypes 8 years later.
Levy (2009) has drawn on the knowledge base of stereotype assimilation in stereotype embodiment theory to explain that the aging process itself is, in part, a social construct. The theory makes four assertions including, first, that age stereotypes are internalized from society to the individual and from childhood to old age; second, these stereotypes gain self-relevance as one grows older and becomes a member of the stereotyped social category of older people; third, age stereotypes can influence functioning in an implicit manner outside of awareness; and fourth, they affect long term outcomes through physiological, psychological and behavioral pathways. With respect to the proposition that stereotype internalization is a lifespan process, there are also implications for young adults. Because early adulthood is a period characterized by both increasing future time orientation and identity development, age stereotypes stand to be internalized into one’s future oriented self
-views (Côté, 2009; Erikson, 1968; Nurmi,
1991). Through internalization, ageism has the potential to shape trajectories of aging throughout the lifespan by impacting future self-views about aging earlier in adulthood.
This justifies motivation to study age stereotypes in relation to future self-views among younger adults.
In general, the scope of stereotype embodiment theory is limited in that it does not consider stereotypes or self-views in association with other related beliefs that also help account for the social construction of age.
Building from stereotype embodiment theory,
Diehl and colleagues (2014) theoretically integrated age stereotypes and self-views with other subjective age constructs (age identity, subjective age, awareness of age-related change) under a superordinate construct, awareness of aging (AoA). They propose a

6 model for how this family of constructs including age stereotypes and self-views gives rise to overall AoA, which is an “integral psychological process or condition of the aging self” representing one’s sense
of having grown older (p. 2). Depending on the characteristics of its constituent parts, AoA may take on a positive or negative quality, which in turn shapes self-regulatory processes that promote or constrain developmental opportunity, respectively (Figure 1). The model is based in a conceptual analysis of the subjective age literature that elaborates the theoretical distinction between individual AoA constructs. For instance, both stereotypes and self-views are multidimensional but selfviews are processed in a primarily explicit mode whereas age stereotypes operate through both explicit and implicit processing. This suggests that stereotypes ought to have a stronger influence on self-views than vice versa (Diehl et al., 2014, p. 16). In this framework, stereotype internalization contributes to overall AoA and is also conditioned by cultural context, developmental influences (e.g., life events and personal experiences), socioeconomic factors, and psychological resources (Figure 1). Diehl et al. (2014) reinforce the existing need to
“describe and explain the exact mechanisms and pathways by which attitudes toward aging and age stereotypes influence and shape adults’ … self
perceptions of aging” (p. 16).
Consistent with this aim, and in response to the need to better understand East-West cross-cultural differences in ageism, the AoA framework can be used to examine the role of cultural context in addition to individual level personal experiences with older adults for the positivity of both age stereotypes and future selfviews.
Personal experiences with older adults can be limited by age segregation, which is a society-level force thought to be both a cause and consequence of ageism (Hagestad &

7
Uhlenberg, 2005, 2006). From a social-cognitive standpoint, within and across cultural contexts, a lack of individuating information about out-group members should increase reliance on stereotypes for social judgments, which can in turn increase stereotyping in behavior such as social exclusion of older adults (itself a form of segregation; Allport,
1954; Pettigrew, 1998). Although age segregation is discussed as a society-level factor by Hagestad and Uhlenberg, it is also plausible that individual differences in contact frequency with older adults, and opportunities to interact with older people who are kin and non-kin, should represent a degree of age integration of individuals’ social networks, and be associated with more positive views about aging among younger people.
Opportunity for intergenerational cont act is a developmental influence on one’s overall awareness of aging, but the cross-cultural literature has not incorporated focus on intergenerational contact frequency, or its relation to ageist attitudes.
Despite the previously cited reasons to expect some similarities in stereotypes cross-culturally, theorists hypothesize East-West differences in the positivity of these beliefs. East Asian cultures are relatively collectivistic and hierarchically organized according to Confucian values (Ho, 1994, 1996; Hofstede, 1980). Collectivism is a culture-level construct indicative of high value on cooperation and in-group goals relative to individual goals. As such, collectivism should contribute toward positive views of aging if filial obligation to elders is, as a result, not resented or viewed as an obstruction to one’s own goals. Filial piety is the Confucian tradition of unquestioned respect and
(material and emotional) support for ones parents (Ho, 1994, 1996). It is a value that emphasizes the priority of hierarchical relationships (i.e., parent-child) over horizontal relationships (i.e., spouse-spouse). The central tenet of respect for elders is usually

8 hypothesized to be reflected in younger people’s
positive stereotypes of older people.
Additionally, individuals in collectivist cultural contexts are more likely to construe the self in an interdependent fashion, such that one’s sense
of self is less of a bounded whole, more dependent on social context, and more likely to be defined in terms of social relationships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). For this reason, compared to Western individualist samples, East Asian samples could be hypothesized to exhibit self-views that diverge less from views toward others, including revered elders. However, to my knowledge this possibility has not been explored. To date, there has been very little theoretical development of the possibility that East Asian societies exhibit a higher degree of ageism than Western societies. Emerging theory in this direction emphasizes simultaneous industrialization and population aging (e.g., Nelson, 2005; North, 2013) and is considered in greater detail in the following chapter.
Within East Asia it is of importance to examine AoA constructs in Taiwan specifically because Tai wan’s proportion of older adults is growing more rapidly than most developed countries in the region
(“Facing…” 2009,
Directorate General of Budget,
2006)
. Taiwan’s elder suicide rate ranks with South Korea in the top two worldwide and has increased in the last decade (LaFraniere, 2011; Wei, 2011), indicating a need to better understand Taiwan’s social context of aging
specifically. Also, in the cross-cultural ageism literature more studies have focused on China rather than Taiwan (North & Fiske,
2015), even though as a Chinese society Taiwan differs in important ways with respect to democratization, economic development, and evolution of filial piety values. Because
Taiwan’s unique expression of filial piety emphasizes intergenerational warmth rather than parental authority (Yeh, Yi, Tsao, & Wan, 2013), of societies in East Asia today,

9 college students from Taiwan may be relatively likely to exhibit the traditional expectations of greater positivity if this is indeed a consequence of filial piety. An updated investigation of young people’s experience with older adults, age stereotypes, and future self-views would provide insight as to how this cultural context shapes the positivity of views about aging.
Using data from the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of Aging (CCPA) study, in this dissertation I examine the positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views (of oneself as an older adult). Specifically, variation in these beliefs about aging are examined as a function of cultural influences (Taiwan versus U.S. cultural context), and developmental influences, namely, personal experiences with older adults, and gender (where gender is operationalized as sex, corresponding to male and female). Attention is given to both the frequency of intergenerational experiences and the variety of older adults with whom college students interact (e.g., kin, non-kin, or both). This dissertation contributes to knowledge about the development of AoA by allowing a comparison of the relative positivity of these AoA constructs cross-culturally, and the first known cross-cultural examination of the strength of stereotype internalization into future self-views. With a focus on college students’ experiences with older adults, it directly addresses the role of age segregation for positivity of views on aging, a question that has not received much empirical attention in the cross-cultural ageism literature. Specifically, I aim to address two research questions:
1. How do cultural context, personal experiences with older adults, and gender impact the positivity of age stereotypes and positivity of future self-views of one
’s self as an older adult among Taiwanese and American college students?

10
2. Does a Taiwanese-developed scale adapted for use in English represent content of age stereotypes and future self-views expressed by American college students in openended descriptors?

11
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
In this chapter I establish my theoretical orientation and review the relevant theoretical and empirical literature guiding the dissertation. Lifespan developmental theory is introduced as the foundational perspective within which stereotype embodiment theory (Levy, 2009) is used to conceptualize the lifespan process of stereotype internalization. The awareness of aging (AoA) model (Diehl et al., 2014) is then discussed as a fitting heuristic framework for examining ageism in the broad context of adult development because it considers the role of cultural and developmental influences on the positivity of subjective age constructs including age stereotypes and (future oriented) self-views. Then, literature is overviewed with respect to the portion of the
AoA model targeted in this dissertation. First, I overview theory and supporting evidence for East-West cultural differences in these AoA constructs before turning attention to theory and evidence about age segregation, the importance of contact frequency with kin and non-kin older adults, and gender. The chapter ends with a summary of conclusions from the literature review and a statement of hypotheses for the dissertation.
Theoretical Orientation
Lifespan Developmental Theory
A primary goal of contemporary developmental science is to promote positive development by explaining and describing intraindividual change and interindividual differences in intraindividual change over the lifespan (Lerner, Theokas, & Bobek, 2005;
Lerner, 2006). Lifespan developmental theory examines individual

context dynamics in human development that begin at conception and continue throughout adulthood and old age (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). As does the entire

12 family of relational developmental systems theories, lifespan developmental theory adopts a central assumption that individuals are active producers of their own development. It also encourages integration of biological, physiological, individual, cultural, and historical levels of organization in research. A metatheoretical lens of relationism (Overton, 2010;
Overton & Lerner, 2014) guides the view that these levels of organization are not defined as dichotomous splits (e.g., nature vs. nurture) but as fused, mutually influential forces driving development. A major task in the promotion of positive development is to describe and explain the great deal of observed variability in the aging process in terms of the opportunities and constraints that shape individuals’ trajectories of development over time. Toward these ends, psychological theories of lifespan development are articulated at various levels of analysis to integrate metatheoretical guiding principles and more specific theories that proffer testable propositions in domains such as cognition or self (Baltes,
Lindenberger & Staudinger, 2006).
Part of the effort to understand variability in aging involves illuminating processes that contribute to successful aging (Havighurst, 1961). This includes optimization of both subjective and objective criteria in physical, social and cognitive domains (Baltes & Baltes,
1990). Psychological approaches theorize the roles of self and society to examine how self-understanding and self-knowledge shape the process by which individuals navigate stability and change over time (Breytspraak, 1984; Diehl, 1999; Whitbourne, 1999). Early attention to ageism (Butler, 1969; McTavish, 1971), defined by Robert Butler as the systematic discrimination of people because they are old, stimulated the proposition that negative societally held beliefs about aging become internalized early in life. Not only do internalized negative age stereotypes contribute to a toxic social environment that

13 negatively impacts older people, but they also become increasingly self-relevant and consequential for one’s self with age
. Ageism therefore has relevance across the lifespan and is directly related to one of the major aims of developmental science: enhancing the presence of social justice in society (Lerner & Overton, 2008, p. 249).
Scholarship beginning in the 1960’s first focused on age stereotyping perpetrated by younger people and has since yielded a body of knowledge about the processes affecting individuals’ perceptions of aging throughout life. This has chronicled the resulting critical outcomes in old age that often hinder positive development across social, cognitive and physical domains (for reviews see Crockett & Hummert, 1987; Hummert, 2011). Over the past 30 years, a cross-cultural research boom has provided a knowledge base from which we can begin to better understand the role of cultural context on age stereotypes in
Eastern and Western societies. Before undertaking a review of the cross-cultural literature, a review of the following lifespan theories in specific psychological domains will provide a conceptual foundation for understanding the lifelong process by which beliefs about aging develop. Stereotype embodiment theory and the awareness of aging model are apt to guide the current investigation about cultural and developmental factors related to ageism among young adults.
Stereotype Embodiment Theory
Adaptation of sociological and social cognitive theory (e.g., Cain, 1964; Kelly,
1955) to understand aging prompted theorizing about the way social labeling, i.e., stereotyping, should affect the competence of older adults (Kuypers & Bengtson, 1973;
Rodin & Langer, 1980). Expectations from the external social environment about the incompetence of older people were originally posited, in Kuypers and Bengt son’s (1973)

14 theory of social breakdown syndrome, to become internaliz ed, affecting individuals’ self
concept and orientation to personal mastery. This, in turn, was theorized to lead older people to confirm negative stereotypes through underestimation of their own capacities
(Rodin & Langer, 1980). Although much age stereotyping research initially focused on the perpetrators of stereotyping rather than the targets, the focus shifted to develop an understanding of the consequences of stereotyping for older adults. Social cognition researchers began subliminally priming age categories in participants (Perdue &
Gurtman, 1990), which lead to techniques measuring implicit age preference and results demonstrating an implicit preference for young versus old across age groups (Greenwald,
McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998). With gradual increased attention to experimental approaches investigating the consequences of these beliefs for the older adults targeted by them, studies manipulating subliminal exposure to negative age stereotypes found that it caused decrements in cognitive and physical functioning (e.g., memory, gait quality and speed; Hess, Hinson, & Statham, 2004; Levy, 1996). Such effects are evidence of implicit ageism, a term referring to the operation of age stereotypes below awareness to produce forms of prejudice that are often unintentional and unnoticed (Greenwald &
Banaji, 1995; Levy & Banaji, 2004). As a form of discrimination, implicit ageism is unique and particularly covert because its expressions are commonplace and often accepted without sanction in social discourse (Williams & Giles, 1998; Nelson, 2002).
Interestingly, we can also subliminally prime positive stereotypes of aging which, at least in one study, showed positive consequences for blood pressure and heart rate (Levy,
Hausdorff, Hencke & Wei, 2000). Stereotype embodiment theory (Levy, 2009) helped advance this field by incorporating implicit processes into an understanding of how

15 labeling with stereotypes contributes to the growing number of documented consequences for older adults. As a psychosocial approach to aging, a primary argument of the theory is that aging is, in part, a social construct because beliefs about aging can affect the same indicators often used to demarcate old age.
Specifically, stereotype embodiment theory posits that age stereotypes become internalized from society to the individual across the lifespan and can operate within or outside awareness to impact outcomes through behavioral, psychological and physiological pathways. In contrast to the subliminal priming studies demonstrating direct effects of stereotypes on outcomes outside of one’s awareness, a body of research using the stereotype threat framework (Steele & Aronson, 1995) helped establish that some of the effects of age stereotypes occur at a more explicit or conscious level (e.g.,
Hess et al., 2003). Stereotype threat occurs when an individual is at risk of confirming the negative stereotype about his or her social group on a performance task because stereotype-consistent expectations are salient in the performance environment (Steele &
Aronson, 1995). For example, this can occur with older people if they are presented a memory performance task and perform below their true ability due to awareness of the expectation that they would perform poorly (arising from the stereotype that old people are forgetful). The original studies established this effect among African American students in academic testing situations, and the work has been extended to age stereotypes and memory performance where it is found that older adults experience threat
(Chasteen, et al., 2005) that results in poor memory performance (Hess & Hinson, 2006;
Hess et al., 2003). In this kind of effect, explicit awareness of the expectation is what creates the perceived threat of confirming it. The threat in turn accounts for decreased

16 performance via decreased motivation or increased anxiety (Hess, Hinson, & Hodges,
2009; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Steele and Aronson (1995) argue that it is not necessary for the targeted individual to believe the stereotype for the situation to produce decrements in performance. However, the performance domain does need to be of personal importance to the individual and the individual does need to perceive selfrelevance of the stereotypes for the effect to occur (Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002).
This also holds for age stereotypes, as it has been shown that memory performance is affected only in those who specifically report valuing memory abilities (Hess et al.,
2009). It is seen, then, in the implicit priming experiments and in stereotype threat research that both implicit and explicit exposure to stereotypes can affect outcomes.
Consistent with previous theory (e.g., Kuypers & Bengtson, 1973; Rodin &
Langer, 1980) stereotype embodiment theory also argues that because age stereotypes have a basis in cultural and societal images of aging, they become internalized from society to the individual. Levy (2009) adds emphasis that this process begins in childhood, continues throughout the lifespan, and involves assimilation of age stereotypes and self-views so that age stereotypes are self-relevant in old age. Unlike other stereotypes such as gender- or race-based stereotypes, beliefs about older people are proposed to become internalized relatively easily at younger ages when the negative age stereotypes are not self-relevant and pose no threat to o ne’s self
-concept. Recently, additional research has expanded on this idea to show that not only are age stereotypes about other people internalized across the lifespan, but age stereotypes are also integrated into one’s future self
-views (of one
’s self as an older adult) by early adulthood (Kornadt
& Rothermund, 2012). Stereotype embodiment theory also posits that as one ages into

17 the social category of older people, age stereotypes gain extra salience as a result of becoming relevant to the self. This makes it possible for negative self-views about aging to compound the negative consequences of age stereotyping perpetrated by others because negative self-views become a second source of exposure. A growing body of work, described below, helps demonstrate the potency of self-views about aging on older adults
’
outcomes.
Association of age stereotypes to developmental outcomes. Concurrent with the experimental work about the implicit effects previously described, observational studies also increased attention to the targets of ageism and documented the association of negative age stereotypes and self-views
1
with decrements in a variety of other health and well-being outcomes including behavior, health, performance, competence and decision making (Hess, 2006; Levy, 2003). The catalog of outcomes is long and includes cardivascular functioning (Levy et al., 2000), cardiovascular events (Levy & Zonderman
2009) , recovery from disability (Levy, Slade, & Murphy, 2014), reduced functional health over time (Levy, Slade, & Kasl, 2002), subjective health ratings (Wurm et al.,
2008), psychological well-being (Mock & Eibach, 2011), depression (Kwak, 2014), will to live (Levy et al., 2000; Marques et al., 2014) and longevity (Lakra et al., 2012; Levy et al., 2002). As in these Western samples, research in Taiwan using a nationally representative sample has established similar positive effects of postive self-perceptions of aging for physical health and longevity (Fan, 2007). In East Asian populations, other similar effects obtain for mental health (Lai, 2009), depression (Wang, et al., 2013),
1
These are current selfviews among older people and may also be referred to as “self
stereotypes” in the literature. For the purpose of this discussion I use “self
views” because the term can more clearly be used to refer either to older adults’ current selfviews or younger adults’ future self
-views.

18 reduced intention to hire older workers (Lu, Kao, & Hsieh, 2011) and reduced likelihood that older workers decide to keep working (Lu, 2012). This provides support for the notion that age stereotypes and self-views have similar importance across Western and
East Asian cultural contexts. Stereotype embodiment theory proposes that these effects on outcomes transpire via behavioral, physiological, and psychological pathways, when, for example, negative aging-related self-views lead to disengagement from health behaviors (and functional decline), provoke heightened cardiovascular arousal (and risk of cardiac events), or restrict performance expectations (and objective memory performance or physical functioning).
Relationships between age stereotypes and self-views. Inherent in stereotype embodiment theory’s princi ple of top down internalization (i.e., from society to the individual) are assumptions about the relationship between stereotypes and self-views.
Before illustrating this in detail, a more detailed definition of internalization is necessary.
Strictly speaking, internalization occurs at two levels. First, at a basic level, societal and cultural images of aging become adopted (internalized) by individuals as stereotypes about the social category “old people” as a result of the continuous exposure of being embedded in the sociocultural context. Second, age stereotypes can become further internalized into one’s self
-conce pt if one’s beliefs about typical older people help shape one’s self
-views about old age. Internalization in this second sense is the focus in my discussion of stereotype embodiment theory in the rest of the literature and throughout the dissertation.
With respect to the relationship between age stereotypes and self-views, stereotype embodiment theory assumes the primacy of internalization processes (which lead to assimilation effects) over comparison processes (which lead to contrast effects), and of

19 inte rnalization over externalization. Internalization of stereotypes into one’s self
-views assumes that stereotypes exert a “contaminating” effect on self
-views, and that this leads to assimilation effects in which stereotypes and self-views become more similar to one another. This is in direct opposition to predictions based in social comparison theory
(Festinger, 1954), which argues that negative age stereotypes should provide the opportunity for one to adjust his or her self-views purposefully in order to create a positive contrast against the stereotype. Making these kinds of downward comparisons of one
’s self with less fortunate others is a learned process prompted by negative self-appraisals or negative affect. The comparisons result in the restoration or enhancement of well-being
(Wills, 1981). Related to this, social downgrading is a similar process of self-enhancement by which a comparison of the self is made against a downgraded, or negatively adjusted, conceptualization of the “generalized other”
(i.e., other older people in general;
Heckhausen & Brim, 1997). In this case the contrast is created by lowering the evaluation of the generalized other rather than elevating the self. In support of this, older people do tend to view themselves more positively than others and report fewer problems compared to the general population (Heckhausen & Brim, 1997). Heckhausen and Brim (1997) also showed that e xperiencing personal losses or threats to the positivity of one’s self
-views in a given domain also predicts a more negative view of the generalized other in that same domain. However, Kotter-Grühn and Hess (2012) note that the entirety of the literature demonstrating implicit effects of age stereotypes supports the prediction for assimilation effects over contrast effects in the daily life of older people because implicit effects would not hold if age stereotypes were not seen as self-relevant. In general there is substantial experimental support that self-views assimilate to stereotypes at least temporarily over

20 short time scales (e.g., Kotter-Grühn & Hess, 2012; Sinclair et al., 2005). This assimilation has also been found using cross-sectional study designs (e.g., Kornadt &
Rothermund, 2012). Longitudinally, in what is currently the best direct test of these rival hypotheses, Rothermund and Brandtstädter (2003) found that at two measurement occassions over 8 years self-views and age stereotypes became more similar to each other over time and that there was no evidence of a contrast effect.
Stereotype internalization and social comparison (or downgrading) are not mutually exclusive processes (Rothermund, 2005). The conditions under which contrast effects occur are becoming better delineated. For example, experimental studies show that a contrast effect is more likely when awareness of stereotype priming is high or when content of primed stereotypes is extreme, whereas assimilation occurs when stereotypes are more moderate (Strack, Schwarz, & Bless, 1993). In Fung et al. (2014) participants exposed to extremely positive, compared to moderately positive, examples of successful aging felt worse about themselves. One reason the social comparison hypothesis has not been better supported in the literature is that the expectation of a contrast presumes awareness of the negative self stereotypes in order to engage in a downward comparison, whereas the assimilation of self-views to internalized stereotypes requires no such awareness. Social downgrading appears to be an adaptive process contributing to maintanence of positive self-views, but nonetheless may require relatively conscious and effortful processing. It may not be initiated as easily or as frequently as the internalization of stereotypes which can occur automatically and without intention.
Consistent with this, stereotype embodiment theory emphasizes the power of stereotypes to affect subsequent outcomes via both explicit and implicit processes.

21
Stereotype embodiment theory’s emphasis on internalization also implies a lesser role of externalization, an assimilation effect in which selfviews are projected onto one’s views of others in general. The externalization hypothesis is a form of the false consensus effect (Ross, Greene, & House, 1977) recognizing the possibility that one’s positive self
views based on personal experiences of successful aging could project onto (externalize) to improve one’s views about typical older people (e.g.,
Brubaker & Powers, 1976; Clement
& Krueger, 2002). As with internalization, this externalization is thought to be able to occur automatically and outside of awareness (Clement & Krueger, 2000, 2002).
Rothermund and Brandtsä tdter’s (2
003) study found that over time not only did positivity of age stereotypes at baseline predict positivity of self-views eight years later, but the reverse was simultaneously true: self-views at baseline predicted age stereotypes eight years later. However, one boundary condition for externalization is that self-views only project onto perceived in-groups (i.e., stereotypes of old people only if one identifies as old;
Clement & Krueger, 2002). This suggests that externalization is a process restricted in its capability to affect the age stereotypes of younger people. Young adults who have not yet experienced age-related changes sufficient to feel old would not have personal experiences of aging to project onto their views of typical old people.
Internalization of age stereotypes to (future) self-views, on the other hand, should occur throughout the lifespan. In a demonstration of this, Kornadt and Rothermund’s
(2012) study of 30-80 year olds confirmed that age stereotypes are related to future selfviews among adults of all ages, and that this relationship was stronger in the older participants. In general, externalization and internalization appear to both play a role in stereotype assimilation effects, but internalization should have more relevance in early

22 adulthood than does externalization. It has recently been noted (Diehl et al., 2014) that more work is required to understand the conditions under which externalization is likely to complement or override internalization when it comes to predicting the relationship between stereotypes and self-views.
In summary, many of the assumptions of stereotype internalization are well supported by a body of work showing that older adults with self-views that reflect negative age stereotypes also experience similarly negative consequences for health and well-being.
At the same time, I have also acknowledged that social comparison and externalization
(projection) processes also contribute to the dynamic overall process by which beliefs about aging impact individual outcomes. A conclusion is that predictors of stereotype internalization into self-views are of particular importance to focus on because: 1) the selfrelevance of negative age stereotypes is what explains much of the negative consequences of age stereotypes on older people, and what makes the problem of ageism especially threatening to adult development, and 2) internalization has greater relevance (than externalization) across the entire lifespan because it begins well before older adulthood and is mediated by future self-views throughout adulthood. It is also essential to recognize that contextual factors play an important role in conditioning stereotype internalization.
Important contextual factors have been incorporated into a recent heuristic framework for studying perceptions of aging.
Awareness of Aging (AoA) Model
Following stereotype embodiment theory, the AoA model further developed the importance of subjective perceptions of aging within the broad context of adult development (Diehl et al., 2014). This includes a framework incorporating the role of

23 cultural and developmental influences as well as socioeconomic and psychological resources as contributors of individuals
’ overall subjective AoA, and related long term major outcomes such as health and well-being (Figure 1). The model makes three important general contributions. Each is introduced then discussed in terms of specific advantages of the model to guide cross-cultural ageism research.
The first contribution is that the AoA model theoretically integrates a variety of subjective age constructs under a superordinate construct, AoA. These include, but not limited to, age stereotypes and self-views. Aging-related self-views, age stereotypes, and a family of other related constructs are proposed to give rise to overall AoA, which is, in turn, critical for shaping subsequent aging processes (e.g., self-regulation) and long term developmental outcomes. The second contribution is that it offers a conceptual analysis of AoA constructs (including age stereotypes and self-views) that develops the theoretical distinctness of each construct and the hypothesized relationships between them. Third, the AoA model attempts to link developmental metatheory to the large body of empirical work establishing subjective age constructs as predictors of developmental outcomes.
This empirical work includes much of Lev y’s research about the broad consequences of age stereotypes and self-views. The characterization of contextual factors at different levels of analysis also makes the AoA an apt framework for examining how cultural and individual level developmental factors shape the relationship between age stereotypes and future self-views.

Figure 1. The Awareness of Aging Model (reproduced from Diehl et al., 2014 with permission from Elsevier Press)
24

25
Awareness of aging is a superordinate construct. The family of subjective age constructs that together give rise to overall AoA include age stereotypes and attitudes toward aging, subjective age (i.e., how old one feels), attitudes toward one’s own aging, self-perceptions of aging (i.e., selfviews rooted in one’s personal experience of aging), awareness of age-related change (i.e., the realization that one has changed as the result of growing older; Diehl & Wahl, 2010), and age identity (i.e., affiliating with a particular age group). As with age stereotypes and self-views, these other subjective age constructs are also tied to a variety of important outcomes (for a review see Montepare, 2009).
Subjective notions of age tend to depart significantly from chronological age. For instance, subjective age, often defin ed simply as “how old one feels,” is relatively flexible in that it diverges from chronological age in adolescence when individuals tend to begin feeling older than they are, and usually diverges again by early or mid adulthood when individuals report feeling younger than their chronological age (Montepare, 2009).
Beyond age 40, people may report feeling 20% younger than their chronological age
(Rubin & Bernsten, 2006). Similarly, o ne’s age identity
, or affiliation with a particular age group, is related to his or her subjective age. Age identity is also heavily influenced by social experiences (e.g., group membership) rather than physical experiences of aging, and thought to develop similarly to other aspects of overall identity (Diehl et al., 2014;
Tajfel, 1978).
Although individuals reevaluate and reconstruct their age identity across the lifespan, personal identity is theorized to become increasingly solidified in emerging adulthood (Côté, 2009). Theories of self argue that identity consolidation begins in adolescence. They also acknowledge the importance of future oriented self-

26 representations as a component of one’s overall self
-construct (e.g., Markus & Nurius,
1986). Similarly, Eriksonian theories (1968) hold that identity commitment takes place in early adulthood
, which includes the early to mid 20’s
(Côté, 2009). Erikson suggested that, in particular, attending college is an institutionalized form of identity moratoria in which young adults with resources for higher education are afforded a prolonged period during which exploration of various roles and identities takes place. This experience is complemented by the development of increased future time orientation in adolescence
(Nurmi, 1991), which continues into emerging adulthood. Together, these observations suggest that college students are undergoing a developmental process of elaborating their future self-concepts. This has relevance for the internalization of negative age stereotypes at this stage in the lifespan and suggests that for college students in early adulthood, age stereotypes are especially likely to be integrated into one’s
(future oriented) self-concept. I return to discuss future oriented self-views in more detail shortly.
Awareness of aging clarifies subordinate constructs. The second major contribution of the AoA model is to increase the clarity and distinction of individual subjective age constructs. Analysis of the conceptual development, dimensionality, and implicit/explicit processes relevant to each construct is one means by which Diehl and colleagues (2014) promote this clarity and facilitate a more precise means of understanding of the development of AoA. I focus selectively on the most relevant constructs of age stereotypes, attitudes toward aging, attitudes toward one’s own agi ng and self-perceptions of aging. I explain them in terms of the analysis offered by Diehl et

27 al (2014). Then, I then offer a similar analysis of aging-related future oriented self-views to illustrate their applicability to AoA.
Age stereotypes and attitudes toward aging are often understood interchangeably because both are based on cultural images of aging. This is the case even though stereotypes have been defined more specifically as views toward members of a social group that promote prejudice or even
“uniform antipathy toward a social group” (Allport,
1954). Because of their basis in cultural images of aging, among the family of AoA constructs age stereotypes and attitudes should be especially affected by cultural context
(Diehl et al., 2014). Both stereotypes and attitudes refer to affective, cognitive and evaluative components of behavior toward either older adults or the aging process itself.
These views can be held and expressed by society or by individuals. Both constructs are multidimensional, but both one-dimensional and multidimensional measures are often used in assessment (Kite et al., 2005). Although stereotypes and attitudes can be stated explicitly, their effects on one’s behavior and experience of aging are mostly implicit.
When attitudes about aging are focused on the self, they are referred to as
“ attitude toward own aging
”
(Lawton, 1975). Attitudes toward own aging share the other characteristics of attitudes described above, but are distinct from the seemingly similar construct, self-perceptions of aging, in that self-perceptions arise specifically from individuals’ personal experiences of aging.
In contrast, attitudes toward own aging stem from individuals’ past experiences with relative emphasis on social, cultural, and historical context. Self-perceptions of aging also differ in that they that are theorized as a form of tacit self-knowledge (Cianciolo, Matthew, Sternberg, & Wagner, 2005), meaning that without any explicit acknowledgment of it, personal experiences of aging become the

28
“foundation upon which retrievable information about one’s own aging process is based”
(Diehl et al., 2014, p. 8). To be clear, self-perceptions of aging (like attitudes and stereotypes) can be explicitly stated by individuals, if for example, asked by a researcher to do so. Similarly, the personal experiences on which self-perceptions are based usually are a feature of individual’s explicit awareness. However, the influence of these self
perceptions on thoughts and behavior tend not to be obvious. An important limitation is that neither attitudes toward own aging nor self-perceptions of aging capture agingrelated aspects of the self-concept that are oriented with a future time perspective (e.g., possible selves; Markus & Nurius, 1986). This is the case even though theory suggests that future self-views related to aging should also contribute to the lifespan process by which age is socially constructed.
Future oriented self-views such as possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986) are an integral component of one’s self
-concept that represent the type of person we could become at a later time. In general, one’s self-concept functions to organize one’s interpretation of the world (Allport, 1955; Kelly, 1955), and in particular, future views of one’s self in old age should c onstitute expectations that shape experiences of the aging process (Diehl & Wahl, 2010; Frazier & Hooker, 2006; Levy & Leifheit-Limson, 2009).
Possible selves include both positive and negative personalized visions of one’s self in the future that reflect the hoped for and feared kinds of people we could potentially become (e.g., a loved grandmother or a lonely cat lady). They are relatively malleable compared to other facets of self and are defined within different life domains (Ko, Mejía,
& Hooker, 2013; Frazier, Hooker, Johnson, & Kaus, 2000; Hooker, 1992; Kornadt &
Rothermund, 2012). Possible selves are derived from on e’s past experiences and
can be

29 influenced by environmental changes and other contextual factors in development such as age-based norms or experiences with older people (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Relative to other forms of self-referential information, which tend to be deeply encoded and subject to automatic/implicit processing, possible selves are especially responsive to context and often result from social comparisons (i.e., noticing that in the future one could become like another person is now).
The malleability of these future self-views also has limits. Culturally and societally defined age-based norms provide some limits explaining why possible selves are partially restricted or socially determined (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Consistent with this notion, Kornadt and Rothermund (2012) found that societal images of aging (i.e., stereotypes) were reflected in the positivity of future self-views. The study measured future self-views using age stereotype rating scales adapted to asses s one’s future older self as a second attitude target. It confirmed that future self-views mediate the internalization process by which age stereotypes infiltrate current self-views of adults across a range of ages in adulthood. Because the development of a future time orientation begins in adolescence (Nurmi, 1991), the period of emerging adulthood that follows should be an important period for the development of future oriented selfknowledge. In sum, both theory and evidence suggest that future self-views related to aging should also contribute to the development of AoA in earlier adulthood.
Examining this process with respect to future self-views (of one
’s self as an older adult) among college students is consistent with the overall aim of the AoA model, which intends to guide the understanding of how age stereotypes relate to self-views and how this process is a part of the overall social construction of age. Diehl et al. (2014)

30 specifically propose that one’s expectations about future aging can shape the interpretation of actual age-related changes when they do occur, and that this interpretation is what leads to
“self fulfilling” outcomes consistent with those expectations (cf. Kuypers & Bengtson, 1973; Diehl & Wahl, 2010). Beyond this important pathway to outcomes described by both stereotype embodiment theory and
AoA, the AoA framework also incorporates developmental theory to better explain the link between AoA and long term outcomes.
Awareness of aging is linked to positive and negative developmental trajectories. The third major contribution of the AoA model is to integrate developmental metatheory with the large body of empirical work examining outcomes associated with subjective age constructs. In doing so, the AoA model provides a framework for understanding how beliefs about aging can contribute not just to negative outcomes, but also positive developmental trajectories in adulthood. For example, the general theory that selective optimization with compensation (SOC; Baltes & Baltes,
1990) is a process guiding development across the lifespan had not previously been considered with respect to how AoA may activate or suppress these adaptive strategies.
This is true despite the fact that a growing body of empirical work shows the association of subjective age constructs to the same outcomes also impacted by SOC strategies
(reviewed by Diehl, et al., 2014). Similar observations apply to other influential lifespan meta models of development describing how self-regulatory processes related to goal adjustment, control, and personality contribute to major outcomes (e.g., Brandtstädter &
Renner, 1990; Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Hooker, 2002; Hooker, Hoppmann, &
Siegler, 2010).

31
Going beyond the general proposition of a behavioral pathway linking stereotypes to outcomes (Levy, 2009), Diehl and colleagues (2014) incorporate these lifespan meta models into the AoA framework to bring more specificity to self-regulatory processes characterizing this pathway. This is what makes the AoA model better suited to explain both negative and positive consequences of views about aging. Diehl and colleagues propose that specific age-related changes are interpreted and processed as a function of age stereotypes, beliefs about the self, and expectations for the future. The resulting awareness is a form of self-knowledge that shapes a variety of downstream adaptive processes. Positive AoA can promote possibilities of growth, motivation and corresponding thoughts, behavior, and self-regulatory strategies that broaden developmental opportunity. For example, one might feel increased generativity as a result of recognizing the level of expertise gained from a long career and become more socially engaged by sharing these skills. Conversely, negative AoA based on negative stereotyping or expectations for one’s future self can impose developmental constraints if, for example, it leads to disengagement from health behaviors linked to well-being
(Hooker & Kaus, 1992). An implication is that if negative age stereotypes are reinforced by cultural or developmental conditions, and internalized into young adults’ future self
views during identity development, these perceptions are more likely to shape the development of overall AoA during mid and later life. This would represent developmental trajectories that could constrain the potential for optimal aging, and could occur despite malleability in future self-views throughout adulthood if negative expectations for one’s own aging self internalized early in adulthood are the starting point for this trajectory.

32
The context of adult development contributes to variation in awareness of aging. The basic theoretical issues related to AoA discussed so far have not addressed sources of variation in AoA that arise cross-cul turally or as a function of one’s individual developmental context. In accordance with lifespan developmental theory, the AoA model does incorporate contextual factors meant to guide investigations of the individual
 context dynamics shaping AoA. The scope of the entire AoA model is large and includes factors such as culture, developmental influences, socioeconomic resources and psychological resources to outline the broader context of adult development (Figure 1). Cultural images of aging are the basis for the content and positivity of societally held stereotypes about aging, whereas individual level developmental influences can explain variation in AoA within and across cultural settings. The latter include individual level factors such as gender, contact frequency with older people and the characterization of these interactions as restricted within the family or inclusive of non-kin. Gender-based differences in social dominance orientation and system justification reasoning among college students can contribute to differences the strength of in-group age preference and the associated expression of negative old age stereotypes (Jost & Kay, 2005; Nosek et al., 2007; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle,
1994). With respect to intergenerational interactions, frequent contact with older people, and opportunities to interact with a range of older people both within and outside of one’s family, should influence the source and variety of social information on which AoA is based. Specific portions of the overall AoA model can be used to guide focused research questions about how positivity of AoA arises as a function of these factors.

33
Cultural and Developmental Influences on Awareness of Aging
The focus of this dissertation is on the portion of the AoA model related to how cultural context and the developmental factors including personal experiences with older adults and gender give rise to variation in positivity of AoA early in adulthood (Figure 1).
Specifically, I focus on solid line #4 within the AoA construct in Figure 1 illustrating the relationship between age stereotypes and (future) self-views. Self-views are subsumed under “self
-perce ptions of aging” for the purpose of this figure, which is reproduced from
Diehl et al. (2014). Line #4 is the internalization path of age stereotypes to future selfviews and represents the association of age stereotype positivity with future self-view positivity. Line #8 and line #7 depicting the relationship between cultural context and developmental influences with AoA, respectively, are additionally focused upon as contributors to AoA. Here, the focus is on contact frequency with older adults, the inclusion of kin and non-kin older adults in these interactions, and participant gender. As does stereotype embodiment theory, the AoA model posits that the stronger direction of influence between age stereotypes and self-views (line #4) should be from the former to the latter (Diehl et al., 2014, p. 16). A review of existing theory and research about the importance of East-West cross-cultural differences in beliefs about aging and personal experiences with elders is now detailed to further develop the specific hypotheses tested within this portion of the AoA framework.
Positivity of Age Stereotypes and Self-views in the East and West
Theory suggests both similarities and differences in age stereotypes crossculturally between Western and East Asian societies. In this literature, Western societies typically include the U.S., European societies, and Australia whereas the East Asian

34 region is usually understood to include China, South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, and
Singapore. With respect to content, age stereotypes are known to be both positive and negative in both East Asian and Western cultural contexts (Kite et al., 2005; Zhang,
Hummert & Garstka, 2002) but negative stereotypes tend to outweigh positive ones, at least in Western samples (Hummert, 1990). Cuddy and colleagues (2009) garnered evidence that this ambivalence in content is a principle of stereotyping that holds crossculturally and in accordance with their stereotype content model. In an investigation of three East Asian (Hong Kong, South Korea, Japan) and seven Western societies (U.S. and EU countries; Cuddy et al., 2009), different kinds of stereotypes including age stereotypes, were consistently formed along the two primary dimensions of warmth and competence. Cross-culturally, the ambivalence of age stereotypes was shown to be consistently high in warmth but low in competence (“dear but doddering;” Cuddy et al.,
2009). According to the stereotype content model, warmth and competence reflect the perceived threat (of social competition) posed by older people and the social status of older people, respectively. The model posits that members of social categories evaluated as warm are seen this way because they pose a low threat. Older people are stereotyped as incompetent in association with the perception that those of advanced age occupy lower social status.
The media in both cultural contexts also appears to play a role that reinforces this ambivalent ageism. In areas of East Asia such as Hong Kong, negative portrayals of aging are more prevalent in media discourse than positive ones (Chen, 2014). News outlets present positive and negative views according to journalistic formulae, but positive portrayals are framed as exceptional (Gibb & Holroyd, 1996). In the U.S. much

35 research suggests that older people are underrepresented in television programming and that when they are represented, it is done so in a stereotypical fashion (e.g., Markson &
Taylor, 2000; Signorielli, 2004). One study by Zhang and colleagues (2006) helpfully summarizes cross-cultural similarities in the media: across both Chinese and American contexts, older adults tend to be marginalized in minor roles and positive stereotypes of aging are more prevalent in advertisements compared to other forms of media (Zhang et al., 2006).
Of course within the cross-cultural consistency of the general stereotyping principle of ambivalence, there are also culturally specific images of aging that produce culturally specific age stereotypes (Bai, 2014; Zhang et al., 2002). For instance, prevalence of the “John Wayne conservative” exemplar and the trait laodao
(“endless repeating”; Zhang et al., 2002) is mostly restricted to Americans and Chinese participants, respectively. Existing comparisons of age stereotype content between
Americans and Chinese (e.g., Zhang et al., 2002) conclude that much content of age stereotypes is shared across these cultural contexts. Indeed, an assumption of most crosscultural studies is that different cultural contexts share the same age stereotypes represented in scales that are adapted for use in multiple languages. Similarities in content do not however rule out the possibility of cross-cultural differences in the degree of positivity expressed toward older people in terms of these shared attributes. I now turn attention to this issue.
Predictions and evidence that East Asian views are more positive. With respect to the degree of positivity in perceptions of aging, most theory has hypothesized

36 greater positivity in East Asia compared to Western societies. Four primary arguments for this hypothesis are overviewed here.
Cognition .
First, at a basic level, cultural differences in cognitive processing of social information may make many East Asian contexts less likely to foster stereotyping.
This possibility is based in evidence indicating that there is less reliance on the use of category-based thinking by individuals in East Asia compared to North America (Cuddy et al., 2009; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001; Norenzayan, Smith, Kim, &
Nisbett, 2002). This challenges the assumption that stereotyping is an equally utilized form of social information processing cross-culturally. According to this reasoning, in
East Asian contexts, individual older people could be less likely to be (mis)categorized by others using age stereotypes that are often negative.
Collectivism .
Second, East-West differences in the cultural dimension of collectivism-individualism (Hofstede, 1980; Triandis et al., 1988) have been used to explain why collectivist East Asian societies should foster more positive views of aging.
Collectivism (Mead, 1967) is a culture-level construct indicating high value of cooperation and in-group goals over individual goals, whereas individualism (Lukes,
1973) is a cultural value prioritizing individual goals and personal freedom
(DeTocqueville, 1839). The U.S. is culturally individualist and oriented toward personal freedom, individuality, and maximization of self-centered goals (Wang & Mallinckrodt,
2006). Contemporary western individualist societies are also observed to uphold a preference for a youthful aesthetic (Baltes & Carstensen, 1996; McConatha et al., 2003), which could also contribute to ageism. Collectivism should contribute to positive views of aging because it accounts for the attitude that it is of most value to promote social

37 harmony through attending to the needs of older family members, even when filial obligation conflicts with individual goals. In contrast, individualism is associated with an attribution bias focusing on the individual, rather than the situation or context, to account for others’ outcomes including social status
(Choi, Nisbett, & Norenzayan, 1999). For example, personal incompetence may be invoked to explain why an older person is retired or does something slowly. Unlike Western societies, Eastern collectivist societies rely more on explanations of a person’s status that emphasize contextual factors
driving their behavior and outcomes.
Filial piety.
Third, the cultural inheritance of traditional Confucian values emphasizing the virtue of respect for elders is thought to contribute to more positive beliefs about aging and older adults in Chinese societies. Filial piety ( xiao ) is a teaching of the ancient Chinese philosopher, Confucius, that sets cultural guidelines for intergenerational relationships characterized by unquestioned obedience, respect, and both material and emotional support for one
’ s parents, especially on behalf of the eldest son an d his family for the son’s parents in old age
(Ho, 1994, 1996). Although the component of obedience to one’s parents is reflected more broadly in a variety of Asian cultural traditions, the other components of the Confucian ethic of filial piety are more strongly associated with Chinese culture. Filial piety emphasizes the hierarchical organization of East Asian societies in that the importance of vertical parent-child relationships are prioritized over the horizontal spouse-spouse relationships that take priority in Western culture. Ho (1994) notes that within Chinese culture, filial piety
“surpasses all other ethics in terms of its historical continuity…and encompassing and imperative nature of its precepts” (p. 350). The central teachings of age
-based

38 hierarchical organization of the family, and respect for elders, are hypothesized to contribute toward positive age stereotypes among younger people.
Today in Taiwan filial piety is still the primary family value (Huang, Chu, & Ii,
2012) but has uniquel y evolved in Taiwan’s sociopolitical context to emphasize intergenerational affection more than parental authority. China and Taiwan share the same Chinese cultural traditions, but compared to China, Taiwan experienced a rather long period of political democratization and economic development characterized by consistent efforts to preserve traditional Chinese values such as filial piety. In contrast to this, great effort was undertaken to uproot traditional Confucian values in China beginning in the cultural revolution of 1949 (Yeh et al., 2013). As a result, Taiwan today is not only a bastion of traditional Chinese values, but also seems to embrace a version of filial piety that may be less likely to foster resentment among younger generations in the context of modernized society. Emphasis on intergenerational warmth in Taiwanese
Confucian values may be more likely to foster positivity toward aging.
Interdependent self-construals.
Fourth, and related to collectivism, interdependent self-construals should contribute to positivity of perceptions of both self and others with respect to aging. Individuals in collectivist as opposed to individualist cultural contexts are more likely to conceptualize the self in an interdependent manner, such that the definition of self is less of a bounded whole, more dependent on social context, and more likely to be defined in terms of social relationships and interconnectedness with others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Independent self-construals, on the other hand, are fostered by individualist societies and are marked by independence from others, drive for self-enhancement, discovery of personal attributes, and private

39 aspects of self (Triandis, 1989). A noteworthy qualification is that follow up theorizing related to interdependence of self-construals by Cross and Madson (1997) finds gender differences within the U.S. such that American men are more likely to develop independent self-construals than American women. This is a consideration I return to in the discussion of gender in the next section.
With respect to societal level differences in self-construals, Cuddy et al
.’s (2009) cross-cultural study reported evidence that collectivism (and inferred interdependent selfconstruals) accounted for some of the culturally specific processes by which stereotyping operates. They found evidence of less in-group favoritism in collectivist East Asian samples compared to Western samples and interdependent self-construals were thought to be the reason for less extreme self-enhancement in East Asia (Cuddy et al., 2009;
Kitayama et al., 1997). A possible implication of cultural differences in self-construals is that interdependent selves (and East Asian cultural context) also lead to a higher degree of stereotype internalization into one’s future self
-view related to aging. This may be predicted because one of the most important defining features of interdependent selves is that others are actually included within the boundaries of the self as a result of the self being defined in terms of relationships with others. If views toward others, including revered elders, are less separate from self-views and more influential for self-construals, future self-views among young Taiwanese adults may be more similar to their views toward older adults in their social context. Although to my knowledge no studies have assessed cross-cultural differences in stereotype internalization, some existing research does provide support for the expectations of greater positivity in East Asian contexts.

40
Several studies support the predictions for more positive views toward aging in
East Asia. Levy and Langer (1994) found that a Chinese sample had more positive views of older people compared to deaf Americans, who in turn had more positive views compared to hearing Americans. According to the logic of the study, hearing Americans were the only group of the three with exposure to the mainstream Western culture, including its negative age stereotypes. Not only did they report more negativity toward aging, but these negative views were also associated with participants’ poor memory performance. Zhang, Hummert and Garstka (2002) collected open ended age stereotypes among an age range of Chinese adults and found evidence of more positivity in age stereotypes of this Chinese sample compared to their previous similar work with
American samples (Hummert & Garstka, 1994). In a study of Chinese born and New
Zealand (NZ) born New Zealanders, “ nurt uring” and “curmudgeonly” elders were the two most prominent shared stereotypes, but the curmudgeon was seen as more powerful and less pitiful among the NZ Chinese (Zhang et al., 2003). Boduroglu and colleagues
(2006) collected open ended descriptors of old people from young and old American and
Chinese participants. They concluded that Chinese and American age stereotypes were similar in the mental/physical domain, but showed a positive bias among young adult
Chinese participants in the social/emotional domain. Despite this support for East Asian positivity, the literature is notably mixed. Some studies find no differences or opposite effects.
Predictions and evidence that Western views are more positive. Traditionally there has been little theorizing about why East Asian cultures would promote more negativity in age stereotypes. However, growing evidence for the unexpected possibility

41 of greater negativity in the East is beginning to prompt theorizing in this direction. A recent meta-analysis of East-West comparisons in age stereotypes summarized 22 studies that included comparisons of Western samples with Eastern samples in East and South
Asia (North, 2013). North (2013) concluded a moderate effect size for greater negativity in East Asia compared to the West, an effect that was specifically stronger in comparisons with East Asia rather than South Asia. Over the past 30 year cross-cultural research boom during which this research was conducted, it appears that the direction of the cross-cultural effect sizes has become less equivocal with time. More recent studies appear to reveal more reliability in Eastern negativity.
Early on, Tien-Hyatt (1987) performed a mixed methods examination of perceptions of aging among elders in Taiwan, China and the U.S., concluding the U.S. to be most positive and Taiwan to be most negative. A body of research by Giles and
Harwood has also been impactful in this area, providing some of the first evidence contradicting the traditional predictions. Harwood and colleagues (1996) found especially negative age stereotypes in Hong Kong in their study of 6 Pacific Rim countries (U.S., Hong Kong, Phillipines, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand). A similar result was later replicated for low ratings in Hong Kong on wisdom and generosity
(Harwood, Giles, & McCann, et al., 2001). This same study also concluded that across
Australia, China, Hong Kong, Phillipines and Thailand older adults were seen as higher in kindness but lower in attractiveness, liberalism, strength, activity, health and flexibility compared to younger age groups. In yet another study (Giles et al., 2000), perceived vitality of older adults was rated higher by young adults in four Western nations including the U.S. compared to seven South and East Asian nations including Taiwan.

42
Giles and Liang (2002) later found that young adults’ attitudes toward communication with older adults were also more positive in the U.S. compared to Taiwan.
Other lines of research, including the most recent studies not included in the 2013 meta-analysis, have continued to garner similar results. Lin, Bryant, and Boldero (2009,
2010) found that Australian college students endorsed more positive age stereoptypes compared to Chinese, Malaysian and Singaporien college students. In Laidlaw et al.
(2010) two groups of older Chinese adults, immigrants in the UK and a group living in
Beijing, had higher expectations of felial piety than a third UK-born comparison group.
However, attitudes toward aging were more similar to each other and more positive among the Chinese and non-Chinese groups living in the UK compared to the Beijing
Chinese. Since
North’s (2013) meta
analysis, Luo et al.’ s (2013) results have corroborated
North’s result
by reporting Chinese college students to have more negative attitudes toward older people than American college students. Also, Huang (2013) found college students in two Western nations (U.S. and United Kingdom) to hold more positive views than those from four four Eastern nations (Japan, China, Vietnam and
Taiwan). These studies show converging evidence for more ageism in East Asia.
However a limitation of the literature is that none of the East-West comparisons have endeavored to examine self-views or internalization.
Of the studies in North’s review, the three that included Taiwan yeilded mixed results (Chang, Chang, & Shen, 1984; Giles et al., 2000; Giles, Liang, Noels, & McCann,
2001). Chang et al (1984) used a 19-item unidimensional attitude scale among 400 students (age 18-32) and found Taiwanese college students to hold more positive age stereotypes than Chinese American college students. One limitation is that this study did

43 not use statistical procedures of measurement invariance testing to support the assumption that the psychological construct was equivalent across cultural groups, and that the scale was adequate for mean difference testing (Steinmetz, 2011). This is not an infrequent limitation in the cross-cultural ageism literature.
Giles and colleagues (2000) found that young Taiwanese adults reported similar perceptions of vitality in old age compared to Western participants, yet more vitality in old age compared to participants in Japan and South Korea. In this study vitality of young, middle aged, and old age groups were ranked among 1471 college students from a total of 12 countries. However, only 28 participants were sampled from Taiwan and 31 from the U.S.
In the third study from the meta-analysis that involves comparisons with Taiwan,
Giles et al (2001) found more negative attitudes about older people in Taiwan than in the
US among a sample of 203 college students. This was specifically with respect to communication behavior, accommodation, and emotional responses to communication experiences with older people.
In the more recent Huang et al. (2013) study of 1,400 college students in 6 Pacific
Rim nations, the specific result for Taiwan was that there was no significant difference in attitudes compared to the U.S. Huang (2013) used the 32-item Aging Semantic
Differential Scale, which was translated from English into Mandarin for use in Taiwan, however, as in Chang, Chang and Shen (1984) adequey of the scal e’s psychometric properties for use in a Taiwanese sample was not demonstrated. Even though the overall cross-cultural ageism literature increasingly supports greater negativity of age stereotypes in East Asia, there is less consistency in the results for Taiwan specifically. In part, this

44 is likely a function of various methodologies employed by the four studies that have examined Taiwan. There also appears to be a need to ensure the validity of cross-cultural mean comparisons by undertaking measurement invariance testing in future studies
(Steinmetz, 2011).
Modernization theory.
In light of the evidence of more ageism in Eastern societies, updated theories are needed. So far, these have drawn on modernization, demographic trends, and filial piety to explain the results. Years ago modernization theory (Cowgill, 1972) proposed that features of modern society including industrialization, urbanization, and rapid social change would create a social context that devalues elders. According to the theory, industrialization and increased reliance on technology for storing and conveying knowledg e is thought to displace older peoples’ traditional social role as keepers of knowledge. Economic development and migration of younger generations to cities for work is also proposed to increase intergenerational distance and strain the ability of adult children to care for aging parents or otherwise fulfill any culturally expected filial obligation. Fortunately, the grim predictions about the devaluing and abandonment of older people that modernization theory proposed were largely not upheld in the U.S. where industrialization preceded current trends in population aging and families were able to maintain close relationships despite decreased proximity of living arrangements (Aboderin, 2004). However, it is more recently being recognized that support for the theory may differ across cultural contexts. Theorists are now proposing that the simultaneous trends of population aging in combination with industrialization could contribute support for the modernization hypothesis in other countries, particularly those such as China or India that are rapidly aging and developing

45 economically (Nelson, 2005; North, 2013). North (2013; North & Fiske, 2015) speculates that the significance of year of publication as a predictor of effect size in the
East-West meta-analysis could be indirect evidence of this.
Unintended consequences of filial obligation.
If modernization is contributing toward diminished v iews of older people’s utility in
East Asian societies it could cause expectations of reverence toward elders to “backfire” (
North, 2013, p. 116), especially if economic development is uneven, as it has been in the case of the recent recession. If resources to care for aging parents are limited, in the context of filial obligation this limitation could give way to intergenerational resentment (North & Fiske, 2012).
Another potential problem of filial piety is that it could fail to generalize to views about older adults in general. Even if one adheres to filial obligation within the family, ageist attitudes may still extend to those beyond the family and be reflected in stereotypes.
Age segregation.
A final potential explanation for Eastern negativity is higher age segregation in East Asian contexts. To date, several studies have interpreted their results using this explanation but did not report any direct measures, such as contact frequency with older people, to assess this possibility (e.g., Lin & Bryant, 2009, 2010).
Age segregation is a social force that is reflected in the individual’s
developmental context through personal experiences such as interactions with elders. This kind of experience should influence the positivity of AoA. Age segregation is defined and discussed in more detail in the section titled “Developmental Influences on AoA.”
A prediction for Taiwan. Given the variety of hypotheses for East-West differences in both directions, which prediction makes sense for Taiwan? For historical reasons, Taiwan should be a bastion of traditional Chinese values (Yeh et al., 2013),

46 which has been argued as one reason to expect more positive age stereotypes and future self-views. According to recent theorizing, factors related to modernization should be given increased weight in predictions in comparisons involving East Asian societies.
Compared to the exceptionally rapid and recent economic development in China,
Taiwan’s economy has developed more slowly and over a longer period
of time.
However, this frequent comparison with mainland China belies the reality that Taiwan’s industrialization and urbanization has also transpired rapidly, only over the course of the last five decades (Chow, 2002). At the same time,
Taiwan’s population
is now aging faster than most developed countries in the region
(“Facing…” 2009,
Directorate General of Budget, 2006). Together these factors give Taiwan the designation of a society undergoing both aging and industrialization, which should create the conditions discussed as contributors of negativity toward aging compared to the U.S. Because Taiwan is also a stronghold of traditional Chinese values, if ageist attitudes are prevalent in the stereotypes and future self-views of Taiwanese college students, it could lend stronger support to the notion that filial piety is not protecting against ageism in a modernized context.
Developmental Influences on AoA
Recent studies finding Chinese college students to hold more negative age stereotypes than American college students (e.g., Lin & Bryant, 2009, 2010) have speculated that age segregation could explain cross-cultural differences in ageism, but did not test this possibility. Sociological theory suggests that institutional and spatial age segregation (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005, 2006) at the societal level contributes to ageism by limiting opportunities for intergenerational interactions, including younger peoples’

47 chances for sustained familiarity and stable lasting connections with older people
(Pettigrew, 1998). Institutional age segregation occurs when chronological age is a prerequisite for participation in various social spheres, for example, going to school, getting a job, or receiving social welfare. It is reinforced through institutional policy and reflects the notion that chronological age is a central organizing feature of most societies (Riley,
1987). Spatial age segregation in large part stems from institutional segregation and closely relates to the allotment of physical spaces for use by different age groups. These include the home, neighborhoods, and spaces outside the home used during the day for work, study, pursue hobbies, or a variety of other activities (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005, p. 348).
Because of the role of institutions enacting age-based social policy, age segregation/integration is a concept suited to define social forces extant in entire societies at a macro level of analysis. Age segregation is a social force with consequences for the kinds of micro level inter- and intra- individual expressions of ageism studied by psychologists. To integrate the macro and micro levels of analysis, Hagestad and
Uhlenberg (2005) suggest that examining individuals’ social n etworks is an intermediate meso-level perspective capable of informing the impact of social forces on individual experience. Despite the importance of age segregation as a social issue, there has been a surprising shortage of empirical work investigating the topic in general, and even more so cross-culturally (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005; Portacolone & Halpern, 2014). Extant research within modern western societies suggests a considerable degree of age segregation outside of the family, demonstrated by marked age homogeneity among non-kin members of individuals’ social networks (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005). Within East Asian cultural

48 contexts, intergenerational housing arrangements are more common, however little scholarship has addressed the degree of age segregation outside the home. Because industrialization has driven the need for age-based social policy and institutional age segregation, it is plausible that developed nations in the East Asian region such as Taiwan may experience similarly pronounced age segregation outside of the home. However, nationally representative data would be needed to confirm whether this is the case at the societal level.
As Hagestad and Uhlenberg have suggested (2005, 2006), although age segregation is a societal level phenomena, its manifestation at the group or individual level can be measured to understand its relationship to ageism. Intergenerational contact is the basis for exchange of personal information between members of different age categories. This is one reason age segregation should increase individuals’ reliance on age
-based stereotypes.
At the same time, ageism and the ageist behavior it precipitates, especially in the form of ostracism or avoidance of older people, can reinforce age segregation through individuals
’ behavior. At a micro level, and within a larger context of societal-level age segregation, it is possible that individual differences in experiences of contact with older adults could explain variation in ageism among younger people. Such factors constitute qualities of individuals’ developmental context and can be conceptualized as developmental influences on AoA. My goal is to focus on the concept of age segregation at the individual level of analysis.
In the following discussion of developmental influences on AoA, I illustrate how contact frequency with older people is a factor that should reduce negative age stereotypes.
Family sociological theory is drawn on to argue that characteristics of these interactions

49
(kin, non-kin, both) represent an individual level measure of age integration that should moderate the association of contact frequency to age stereotype negativity. Finally, I move beyond the topic of age segregation to discuss the importance of gender as another developmental influence on AoA.
Contact frequency with older adults. From a social-cognitive standpoint it makes sense that individual differences in contact frequency with older people could explain variation in the positivity of age stereotypes or future oriented self-views. A lack of individuating information about older adult out-group members should increase young people’s reliance on stereotypes to make social judgments about them
(Allport, 1954;
Pettigrew, 1998). Experiences with older people should also affect future self-views among college students because future oriented representations of self are heavily based in past experiences in a given domain and influenced by social context (Markus &
Nurius, 1986). Following this logic, higher contact frequency with older adults should be associated with more positive age stereotypes and future self-views among younger people.
Support for this prediction is found in a variety of studies. Contact frequency, especially with older adults outside the family, predicts undergraduates
’ positive attitudes toward aging (Funderburk et al., 2006) as does previous work experience with older people (Kimuna et al., 2005; Lee et al., 2007). However, Boswell (2012) found that knowledge of aging processes predicted lower ageist sentiments among college students but that contact frequency did not, which may point to the importance of quality of contact for an effect on stereotypes (Bousfield & Hutchison, 2010). With respect to future self-views, Prior and Sargent-Cox (2014) found that an imagined intergenerational

50 contact manipulation produced significantly more positive subsequent expectations for one’s own
aging, however, this study did not address actual interactions with older people.
In Taiwan there is also some evidence of this basic proposed relationship: those with more positive age stereotypes are more willing to interact with older adults (Lu &
Kao, 2009). In China and the U.S. Luo et al. (2013) did recently measure contact frequency among college students finding that Chinese were likely to have limited contact with non-kin older people compared to Americans and that this was associated with ageist attitudes. If a similar degree of age segregation is assumed for China and
Taiwan, Taiwanese college students would be predicted to exhibit this pattern and have less contact with unrelated elders compared to American college students. No studies have examined the role of contact frequency for the positivity of both age stereotypes and self-views. Recalling that stereotypes are expected to infuse future self-views (Kornadt
& Rothermund, 2012), and considering the effect of contact frequency on stereotypes, suggests a specific relationship between these variables. Contact frequency should be related to the positivity of future self-views directly and indirectly through age steretoypes.
Age integration . As previously noted, qualities of intergenerational interactions in addition to frequency should also matter for the impact of contact frequency on young people’s views about aging (e.g., Bousfield & Hutchison, 2010).
For example, having interactions limited to grandparents only or non-kin older people only may lead to different outcomes than having interactions with a wider variety of older people. Family sociologists have found social network analysis a fruitful means of understanding the kin

51 and nonkin makeup of individuals’ social relationships ( e.g., Acock, 1990). Two features of social networks, density and range, are useful for characterizing the older adult makeup of individuals’ social networks
. These two features can be used to conceptualize an individual level measure of age integration with reference to the an individual’s social network (note that this is differentiated from macro level conceptualizations of age integration as in Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005; 2006).
Density refers to the interc onnectedness of the actors in one’s network
(i.e., the alters; Acock, 1990). Higher density occurs when a higher number of alters are connected to each other. It is common for network density to be high when family members make up a large portion of alters. Range is a measure of network complexity that incorporates several factors including number of alters, diversity of alters, and sparsity (i.e., low density) of the network structure. When alters are diverse and include different kinds of people from a variety of contexts there is a greater chance that the alters are strangers with respect to one another and for this reason greater range is usually associated with low density.
Higher density networks, such as those that are family oriented, tend to be lower in range. Low range networks have some advantages such as higher reported satisfaction with the network (Fischer, 1982), but low range and reliance on kin alone is also an indicator of limited social integration (Unger & Powell, 1980). With respect to the number and the diversity of older adults included in college students’ networks, inclusion of only kin or only non-kin represents low range, that is, low age integration in their social network. Conversly, students reporting both kin and non-kin older adults in their network arguably experience a higher degree of age integration, at least at this level of

52 analysis (macro level differences in age segregation between societies constrain the flexibility of individuals’ social network range).
It has been noted that there are advantages of having nonkin adults in one’s social network as a young person (Grannovetter, 1973; Settersten, 2007). For instance, the “strength of weak ties”
(Grannovetter, 1973) can provide social capital facilitating transitions to adulthood, such as finding a job, by providing more contacts and potential opportunities. On the other hand, limited ran ge in one’s social network
tends to provide redundant information (Acock, 1990). Applying this idea to the older adult segment of one’s social network, it can be seen that only having contacts who are grandparents, for example, is a situation that would produce redundant information about that age group.
The diversity of older adults in younger people
’s network s should be proportional to the range of information about older adults provided through those contacts. This has implications for the previously discussed relationship between access to indviduating information about out-group members and reliance on stereotypes for social judgments.
Specifically, it is expected that the positive association of contact frequency with AoA constructs should be stronger for those reporting that these experiences are characterized by higher age integration, that is, intergenerational experiences with both kin and non-kin
(as compared to only kin or only non-kin).
Rater age. Beyond age segregation and contact with older people, other attributes of personal experience undoubtedly matter for the development of AoA and deserve attention. Rater age and gender have been linked to differences in ageism in many studies. With respect to age, reviews suggest that in older adulthood raters are more likely to make positive evaluations of older adults (Kite et al., 2005), but within the

53 limited age range of college student samples there is less reason to expect age effects.
Studies examining this tend not to find reliable trends (e.g., Luo et al., 2013; Gellis,
2003). For this reason, in the current dissertation I do not hypothesize an effect of rater age on positivity of AoA.
Rater gender. In contrast, gender should be an important dimension of personal experience impacting AoA among college students. Social dominence theory (Sidanius
& Pratto, 1993, 1999) and system justification theory (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Jost & Kay,
2005) argue that men are more likely than women to have stronger preference for ingroups or high status social groups due to a greater desire to dominate others. Social dominance theory posits that consensus about power differentials between different social groups in society functions to mitigate intergroup conflict by establishing the superiority of one group over another (e.g., young or middle age over the old; Sidanius & Pratto,
1993). In terms of individual differences in social dominence orientiation, men express higher levels of this trait (Pratto et al., 1994) and are more likely to engage in reasoning that legitimizes or justifies the allocation of power and higher status roles to men (Jost &
Banaji, 1994; Jost & Kay, 2005). This dynamic applies across most cultural settings, as men are consistently appointed to positions of leadership in most domains of life (e.g., political, religious, social; Pratto et al., 1994).
Consistent with this, it has been shown in a large 2.5 million person online study that males reliably exhibit stronger implicit preference for higher status social groups across 17 different dimensions of stereotyping including age (Nosek et al., 2007). In the ageism literature heirarchy-enhancing attitudes expressed by men are prevalent in a strong majority of evidence suggesting a negative male bias in views toward older adults

54 and aging (Bodner, 2012; DeArmond, Tye, & Chen, 2006; Deuisch, Zalenski, & Clark,
1986; Nosek, 2007; Allan et al., 2014; Kalavar, 2001; Rupp et al., 2005). This appears to also apply cross-culturally with Chinese college students (e.g., Luo et al., 2013). In sum, because of the salience of old age as a connotation of lower status and competence, in this dissertation males across cultural settings are expected to express more negative age stereotypes and future self-views than females. Although gender can itself be construed as an adittional layer of culture, in the current dissertation gender is operationalized as sex using dichotomous response options for male and female. With respect to the current project, the term “gender” is being used in this sense.
Theory and evidence also provide a basis for hypothesizing gender differences in future self-views. As previously acknowledged, follow up work by Cross and Madson
(1997) on the concept of interdependent and independent self-construals (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991) argues for individual differences in self-construals associated with gender in the individualist context of the U.S. Men and women are argued, and found, to construct independent and interdependent self-construals, respecitvely (Cross & Madsen,
1997). Cross and Madsen draw on influential concepts of agency versus communion
(Bakan, 1966), as well as affiliation and independence in female identity (Gilligan, 1982) to propose that females are oriented toward a desire for union with others. Given previous evidence that American women tend to develop a concept of “self in relation to others,” Cross and Madsen suggested that, based on social roles (Eagly, 1987), females also construct interdependent selves. This explanation has accounted for a wide variety of observed gender differences in behvaior, congition, motivation, and emotion.

55
In Cross and Madsen’s (1997) view, like gender differences in behavior, gender differences in self-construals are thought to be a product of the social roles that women and men fulfill. These roles are formed and performed in accordance with the societal expectations for men to be independent and women to be relational. Because the self negotiates the interaction of society with the person, self-construals should, in part, constitute a reflection of gender-based expectations in the context of that society. Taken together, the culture-based (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) and subsequent gender-based research on independent and interdependent self-construals suggests that men and women in collectivist societies, as well as women in individualist socieites, should exhibit relatively interdependent self-construals compared to men within an individualist society such as the U.S. This leads to the expectation that, due to the presumption of interdependent self-construals, American females should exhibit stronger age stereotype internalization compared to American males. Specifically, the previously described moderation of internalization by cultural context should be further moderated by gender such that among men and women in Taiwan and the U.S., American males exhibit the weakest association of age stereotypes to future self-views.
The Current Study
The literature review has summarized the theoretical orientation of this dissertation and the research related to cultural and developmental influences on two
AoA constructs relevant to ageism. I demonstrated that ageism manifests through both culturally specific and culturally shared images of aging and that negative views of aging appear to have become stronger in East Asia than Western countries, but that specific results for Taiwan are fewer and mixed. The explanations for East Asian negativity are at

56 this time underdeveloped, but age segregation is a possible developmental factor warranting more investigation. The cross-cultural ageism literature only assesses stereotypes and there has been little attention to other relevant AoA constructs such as future self-views, or AoA-related processes such as internalization by which negative stereotypes can become integrated components of self even in early adulthood.
Conversely, the extant work examining internalization of age stereotypes into future selfviews as of yet offers little insight into cultural or developmental factors for the processes of internalization. I also identified interdependent self-construals as a reason that collectivist East Asian cultural contexts could contribute to higher internalization of age stereotypes into future self-views among Taiwanese college students. This is of particular importance to examine because if ageism is stronger in East Asia, the impacts of ageism on individuals through internalization stand to also be stronger in old age.
In this dissertation study, I use existing data from the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of
Aging Study, a project on which I have served as lead student researcher. The dataset was designed as a cross sectional examination of perceptions of aging among college students in Taiwan and the U.S. (Appendix A). It includes data on open ended stereotype descriptors of older adults, open ended descriptors of one’s future self as an older adult, and ratings on the 35-item Older Person Scale (OPS; Lu & Kao, 2009) for two different attitude targets: older people in general (i.e., age stereotypes) and one’s future self as an older adult
(i.e., future self-view). This dissertation uses these data to address 1) how do cultural context, personal experiences with older adults, and gender impact the positivity of stereotypes and future self-views among Taiwanese and American college students?
And, 2) does a Taiwanese-developed scale represent the content of age stereotypes and

future self-views expressed by American college students? In accordance with these research questions there are the following hypotheses and expectations:
Hypotheses for Research Question 1
57
1.
I hypothesize that Taiwanese college students will exhibit significantly more negative age stereotypes and significantly more negative future self-views than American college students.
2.
I hypothesize that female gender and contact frequency with older adults will be related to significantly more positive age stereotypes and significantly more positive future self-views.
3.
I hypothesize that the relationships of contact frequency and cultural context to positivity of future self-views are mediated by the positivity of age stereotypes. This mediation should be moderated in two ways outlined in hypotheses 4 and 5.
4.
I hypothesize that a three way interaction between age stereotypes, cultural context, and gender demonstrates that internalization (the relationship between positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views) is significantly stronger for Taiwanese males and females and American women compared to American men.
5.
I hypothesize that age integration of one’s social network moderates the relationship of contact frequency to age stereotypes as well as the relationship of contact frequency to future self-views such that each relationship is stronger under conditions of higher age integration.

Additional Expectations Related to Research Question 2
58
6.
I expect that the 35 items in the Taiwanese-developed Older Person Scale (Lu & Kao,
2009) are represented in the content of age stereotypes and future self-views held by
American college students, as expressed in open ended descriptors of these two attitude targets.
7.
I expect that the four domains of the OPS do not capture the full content of American students’ age stereotypes and future self
-views.

59
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
Data were used from the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of Aging (CCPA) study, which was designed as an examination of perceptions of aging among college students in Taiwan and the United States.
Study Design
The CCPA study is a cross-sectional examination of perceptions of aging among college students from similarly sized universities in two cultural settings: the U.S. and
Taiwan. One survey was administered among college students. It included measures of demographic characteristics, open ended questions soliciting five descriptors of age stereotypes and five descriptors of future self-views, and the 35-item Older Person Scale
(OPS; Lu & Kao, 2009) using the attitude target “people aged 65 and over” as well as the attitude target
“yourself as you imagine you will be when you are 65+”
(Appendix A).
Study Participants
Sampling Criteria and Recruitment
Convenience samples of Taiwanese and American college students were recruited from an urban university in Northern Taiwan and a university in the Pacific Northwest.
At both institutions instructors of undergraduate courses were identified by the researchers and invited to assist with the project. Instructors asked students to complete the survey as a class activity and the topic of aging was afterward related to course material. Because the survey was a part of an in class activity, participants had the opportunity to indicate at the end of the survey if they did not prefer to have their information retained for research purposes.

60
Sample Description
Taiwanese college students (N = 659, M age
= 19.8, 62% female) were sampled from Fu Jen University in Taipei, Taiwan and American college students (N = 942, M age
= 20.3, 56% female) were sampled from Oregon State University in Corvallis, Oregon.
Students from both universities were sampled across a variety of disciplines.
Procedures
Data Collection
Undergraduate student participants were supplied with printed paper and pencil format survey materials by the researchers. All survey materials were administered in
English for the American sample and Mandarin for the Taiwanese sample. At the end of the survey, participants indicated whether they want to give permission for their information to be used for research purposes. It was stated that choosing not to participate would in no way affect a student’s standing in the course or unive rsity and that data were only to be used for research purposes if participants gave their permission.
To prevent the possibility of repeat participation if certain students were enrolled in more than one course collecting data, at the beginning of the survey instructions stated that if the participant had previously completed the survey, they were not to complete it a second time.
Participant Confidentiality
To preserve confidentiality, no identifying information was collected in the survey. A waiver of documentation of informed consent was used and participants’ names were not collected at any point in the study. The questionnaires were only labeled with an identification number for the purposes of data entry.

61
Measurements
Outcome Measures: Awareness of Aging Constructs
Awareness of aging (AoA) was measured using two subjective age constructs: age stereotypes and future self-views.
They were assessed using ratings on the attitude measure, the Older Person Scale (OPS; Lu & Kao, 2009), as well as open ended responses as described below.
Older Person Scale. The 35-item OPS (Lu & Kao, 2009) was used in the Cross-
Cultural Perceptions of Aging Study to collect perceptions of aging data with respect to two different attitude targets. The OPS was developed in Taiwan (Lu & Kao, 2009), and despite including items from four distinct content domains, to date the instrument has been used as a single factor scale for the assessment of attitudes toward older adults (each item is rated for “people aged 65 and over
;
”
Lu & Kao, 2010). The OPS includes individual items representing the four content domains: appearance and physical abilities
(5 items), psychological and cognitive abilities (10 items), interpersonal relationships and social engagement (15 items), and employment and financial security (5 items). Each of these content domains of the scale is represented in a phrase that forms the question stem.
For example, for the first five items the question stem are
, “
In terms of appearance and physical abilities, overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are
…” and for the following
15 items the stem are
, “
In terms of psychological and cognitive abilities, overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are…” and so forth for the remaining content domains. This makes it clear to participants that each scale item should be rated with respect to its referenced content domain. Scale anchors range from 1 =
“
Strongly Disagree
”
to 7 =

62
“
Strongly Agree
.”
The OPS is scored using a sum of the scores for individual items and a higher total OPS score indicates higher positivity. Eighteen of the 35 items are reverse scored (e.g.,
“nagging” or “ hard to get along with
”)
.
The original OPS was adapted in two ways for use in the Cross-Cultural
Perceptions of Aging study. First, it was adapted for use in English using back translation techniques (e.g. Zhang et al., 2002). Second, it was adapted to measure the second attitude target, future self-views (e.g.,
“
Yourself as you imagine you will be when you are 65+
”).
Age stereotypes . Use of the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of Aging dataset entailed operationalizing age stereotypes as 1) scores on the OPS and 2) open ended responses describing older people. Using the OPS, age stereotypes were the total scale scores for ratings in wh ich “people aged 65 and over” was the attitude target. The five descriptors of older adults provided in the open ended questions were also a measure of age stereotypes. The prompt was,
“
What are the first five words or descriptions that come to mind when thinking of somebody over 65 years of age?” and was adapted based on Levy and Langer (1994) as well as Polizzi and Millikin (2002). The open ended responses were intended to capture the breadth of the content of age stereotypes while the scale scores were intended to measure the degree of positivity expressed with respect to a subset of age stereotypes shared by participants in both cultural contexts.
Future self-views. Similarly, future self-views were operationalized as 1) scores on the OPS and 2) o pen ended responses describing one’s future self in old age. Using the OPS, future self-views were the total scale scores for ratings in which the attitude target was “yourself as you imagine you will be when you are 65+”
. The five descriptors

63 of one’s future self provided in the open ended questions were also a measure of future self-views. The question was,
“What are the first five words or descriptions that come to mind when thinking of your future self when you are over 65 years of age?”
and was adapted to measure future self-views based on Kornadt and Rothermund (2012). As with age steretoypes, the open ended responses were intended to measure breadth of the content of future self-views while the scale scores were intended to measure the degree of p ositivity expressed with respect to one’s future self according to a subset of age stereotypes shared by participants in both cultural contexts.
Predictor Measures
Cultural context. A dichotomous variable in the dataset indicated group membership to either the Taiwanese or American sample. Information about languages spoken by participants was also available and as a condition of participation in the study all participants in Taiwan were fluent in Mandarin and all participants in the U.S. were fluent in English. In the survey each participant indicated if they spoke English,
Mandarin or other languages.
Contact frequency. Data regarding three aspects of students
’
experiences with older people were collected including information about frequency, nature of the relationship, and work experience. First, college students were asked “
What is your frequency of contact with elders 65 years of age and older (e.g., phone call, visit in person, write letter or email)?”
and response option s included “Daily,” “3
-5 times per week,” “1
-
3 times per week,” “1
-
3 times per month,” “3
-
10 times per year,” and “Less than 3 times per year.”
Participants also indicated if they had experience working with older adults (“Have you ever worked in a long- term care facility or other job that

64 involved close contact with elders?”). If so, an open ended follow up question allowed them to describe where they had worked.
Age integration.
A follow up question to the measure of contact frequency also asked, “
When you are in contact with elders, are they typically family members (e.g., grandparents)?”
R esponse options were “
Y es,” “No,” and “I am typically in contact with elders that are related to me and others that are not.”
As discussed in the literature review, being in contact with both kin and non-kin older adults should represent a greater range of older people
, and a greater degree of age integration in one’s social network.
Low age integration was operationalized as being in contact only with kin or only with non-kin older adults, whereas high integration was defined as being in contact with both kin and non-kin older people, as measured using this item. This was achieved by creating a dichotomous variable that collapsed the first two response options
(“Yes” and “No”) into one group. More detail about the creation of variables is reported in the results chapter.
Analytic Plan
Cross-Cultural Measurement Equivalence of AoA
Methodological considerations must be taken into account for studies aiming to conduct cross-cultural comparisons (Steinmetz, 2011). Specifically, cross-cultural equivalence of measurements is critical for ensuring a valid reference point for comparisons in these kinds of studies. Testing the hypotheses of the current dissertation entailed comparing the positivity of AoA constructs across cultural contexts. Two kinds of equivalence had to be established to meet this aim (Eckensberger, 1973). First, linguistic equivalence had to demonstrate that the English and Mandarin words in the

65
OPS measurement instrument were translated in a way that achieved the same meaning in both cultural contexts. Second, psychological equivalence verified that words in the OPS had the same behavioral referents and make up similar psychological constructs with equivalent psychometric properties across cultural contexts (Eckensberger, 1973, p. 51;
Geldhof & Stawski, in press). Research hypothesis 1 involved a test of whether AoA was more negative in Taiwan compared to the U.S., as measured by the OPS. It required procedures to establish both linguistic equivalence of the OPS scale items and psychological equivalence of the two AoA constructs: age stereotypes and future selfviews. Use of the Taiwanese-developed OPS to assess positivity of AoA constructs cross-culturally also entailed the assumption that the 35 scale items were represented in the open ended content of American college students age stereotypes and self-views. The procedures for checking this assumption are detailed after I introduce the methods for establishing equivalence of the OPS items.
Linguistic equivalence was established by two bilingual translators using backtranslation procedures (e.g., Zhang et al., 2002, p. 125). These procedures were conducted for the OPS prior to data collection. The first translator translated the OPS items from Mandarin to English. A second translator then translated those English items back to the original Mandarin (back translation) and the results were compared. Discrepant translations were discussed and resolved among the two translators and myself.
Psychological equivalence of the OPS was established statistically according to procedures for testing multiple group measurement invariance described by Geldhof and
Stawski (in press). Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA; Brown, 2006) was used to test the fit of the theoretically proposed (Lu & Kao, 2009) single factor measurement model for the

66
35 OPS items in the American and Taiwanese groups separately. After establishing adequate model fit according to fit criteria (e.g., chi square, RMSEA, CFI, TLI, SRMR as in Brown, 2006; Cheung & Rensvold, 2002) procedures using multiple group CFA tested model fit across the two groups and imposed incrementally more strict specifications for cross-group equality of parameters. To establish configural invariance (Meredith, 1964), the CFA measurement model initially established in each group separately was fit for both groups together in one model using multiple group CFA. In general, good fit of the configural model is interpreted as evidence of configural invariance, and ensures that the same items define the latent construct across Taiwanese and American groups. This is the baseline level of invariance signifying that the form (i.e., configuration) of item factor loadings on the latent construct is equal across groups. Next, weak invariance (also known at metric invariance) was tested using a nested model specified similarly with the exception that it constrained factor loadings of individual items to equality across the two groups. In general, good fit of this model is interpreted as evidence that scores on individual items contribute to the latent construct equally across groups. Metric invariance was evaluated based on the change in fit indices of the factor loading constricted model relative to the configural model (change in CFI < .01 indicates acceptable fit; Cheung & Rensvold, 2002).
Finally, strong invariance (also known as scalar invariance) was tested. This provided evidence that the psychometric properties of the scale were sufficient to validly draw comparisons of latent means across cultural contexts. In general, scalar invariance demonstrates that expected scores on individual items are equal across groups after controlling for differences in the latent mean. It was tested by restricting the metric model one step further to specify equal measurement intercepts across groups for all observed

67 variables. Scalar invariance was evaluated in the same manner that metric invariance was evaluated, based on the change in fit indices (in this case compared to the metric invariance model).
At any of these levels of invariance, the recommended procedures utilizing modification indices were tracked as indication that aspects of certain items might have been contributing significantly to poor model fit. In general, when this occurs, it limits invariance at that level and can warrant a conclusion about partial measurement invariance.
For example, in the analysis of OPS measurement invariance, if it were found that a small number of items did not exhibit scalar invariance across groups it could be possible to establish partial invariance and argue that the scale scores using the whole collection of items do reflect the same meaning for both groups even though a small number of items did not exhibit the highest level of invariance. For example, the scalar invariance model might result in an unacceptably large change in CFI but the corresponding modification index in the CFA output could indicate that the fit would be within acceptable limits if the intercepts for all items but one (or a few) were constrained to be equal. In this case, the model could be re-estimated relaxing the scalar invariance equality restriction for those items so that their intercepts are freely estimated for each group. Under these conditions, this partial invariance would suggest that this one (or a few) item(s) exhibits different meaning across the groups, but that as a whole, the entire group of OPS items do essentially reflect the same construct adequately (Geldhof & Stawski, in press).
Because the OPS was originally developed with Taiwanese participants, it was likely that some items would produce especially poor model fit in the American group because some items may not reflect the same meaning of the latent construct. The

68 exploratory approach described to establish partial measurement invariance was used in the analyses. When poor fit was resulting from certain items in the configural model, these items lacking cross-cultural equivalence of meaning were excluded, leading to a modified version of the OPS suitable for cross-cultural mean comparisons. The final result of all the invariance testing procedures described here determined the final version of the OPS that was then used to test the central hypotheses of the dissertation.
Assessing Content Relevance of OPS Items for American Students
Use of the Taiwanese-developed OPS to assess positivity of AoA constructs cross-culturally involved an assumption that the content of the scale items was also represented in the content of American college studen ts’ age stereotypes and future self
views. The appropriateness of this assumption was verified (expectation 6) using open ended descriptors of older people (i.e., age stereotypes) and future self-views. Two independent raters with graduate training in social science research were recruited to assist in the coding of the descriptors. The raters coded the descriptors of older people as well as future self-views for relevance to each of the four content domains of the OPS
(appearance and physical abilities, psychological and cognitive abilities, interpersonal relationships and social engagement, and employment and financial security). Each descriptor was assigned a value, 0 = not representative or 1 = repreresetative, indicating the item’s representativenes s with respect to each of the four domains. In addition, raters indicated whether each word belonged to another domain that was not represented by the four domains of the OPS (i.e., “other domain”). For the items coded as belonging to
“other,” raters pro vided a brief description of the domain the descriptor represents (e.g., for the descriptor “world wars” the rater described the other domain as “past events”).

69
Raters coded a single descriptor as representative of more than one domain as necessary
(e.g.,
“slow” could represent physical abilities or cognitive abilities and was coded as representative of both domains).
Interrater reliability was calculated for each of the four OPS domains according to the procedures in Hallgren (2012). A priori, Cohen’s Kappa above .
60 in each domain was the criteria for satisfactory interrater reliability (Hallgren, 2012). As an indicator of interrater reliability, Cohen
’s Kappa for dichotomous coding with two raters takes into account the expected level of agreement by chance. The predicted outcome of this analysis (expectation 6) was that the content of the Taiwanese-developed OPS would be represented in the content of age stereotypes and future self-views as expressed in open ended descriptors from American college students.
It was also expected that the four content domains of the OPS would not capture the full range of content in
American students’ age stereotypes an d future self-views
(expectation 7). This expectation was supported to the extent that there were descriptors that did not represent any of the four content domains (those coded “other”). Descriptors categorized as “other” w ere further assessed by the two raters for themes in content. The purpose of expectation 7 was to identify any bias in content that resulted from adapting the Taiwanese-developed OPS and to ensure that all items used in the comparisons were relevant for participants in both cultural contexts.
Analyzing the Relationship Between Cultural Context, Developmental Factors, and
AoA Constructs
A moderated mediation model (Baron & Kenny, 1986; Preacher et al., 2007) was estimated to test hypotheses 1-5 about the relationships between cultural context, contact frequency with older people, age integration, gender, age stereotypes, and future self-

70 views (Figure 2). Moderated mediation is defined by Preacher et al. (2007) as analysis of conditional indirect effects and is appropriate in instances such as the current study where the magnitude of an indirect effect at meaningful levels of moderators is of interest
(hypotheses 3 and 4). The original analytic plan was modified somewhat, and, to accurately reflect the decision process guiding the details of the final analytic approach used in the analysis, the original proposed model is first described. Then, the modified model used in the analysis is described in the next section.
Original proposed model.
The original proposed model (Figure 2) was specified as a structural equation model. It included gender, contact frequency and cultural context as exogenous observed predictors of age stereotypes and future self-views. Age stereotypes were also specified as a latent endogenous predictor of the latent outcome, future self-views. The path from age stereotypes to future self-views represented stereotype internalization. Cultural context was a moderator of this path, and a three way interaction was included to determine if gender moderated the effect of cultural context on internalization. Age integration was included as a moderator of 1) the path between contact frequency and age stereotypes, and 2) the path between contact frequency and future self-views. The final form of the measurement components of this model for the two latent variables was to be determined in the measurement invariance analysis of the
OPS.
The original proposed model was designed to test each hypothesis 1-5 as follows.
Hypothesis 1 predicts that age stereotypes and future self-views are significantly more negative in Taiwan and would have been assessed based on the significance of negative direct effects of Taiwanese group membership on age stereotypes and on future self-

71 views. Hypothesis 2 predicts that females and those with high contact frequency with older adults also have more positive age stereotypes and future self-views. This would have been tested based on the significance of the direct effects of both gender and high contact frequency on age stereotypes and future self-views.
Mediation analysis would have tested hypothesis 3 predicting that the effects of contact frequency and cultural context on future self-views are mediated by age stereotypes. In accordance with Baron and Kenney
’s
(1986) causal steps procedure, the tests of mediation were to follow the logic of the following four steps. Steps one, two, three and four test what are generally referred to as the c , a , b , and c’
paths of the mediation model, respectively. In step one, the predictor (cultural content and contact frequency) tests for significant association with the outcome (in this case future selfviews, this is path c ). In step two, the predictor tests for significant association with the mediator (in this case the mediator is age stereotypes, this is path a ). In step three, the mediator is tested as a predictor of the outcome (path b ). Finally, in step four the c’
path is tested by re-evaluating the effect of the predictor on the outcome when the effect of the mediator on the outcome (path b ) is simultaneously estimated. If c’
is insignificant, this demonstrates full mediation. If the c’
path is attenuated but remains significant, this indicates partial mediation. However, fitting two models, one with the mediator and one without, is not advisable in the context of structural equation modeling because c and c’ are not comparable (Kenny, 2014). Because of this, the intention for the original proposed model was to estimate c using the formula c
’ + ab (Kenny, 2014). Estimates of this are available in MPlus (Muthén, 2011).
Hypothesis 4 predicts that the strength of association of age stereotypes with

72 future self-views (internalization) is moderated by cultural context and gender and that
Taiwanese students should exhibit stronger internalization. The original proposed model was designed to address this with the interaction term between age stereotypes and cultural context. According to the same hypothesis, the effect of cultural context should also depend on gender such that American males exhibit weaker internalization compared to Taiwanese students and American females. A three way interaction between age stereotypes, cultural context, and gender was specified in the model to test this prediction.
MPlus includes capabilities for estimating moderated mediation, including moderation of paths between two latent variables (Muthén, 2011). However, for the reasons described below, a modified version of this original proposed model was implemented for the analysis. Details of the estimation differed in the modified model, but the nature of the moderated mediation did not.

Figure 2. Original Proposed Moderated Mediation Model
73
Note: Contact = High contact frequency with older adults 1-3 times per week or more
(0=No, 1=Yes). Integration = Reporting contact with older adults who are both kin and non-kin is high age integration (0 = Only kin or only non-kin, 1 = Both). For Taiwan and
Female 0=No, 1=Yes. The number (N) of observed indicators for age stereotypes and future self-views depends on the results of the measurement invariance analysis.

74
Modified model.
The original moderated mediation SEM model proposed to test the main hypotheses involved a three way latent interaction, which, especially in combination with simultaneously estimating the indirect effects of culture and contact frequency (at each level of the two moderators, culture and gender) substantially increased model complexity. Further review of the literature showed that recommendations for moderated mediation analysis do not tend to address these kinds of higher order interactions (e.g., Preacher et al., 2007). To pursue the original proposed model, it would have been necessary to use cultural context as a grouping variable for a
2-group SEM model, however, it is not possible to estimate the indirect effect of culture when culture is also the grouping variable. Therefore it would have been necessary to increase the complexity of the analytic approach by specifying a 4-group model where grouping is based on both moderators internalization (culture and gender) to enable simultaneous estimation of the interactions and the indirect effects. Under these conditions it would also be necessary to input manual specification of how the slopes and intercepts were to be fixed or freely estimated across the four groups according to the study hypotheses. This was not pursued because of the unnecessary additional complexity inherent in the 4-group model, the increased possibility of error associated with the manual specification of free and fixed parameters, and the limited benefits of treating age stereotypes and future self-views as latent constructs when partial scalar invariance suggests the items can be used as a scale score (as discussed in the results chapter).
Instead of a latent approach, the modified analytic plan used for the analysis treated the mediator (age stereotypes) and the outcome variable (future self-views) as

75 manifest variables by using scale scores (from the sum of the OPS items, as described in the results chapter). This approach was consistent with similar studies in the literature
(e.g., Kornadt & Rothermund, 2011). The causal steps procedure with regression was used to test moderated mediation (i.e., separate estimation of the c path, a path and c’ path with three models that include the interactions; Baron & Kenny, 1986; Judd &
Kenny, 1981; Preacher et al., 2007) as described in the “Original proposed model” section. Missing data were handled in Stata13 using maximum likelihood estimation for missing values and the SEM command to produce model estimates for the three paths.
For the effects mediated by age stereotypes, indirect effects at each level of the moderators were estimated using the product of slopes approach (Baron & Kenney, 1986) and significance testing with bootstrapped standard errors in Stata13.
Each of the hypotheses were tested using the modified model depicted in Figure 3 and equations 1-3. The model estimated the magnitude of indirect effects at levels of the moderators (hypotheses 3 and 4). It also addressed hypotheses 1 and 2 with estimates of mean differences in positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views by cultural context
( a
2 and c
2
respectively), gender ( a
3 and c
3
respectively), and contact frequency ( a
1
and c
1 respectively) with significance tests of the corresponding coefficients shown in equations
1 and 2.
With respect to the hypothesized indirect effect of culture on future self-views via age stereotypes (hypothesis 3), the moderated mediation took the general form of Model
A in Preacher et al (2007, p. 194, described in their Figure 2). In this general case, the predictor in the mediation (i.e., culture) also moderates the B path (hypothesis 4). My model went beyond the general form in Preacher et al. (2007) to add a second moderator

76 of the B path, gender, such that the moderation was defined as a three way interaction of age stereotypes (AS; the mediator), cultural context, and gender (hypothesis 4). Thus, to test hypotheses 3 and 4, the analysis reported on the strength of the age stereotype
 future self-view path for the subgroups defined by all four possible combinations of levels of the moderators (i.e., American females, American males, Taiwanese females,
Taiwanese males). There was no hypothesis for an interaction of contact frequency with culture or gender in the models for age stereotypes or future self-views, however, these interaction terms were included in an exploratory effort to verify if the effect of contact frequency was uniform across groups. If either of the interactions with culture group or gender was significant, this was taken into consideration in the calculation of the conditional indirect effects.
With respect to the second indirect effect of interest, the indirect effect of contact frequency (hypothesis 3), the moderated mediation took the general form of Model C in
Preacher et al. (2007, p. 194, their Figure 2) in which some fourth variable moderates the
B path. Again, going beyond the general case of their Model C, my analysis specified this moderation of the B path as the three way interaction of age stereotypes (the mediator), cultural context, and gender. The magnitude of the age stereotype  future self-view path in the indirect effect of contact frequency was also estimated for males and females in both Taiwan and the U.S.

Figure 3. Final Moderated Mediation Model
77
Note: Freq is contact frequency with older adults: 0 = Less than 1-3 times per month and
1 = Equal to or more than 1-3 times per month. Taiwan: 0 = U.S. and 1 = TW. Female: 0
= Male and 1 = Female. AS = Age stereotypes; FS = Future self-views. Model controls for participant age.
Equations 1-3 depicting the moderated mediation model are shown below.
Dependent variable model (Model 1; c path):
FS i
= b
0
+ c
1
+ c
5
(Freq i
(Freq i
) + c
2
(Taiwan
)(Female i
) + c
6 i
) + c
(Taiwan i
3
(Female i
) + c
)(Female i
) +
ε
2
4
(Freq i
)(Taiwan i
)
Mediator model (Model 2; a path):
(1)
AS i
= a
0
+ a
1
(Freq i
) + a
2
(Taiwan i
) + a
3
(Female i
) + a
4
(Freq i
)(Taiwan i
) (2)
+ a
5
(Freq i
)(Female i
) + a
6
(Taiwan i
)(Female i
) +
ε
1

78
Dependent variable model with mediator (Model 3; c’
path):
FS
’ i
=
+ c
’ b
’
0
+ c’
1
(Freq i
) + c’
2
(Taiwan i
5
(Freq i
)(Female i
) + c
’
+ b
’
2
(AS i
)( Female i
) + b
’
3
+
ε
3
) + c’
3
(Female i
) + c’
4
(Freq i
)(Taiwan i
)
6
(Taiwan i
)(Female i
) + b
’
(AS i
)( Taiwan i
) + b
’
4
1
(AS i
)
(AS i
)(Taiwan i
)(Female i
)
Where FS i
is the predicted future self-view positivity rating in the social domain for
(3) individual i and AS i is the predicted age stereotype rating in the social domain for individual i . Models controlled for age due to possible association with the outcomes, but this covariate is not displayed in the equations above. Model variables were calculated as described in the results chapter. Stata 13 and MPlus were used for the analysis.
Evidence for direct effects of contact frequency and cultural context on future self-views was established using regression equation 1 in which FS i
is predicted without including AS i
as a predictor. This is the dependent variable model without the mediator and resembles the c path. Significance of coefficients c
1 or c
3 indicated significance of the direct effect of contact frequency and cultural context, respectively. To explore the unanticipated possibility that either of these effects was moderated, the model considered additional interactions of the c path.
If cultural context and contact frequency met the conditions for full or partial mediation by age stereotypes based on results for the a path and c’
path, the total indirect effect (TIE) of contact frequency and/or culture were calculated at each level of the moderator. Equations for TIE of contact frequency are shown below (simple slopes are underlined). Equations 1 and 2 were rewritten to obtain the simple slopes shown below in equations 4 and 5. Equation 6 represents the product of slopes calculating the TIE for

79 contact, and equations 6a-6d are point estimates of the indirect effects at each level of the moderators.
TIE
Freq
: (simple slope A path)*(simple slope B path) a Path: AS i
= ( a
1
+ a
4
*Taiwan i
+ a
5
*Female i
)Freq i
+ ( a
0
+ a
2
*Taiwan i
(4)
+ a
3
*Female i
) b Path: FS i
= ( b
1
+ b
2
*Female i
+ b
3
*Taiwan i
+ b
4
*Taiwan i
*Female i
)AS i
(5)
+ ( b
0
+ c
6
*Taiwan i
+ c’
2
*Taiwan i
+ c’
3
*Female i
+ c’
4
*Female i 1
*Freq
*Freq i
*Taiwan i
) i
+ c’
TIE
Freq
: ( a
1
+ a
4
*Taiwan i
+ a
5
*Female i
)*( b
1
+ b
2
*Female i
+ b
3
*Taiwan i
(6)
+ b
4
*Taiwan i
*Female i
)
TIE
Freq (US, Male)
TIE
Freq (US, Female)
= (
= ( a a
1
)*( b
1 + a
5
1
)
)*( b
1
+ b
2
)
TIE
Freq (TW, Male)
= ( a
1
+ a
4
)*( b
1
+ b
3
)
(6a)
(6b)
(6c)
TIE
Freq (TW, Female)
= ( a
1
+ a
4 + a
5
)*( b
1
+ b
2
+ b
3
+ b
4
) (6d)
In equation 4, a
4 and a
5
were not hypothesized to differ from zero. Therefore, these terms were expected to effectively drop out of the product of slopes calculation for indirect effects, even though those terms are included in the depiction above. Equations for TIE of culture at each level of the moderators are shown below (assuming Freq = 0).

80
TIE
Culture
: (simple slope A path)*(simple slope B path) a Path: AS i
= ( a
2
+ a
4
*Freq i + a
6
*Female)Taiwan i
+ ( a
0
+ a
1
*Freq i
(7)
+ a
3
*Female i
) b Path: FS i
= ( b
1
+ b
2
*Female i
+ b
3
*Taiwan i
+ b
4
*Taiwan i
*Female i
)AS i
+ ( b
0
+ c
6
*Taiwan i
*Female i
+ c’
1
*Freq
+ c’
4
*Freq i i
+ c’
2
*Taiwan
*Taiwan i
) i
+ c’
3
*Female i
(8)
TIE
Culture
: ( a
2
+ a
4
*Freq i + a
6
*Female)*( b
1
+ b
2
*Female i
+ b
3
*Taiwan i
(9)
+ b
4
*Taiwan i
*Female i
)
TIE
Culture (US, Male)
= 0*( b
1
)
TIE
Culture (US, Female)
= 0*( b
1
+ b
2
)
(9a)
(9b)
TIE
Culture (TW, Male)
= ( a
2
+ a
4
+ a
6
)*( b
1
+ b
3
) (9c)
TIE
Culture (TW, Female)
= ( a
2
+ a
4
+ a
6
)*( b
1
+ b
2
+ b
3
+ b
4
) (9d)
The indirect effects of culture conditioned on gender were of interest for the analysis because when considering culture as the independent variable in the mediation, there is no difference between males and females in the U.S. This is shown in that equation 7 as well as the point estimate for U.S. males (equation 9a) and U.S. females (equation 9b) reduced to zero as a result of the U.S. serving as the reference group for the culture dummy variable. Indirect effects for Taiwanese males and females were thus interpreted in contrast to the U.S. reference group. In equation 7 predicting AS i
, interaction terms a
4 and a
5
were explored but they were not hypothesized to differ from zero because the effect of culture was not predicted to differ by level of contact frequency or gender.

81
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS
A total of 1,601 college students participated in the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of
Aging (CCPA) study including 659 in Taiwan and 942 in the U.S. One Taiwanese participant had missing data on all of the Older Person Scale (OPS) items and was removed from the sample. Two American students reported that their age was 17 and four did not report their age, and according to eligibility requirements these participants’ data were omitted. Of the remaining 1,594 participants, 95% were between 18 and 24 years of age (M
US
= 19.8, SD
US
= 2.8, Range
US
= 18-49; M
TW
= 20.3, SD
TW
= 2.4,
Range
TW
= 18-48). A priori the expectation was that if age outliers were detected, they would be reported and removed from the analysis. The effects of age were not of primary interest and older college students were outliers in the sample, so those over 29 years of age were omitted. This removed an additional 24 participants (18 American, 6
Taiwanese) and yielded a final sample of 1,570 (918 in the U.S., 652 in Taiwan). One participant completed the age stereotype ratings but not the future self-ratings, which lead to a final sample size of 651 for Taiwan with respect to the future self OPS items.
Background characteristics of the participants and missingness of these variables are summarized in Table 1 below. Of the study variables, three U.S. participants and 24
Taiwan participants did not report sex; 50 Taiwan participants did not report contact frequency with older adults; three U.S. participants and 47 Taiwan participants did not report whether these older adults were family members.

Table 1. Summary of Participant Background Characteristics (N = 1,570)
Variable
United
States Taiwan
Gender
1
Language
Discipline
2
Taken aging coursework?
1
Parent education
Contact with older adults
1
Age
Are they family members?
Worked with older adults?
1
Female
Male
Missing
English
Mandarin
Both
Natural science
Social science
Business/management
Liberal arts
Missing
Yes
No
Missing
Some high school
High school degree
Some college
Undergraduate degree
Some graduate school 3.8%
Grad or professional degree 28.9%
Missing 0.3%
Daily
3-5 times per week
1-3 times per week
1-3 times per month
3.9%
9.8%
25.9%
35.6%
3-10 times per year
< 3 times per year
Missing
20.0%
4.7%
0%
40.2%
29.4%
18.7%
9.8%
3.9%
9.5%
90.2%
0.3%
4.7%
13.4%
21.7%
27.2%
N=918
M=19.53
(SD=1.70)
62.2%
37.4%
.33%
96.1%
0%
3.9%
Yes
No
Both
Missing
Yes
No
Missing
76.3%
8.5%
14.9%
0.3%
15.3%
84.5%
0.2%
43.9%
19.5%
22.1%
13.5%
12.1%
19.3%
76.4%
4.3%
10.4%
37.9%
2.2%
34.2%
N=652
M=20.16
(SD=1.77)
55.4%
41.0%
3.68%
0%
40.2%
59.8%
4.1%
7.5%
3.7%
9.2%
6.1%
13.5%
30.7%
19.3%
13.5%
7.8%
81.1%
2.5%
9.2%
7.2%
7.2%
88.8%
4.0%
Note: Numbers for each row represent percent of the U.S. or Taiwan sample.
1
Percentages may not equal 100% due to rounding or missing data. not mutually exclusive. Ttest or χ
2
These categories are
2
is significant at the p < .001 level for all variables.
82

83
Analysis of Open Ended Descriptors
Beccause use of the OPS involved an assumption that the English translation of the Taiwan-developed scale items are also represented in the content of American college students’ age stereotypes and future self
-views, the appropriateness of this assumption was verified using American college students’ open ended descriptors of older people and future self-views. Pooled together, there were a total of 811 words used as descriptors of older people in general (i.e., age stereotypes) and future self-views. The full set of descriptors and the frequency that each was applied to the two attitude targets are summarized in Appendix B. Table 2 shows the most frequently used descriptors of age stereotypes and future self-views.
Interrater reliability was assessed three times through out the coding process.
First, raters coded a small test batch of 50 descriptors and preliminary reliabilites were assessed to identify discrepancies in the coding procedure that needed to be reconciled before continuing with the full data set
. For all four OPS domains and “other” kappa was above or near the desired .60
Cohen’s Kappa
threshold for the first 50 descriptors, indicating satisfactory interrater reliability (physical = .67, psychological = .56, social =
.61, employment/financial = .65, other = .88).
Reliability was assessed a second time upon completion of rating all 811 descriptors, and revealed lower than desired reliabilities (physical = .54, psychological = .51, social =
.32, employment/financial = .44, other = .46). Upon detailed inspection and discussion of the irregularities between myself and the two coders, updated refined coding rules were agreed upon to facilitate better agreement in a coding revision of all the descriptors.
These udpated guidelines addressed the degree of inclusiveness to use when considering

84 each domain. For example, for appearance and physical abilities, raters agreed to think about this broadly as related to appearance and the physical domain generally, meaning that it can also include physical age related changes, things older adults wear, or references to assistive devices. Consideration of the psychological and cognitive abilities was expanded to include psychological characteristics, including personality and characteristics that describe individuals, and any cognition related descriptors.
Interpersonal relationships and social engagement was refined to also include social roles and, broadly, any activities that typically facilitate interactions with others. Employment and financial security was clarified as inclusive of references to quality of life, and any money/financial issue in general, but not descriptors that are not typically used to reference employment settings specifically
(e.g., “able” is not specific enough to be considered employment related).
Themes in the descriptions of “other” domains were discussed and preliminary categories were agreed upon among the two raters and myself.
These categories were applied to the descriptions of words belonging to other domains in the coding revision.
The two raters conducted a revision of the coding of all of the descriptors using the updated coding rules and reliability was assessed a third time. As expected, this resulted in increased interrater agreement so that all domains surpassed the .60 threshold, achieving substantial (kappa .61 to .80) or near perfect reliability (kappa .81 to 1.0;
Landis & Koch, 1977 as cited in Hallgren, 2012). These reliabilites were as follows: physical = .88, psychological = .90, social = .79, employment/financial = .82, other =
.85).

85
Both raters agreed that 94% of the descriptors represented at least one of the four
OPS domains. This result confirms that U.S. college students’ views toward older people and future self-views are adequately represented by the Taiwan-developed OPS. Twenty seven percent of descriptors represented the physical abilities and appearance domain,
53% represented the psychological and cognitive abilities domain, 16% represented social engagement and interpersonal relationships domain, 8% represented employment and financial security domain, and 6% represented only a n “other” domain
. Rater descriptions of the responses coded as “other” are summarized in
Table 3. Eighty five percent of the descriptors represented only one domain
(including “other”)
, and 15% of the descriptors represented two or more domains.
As expected, results showed that the four content domains of the OPS did not capture the full range of content in
American students’ age stereotypes and future self
views. There were 49 descriptors that were not relevant to any of the 4 OPS domains.
These were described by the raters as related to other domains such as places older people go, activities older people do, past events, life events, sexuality, or exemplars of older people (Table 3). Because these items made up only a small percentage (6%) of the total descriptors, it suggests that there is little bias in stereotype and future self content that has resulted from adapting the Taiwanese-developed OPS to English. With the exceptions from Table 3 in mind, it was concluded that OPS items used in the crosscultural comparisons were relevant for participants in both cultural contexts.

Table 2. Summary of American College S tudents’
Most Frequently Used
Descriptors of Older People in General (Age Stereotypes) and Future Selfviews.
Age Stereotype
Descriptor Freq.
1. old
2. wise
3. slow
4. experienced
5. wrinkles
6. retired
7. grandparents
8. wrinkly
9. fragile
10. gray/white hair
11. kind
12. elderly
13. knowledgeable
14. grey
15. caring
16. nice
17. happy
18. funny
19. tired
20. loving
21. sweet
22. grumpy
23. cute
24. white/gray hair 35
25. story tellers and stories 33
26. smart
27. weak
32
32
28. grandma
29. smelly
30. respect
31. grandpa
32. knowledge
30
29
29
27
27
45
45
44
43
40
38
38
33. health problems
34. lonely
35. frail
36. sick
37. senior citizen
38. family
39. elder
40. wrinkled
26
26
26
25
25
24
24
23
59
57
54
51
46
97
80
65
65
429
375
154
148
137
134
127
Future Self
Descriptor Freq.
1. old
2. wise
3. retired
4. happy
5. experienced
6. healthy
7. active
8. children/grandchildren 82
9. grandma 73
10. wrinkly
11. slow
70
61
12. wrinkles
13. loving
14. family
15. funny
16. grandparents
59
59
57
56
49
282
203
183
176
102
94
89
17. married
18. traveling
19. fun
20. caring
21. tired
22. rich
23. knowledgeable
24. grey
25. smart
26. gray/white hair
27. nice
28. awesome
29. relaxed
30. fit
31. wealthy
32. dead
33. successful
34. weak
35. lazy
36. kind
37. content
38. fragile
39. health
40. wrinkled
25
24
23
22
20
18
17
17
30
27
27
26
26
31
31
30
30
49
46
45
43
43
40
36
86

Table 3. Summary of American S tudents’
Open Ended Descriptors of Age Stereotypes and Future Self-views that were Not Represented by the Four Domains of the OPS.
Word
Rater description of other domain Word
Rater description of other domain cigars knitting napping pictures
R.V. rocking chair still blazin' watching T.V. baby boomer
Betty White cougar
G-unit gangster
Hugh Hefner rock star eats at buffets activities activities activities activities activities activities activities activities exemplar exemplar exemplar exemplar exemplar exemplar exemplar food related eats dried fruit eats oatmeal food related food related eats T.V. dinners food related prune juice middle-aged food related life event short life life event waiting for death life event
1960's past event/time related
Great Depression past event/time related history short life past event/time related past event/time related time
Vietnam world wars at the beach in Arizona in California in care home in Chicago place in elder care facility place in Florida in the forest place place in Hawaii in nursing home place place in old folks home place in retirement home place in the Bahamas place past event/time related past event/time related past event/time related place place place place in the hospital has guns moth ball
R.V. rocking chair babes cougar less sex no sex pervert place possessions possessions possessions possessions sexuality sexuality sexuality sexuality sexuality
87

88
Analysis of OPS Results
Exploratory Factor Analysis for OPS Age Stereotypes in Taiwan
Previous development of the OPS in Taiwan did not establish the factor structure of the scale, but I expected a one-factor structure based on previous use of the scale as a sum of all items (Lu & Kao, 2009, 2011). This is despite the four content domains of the
35-item OPS that are reflected in four item “stems” corresponding to appearance and physical abilities (5 items), psychological and cognitive abilities (10 items), interpersonal relationships and social engagement (15 items), and employment and financial security (5 items). Prior to utilizing exploratory analysis, the theorized one factor structure was tested in a CFA model for the Taiwanese sample revealing poor fit (
χ 2
(560) = 5569.80,
RMSEA = .117, CFI = .548, TLI = .520, SRMR = .099). Because of the four content domains of the OPS, and the reasonable possibility of a four factor structure, a four-factor
CFA model was also tested for the Taiwanese sample but also yielded a poor fit (
χ 2
(554)
= 4646.98, RMSEA = .106, CFI = .631, TLI = .603, SRMR = .114), suggesting the need to begin with an exploratory approach.
Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was pursued for the 35 OPS items in the
Taiwanese sample to determine a reasonable factor structure. A full correlation matrix of all OPS items and study variables is displayed in Appendix C. Using Geomin oblique rotation in MPlus 7.11, results revealed an eight-factor solution based on eigenvalues, scree plot, and interpretability of factor loadings (Table 4). In the eight-factor solution two factors emerged among the items of each domain, clearly reflecting a methodological artifact of reverse coding that was not of theoretical significance. Table 4 also depicts the factor correlations. Factors 3 and 5 as well as factors 4 and 8 correlated more highly with

89 each other than other factor pairs. Factors 3 and 5 included the non-reverse scored items from the psychological domain and the non-reverse scored items from the social domain.
Despite the question stem asking participants to rate each item with respect to the given content domains, certain items in each domain still appeared to have a relatively close association with each other, contributing to the higher factor correlation. For instance,
Table 22 in Appendix C does show that “compassionate” (from the psychological content domain) and “able to teach younger generations” (from the social content domain) were relativ ely strongly correlated. The same is true for “happy” (psychological) and “easy to get along with” (social); in addition to the correlation of “responsible” (psychological) with “good consultant” (social); as well as the correlation of “able to solve problems”
(psychological) with the three social domain items “contributing to society”, “able to teach younger generations” and “good consultants”. In these instances the psychological characteristics appear to be contributing factors to related social evaluations. Happier people are likely to be easier to get along with. Good consultants are more likely to be responsible and able to solve problems. Those who are able to solve problems are perhaps more likely to be seen as potential contributors to society.
Factors 4 and 8 also correlated rather highly. These factors included the reverse scored items from the social (factor 4) and employment/financial domains (factor 8), respectively. It appears that there was some degree of content overlap between the two factors, considering that items 29 (
“ obsessed with fame and fortune
”
) and 30 (
“ selfish
”
) from factor 4 (social domain) also have relevance to financial issues as expressed in factor 8. In support of this, Table 22 in Appendix C does show a relatively strong

90 correlation of the social domain item “selfish” with the employment/financial domain item “stingy”.
Next, the two factors in each of the four content domains were considered further.
In the presence of this kind of unexpected methodological effect of reverse coding, researchers may omit items that load onto reverse coded factors (e.g., Geldhof et al.,
2014). However, the current results suggested that a conceptually superior factor solution would retain some reverse coded items across the domains. Inspection of the scale revealed that conceptual coherence of reverse coded items 4 and 5 was better than that of items 1 and 2 (e.g., physically “stronger with age”)
. Reverse coded item 3
(“not likable”) did not load strongly with 4 and 5, and it cross loaded on another factor. This was not surprising considering that
“not likeable” is less specific and therefore also less conceptually relevant. Because of this, on the first content domain (items 1-5) I retained items 4 and 5 from the physical abilities and appearance domain. For the second content domain (items 6-15), loadings for the three reverse coded items were weak and it was more beneficial to drop those items and retain the set of stronger loading items 6-10 from the psychological and cognitive abilities content domain. For the third content domain
(items 16-30), 9 reverse coded items from the social content domain loaded well on a single factor and it was decided to retain those items instead of the 6 non reverse coded items because including a larger number of items enhanced the breadth of the construct addressed in the final version of the scale. For the fourth content domain, employment and financial security (items 31-35), items 31 and 32 were retained because of stronger conceptual coherence among the pair as well as fewer cross loadings compared to items
33, 34, and 35.

91
These procedures yielded a total of 18 items (7 reverse scored). As expected, an
EFA with these items suggested a four-factor solution (
χ 2
(87) = 553.41, RMSEA = .09,
CFI = .914, TLI = .848, SRMR = .034). To compare this result to another reasonable alternative model, I also ran an EFA using only the non reverse scored items (this model omitted all 18 reversed coded items and retained all 17 non reverse coded items). The result suggested four factors based on eigenvalues, but exhibited poor fit, as the 4 factor model did not converge (but for the three factor model:
χ 2
(88) = 842.33, RMSEA = .115,
CFI = .845, TLI = .761, SRMR = .056). Another alternative model retaining only the 18 reverse coded items had somewhat better fit (
χ 2
(87) = 452.54, RMSEA = .08, CFI = .934,
TLI = .884, SRMR = .034) but included a number of uninterpretable cross loadings.
Therefore, the 18-item model described above that included the 7 reverse scored items and 11 non reverse scored items was considered superior and was selected to take forward in the analysis.
Upon further inspection of this selected 18-item model, items 29 (
“ obsessed with fame and fortune
”
) and 30 (
“ selfish
”
) appeared to form their own factor. They were also less conceptually fitting and less interpretable when separate from the remaining items of the interpersonal relationships and social engagement domain. After removing 29 and
30, eigenvalues and plots still suggested a four-factor EFA model for the remaining 16 items (Table 5). This four-factor EFA fit the data well (
χ 2
(62) = 255.98, RMSEA = .069,
CFI = .955, TLI = .912, SRMR = .027) and had a clear and interpretable pattern of factor loadings that corresponded to the theoretically sensible four content domains of the OPS.
Replicated in the American sample separately, the pattern of factor loadings exhibited reasonable agreement (Table 6) with the exception that item 22 did not load sufficiently

92 onto the third factor as it did in the Taiwanese sample (
χ 2
(62) = 263.07, RMSEA = .059,
CFI = .955, TLI = .912, SRMR = .025). Item 22 was further explored as a cause of poor fit using modification indices when the 16-item model was taken forward to a confirmatory framework.

Table 4. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the
Exploratory Factor Analysis of the 35 OPS Items in the Taiwan
Sample (N = 652)
Factor
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
OPS1
OPS2
OPS3
OPS4
R
R
OPS5
R
.78
.91
*
*
-.08
.02
.04
*
.34
*
.02
.01
.11
*
-.01
.00
.28
*
.08
*
.85
* -.03 -.01
.03
-.02
.06
.01
.00
-.02
-.01
-.05
.06
.00
-.09
.01
*
*
.05
.02
.03
.00
OPS6
OPS7
.03
.01
-.05
.78
*
-.02
-.05 .82
*
.03 .85
*
.00
.02
.02
-.01
.02
-.02
.02
.03
-.04
-.01
OPS8 .04
OPS9 .09
*
OPS10 .02
OPS11 .20
OPS12 .10
OPS13
OPS14
R
R
OPS15
R
.07
*
*
.00
.10
*
.04
-.03
-.06
.29
-.03 .26
*
-.04 .26
*
*
.46
*
-.03
.09
.39
.47
*
*
.03
.20
.27
*
*
-.05
.01
.12
*
.02
.08
.17
*
.12
.21
.25
*
*
.02
.23
*
.19
*
-.03
-.18
.13
*
*
-.01 .02
-.03 .01
.19
*
.25
*
.20
*
-.01
.20
.25
*
*
.04 -.03
.04 .05
-.01 -.03
.36
.15
*
*
-.04 .01
.01
-.07
.39
*
-.01 .21
*
.15
*
.03 .08
.07 .12
OPS16
OPS17
OPS21 .00
OPS22
OPS23
OPS24
OPS25
OPS26
OPS27
OPS28
OPS29
OPS30
R
OPS31
OPS33
OPS34
OPS35
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
.06
.05
OPS18 .02
OPS19 -.12
OPS20 -.09
-.06 .01
.01
.00
.05
*
.08
.10
-.03 .04
.05
.01
-.01 -.01 -.01
-.01 .01
.03
.03
.09
*
*
*
.01
.05
.05
-.03
.02
-.05
.02
*
-.07
-.06
-.01
OPS32 -.01 .04
-.01 .00
.00
.05
.11
.10
-.02
.02
.00
-.01
-.04
-.04
-.01
-.01
-.05
.04
.00
.08
*
-.02
.06
.02
.04
-.08
.10
.17
*
-.01
-.03
-.02
.10
.59
.60
.64
.77
.74
.88
.82
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
.56
*
.51
.76
.75
.48
*
*
-.03
.05
.08
.02
*
.67
*
*
.49
.71
*
*
.02
-.10
.10
*
-.03
-.02
.14
*
.19
-.03
-.06
.14
.04
.13
*
*
*
.03
-.07
-.02
.03
-.04
.00 -.07
.01 .04
.02
.01
.21
.16
.02
.14
*
*
.02 -.06
-.05
-.02
.34
.13
*
*
-.03 .09
.01 -.04
*
.04
-.12
-.47
*
*
.01 .03
.03 -.03
.00
.04
.00
.22
*
.11
-.02 -.36
.01
.07
.01
*
-.01 .00
.10
.93
.63
*
*
*
.03
-.01
-.11
.06
.05
-.03
.03
-.08
.25
*
.13
*
-.09
*
.02
.70
*
.61
*
.01 .46
*
Factor
Corr 1 2 3 4 5 6
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
.31
*
.33
*
.28
*
.20
*
.47
*
.37
*
.35
*
.21
*
.58
*
.21
*
.22
*
.14
.27
*
.24
*
.27
*
.38
*
.31
*
.14
*
.16
*
.25
*
.11
*
8. .17
*
.32
*
.29
*
.54
*
.21
*
Note :
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
.09 .20
*
7 8
93

Table 5. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the Exploratory Factor
Analysis of the 16 OPS Items in the Taiwan Sample (N = 652)
Factor
1. Physical abilities/appearance
OPS4
OPS5
R
R
: Frail with lots of illness
: Less energetic
2. Psychological/cognitive abilities
OPS6: Even-tempered
OPS7: Responsible
OPS8: Compassionate
1 2 3 4
.84
* .01
.00 .00
.81
* .01
.00 .00
-.06
* .82
* -.02
.01
.00 .87
* -.05
* -.04
.00 .61
* .05
-.02
.13
* .53
* .06
.03 OPS9: Happy
OPS10: Able to solve problems .06 .59
* .07
.04
3. Social engagement/interpersonal relationships
OPS22
R
: Authoritarian -.02 -.08 .58
* -.05
OPS23
OPS24
R
R
: Burden for family/society
OPS25
R
: Nagging
: Hard to get along with
OPS26
OPS27
R
R
: Disconnected from society
OPS28
R
: Taking advantage of being old
: Lacking social skills
.07
.13
.03
-.03
-.04
.00
*
-.01 .66
-.07 .55
.03
.02
.04
.06
.80
.78
.79
.67
*
*
*
*
*
*
-.02
.03
.01
.03
.00
-.01
4. Employment/financial security
OPS31: Having no worries about living expenses -.02 -.01 -.01 1.23
*
OPS32: Able to do whatever they want .09 .16 .04 .45
Factor
Corr 4
2.
3.
4.
.28
*
1
.44
* .40
*
2
.21 .24 .14
3
Note :
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
94

Table 6. Age Stereotypes Rotated Factor Loadings for the Exploratory Factor
Analysis of the 16 OPS Items in the U.S. Sample (N= 918)
Factor
1. Physical abilities/appearance
OPS4
OPS5
R
R
: Frail with lots of illness
: Less energetic
2. Psychological/cognitive abilities
OPS6: Even-tempered
OPS7: Responsible
OPS8: Compassionate
1 2 3
.54
* .02
.12 -.02
.80
* -.01
-.01 .00
.06 .43
* .08
.06
-.09
* .70
* -.03
-.00
-.10
* .70
* .04
-.03
.08
* .66
* .02
.00 OPS9: Happy
OPS10: Able to solve problems .05 .66
* .00
.01
3. Social engagement/interpersonal relationships
OPS22
R
: Authoritarian -.01 -.18
* .05 .02
OPS23
OPS24
R
R
: Burden for family/society
OPS25
R
: Nagging
: Hard to get along with
OPS26
OPS27
R
R
: Disconnected from society
OPS28
R
: Taking advantage of being old
: Lacking social skills
.01
.02
.01
.08
-.06
.02
*
.04
-.02
.02
.63
.73
.79
.02 .68
-.03
.05
.63
.69
*
*
*
*
*
*
.00
-.01
.00
.02
.02
-.02
4. Employment/financial security
4
OPS31: Having no worries about living expenses -.02 -.02 .01 1.61
OPS32: Able to do whatever they want .08 .14 -.24
* .38
Factor
Corr
2.
3.
1 2
.24
*
.40
* .45
*
3 4
4. .01 .08 -.05
Note :
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
95

96
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for OPS Age Stereotypes in U.S. and Taiwan
Single Group Factor Analysis and Modification Indices.
This 16-item model was analyzed in the Taiwanese and American samples separately using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to determine the best model fit within groups (Table 7). Results for the Taiwanese sample showed satisfactory baseline model fit. In the American sample, despite satisfactory fit in the baseline model, item 22 did not load significantly on the factor for the interpersonal relationships and social engagement. Although modification indices suggested a complex relationship of item 22 to other factors and items, specifying additional cross loadings did not adequately improve the performance of the item, because even with cross loadings specified the loadings were low. Table 7 shows that in a modified model item 22 was removed which lead to good model fit in both groups.
Multiple Group Factor Analysis. Different levels of measurement invariance were examined across the two samples using multiple group confirmatory factor analysis.
The configural model (equal factor form) was tested first and fit the data well (Table 8).
The metric model then constrained factor loadings to be equal across groups and demonstrated overall good fit as well as acceptable fit compared to the configural model
(i.e.,
Δ
CFI < .01; Cheung & Rensvold, 2002). Next, the scalar model imposed equal intercepts across groups but resulted in poor model fit in terms of
Δ
CFI and other fit indices (
Δ
CFI = .061). Based on modification indices, it was determined that freeing the intercept of item 6 improved fit the most, however, doing so still resulted in a model with significantly worse fit compared to the metric model (
Δ
CFI = .024). Modification indices showed that items 4 and 24 further contributed to poor fit in the scalar model.
When these intercepts were freed, the model exhibited incremental improvement

compared to the scalar model (
Δ
CFI = .012 freeing 4;
Δ
CFI = .004 freeing 4 and 24).
97
The final partial scalar model freeing intercepts of items 4, 6, and 24 provided evidence for partial scalar invariance (
Δ
CFI < .01 compared to metric model). Estimates for the final partial scalar measurement model are shown in Figures 4 and 5 for the U.S. and
Taiwan, respectively.
The multiple group CFA also provided estimates of mean differences across culture groups in each of the four domains. Table 9 depicts estimates for item intercepts and mean differences in domains across groups based on the partial scalar CFA model in
Figures 4 and 5. In the partial scalar model, means for each of the four OPS domains were fixed at zero in the American sample to allow a significance test of mean differences in Taiwan. In the appearance and physical abilities domain as well as the employment and financial security domain, Taiwanese age stereotypes were significantly more positive. In contrast, in the psychological and cognitive abilities domain as well as the interpersonal relationships and social engagement domain, Taiwanese age stereotypes were significantly less positive. The effect size for the social domain was small (
≥ .20)
, for the psychological and physical domains medium (
≥ .50
), and for the employment/financial domain was large (
≥ .80
; Cohen, 1988).

Table 7. Age Stereotypes Modification Model of the OPS in the U.S. (N= 918) and Taiwan Samples (N= 652)
Model Group
χ 2 Δχ 2
df CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR AIC
Baseline U.S.
Remove Item 22 U.S.
361.00
***
Taiwan 347.00
***
98 .941 .928 .054
98 .942 .929 .062
319.58
***
41.42
***
84 .947 .933 .055
.037
.042
46356.38
30805.10
.034 43422.63
Taiwan 297.18
***
49.82
***
84 .948 .934 .062 .039 28906.32
Note :
***
= p < .001. The baseline model includes 16 items (appearance and physical ability: OPS items 4,
5; psychological and cognitive ability: OPS items 6, 7, 8, 9, 10; interpersonal relationships and social engagement: OPS items 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28; employment and financial security: OPS items 31, 32).
98

Table 8. Summary of Invariance Tests for 15 Age Stereotype OPS Items in the U.S. and Taiwan Samples (N = 1,570)
χ 2 df
Δχ 2 Δdf Δχ 2
/
Δdf
CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR AIC
Configural
Metric
616.76
***
168
697.63
***
179 80.87
***
11
.947 .934 .058
7.62 .939 .928 .061
.037
.051
72328.95
72387.83
Scalar 1225.09
***
190 527.45
***
11 47.95 .878 .865 .083 .059 72893.28
Partial Scalar a
741.36
***
187 43.73
***
8 5.47 .935 .927 .061 .054 72415.55
Note:
***
= p < .001. a
Equal constraints for intercepts of all items except 4, 6, 24 and change calculated against the metric model.
99

Figure 4. Age Stereotype Partial Scalar Model Estimates for the U.S. (N = 918)
100 ns
Note: ns
= not significant at the p < .05 level. Unless otherwise indicated estimates are significant at the p < .001 level. Estimates are unstandardized.

Figure 5. Age Stereotype Partial Scalar Model Estimates for Taiwan (N = 652)
101
Note: All estimates are significant at the p < .001 level. Estimates are unstandardized.

Table 9. Summary of Age Stereotype Partial Scalar
Confirmatory Factor Analysis Model Estimates of Intercepts and
Mean Differences in Each Domain
Taiwan
Intercepts Est.
1. Phys/Appear
OPS4 4.05
SE Est.
.05 3.36
SE
.08
OPS5
2. Psych/Cog
OPS6
OPS7
OPS8
OPS9
OPS10
3.43
4.43
5.13
5.34
4.78
4.86
.05
.04
.04
.03
.04
.04
3.43
5.27
5.13
5.34
4.78
4.86
.05
.05
.04
.03
.04
.04
3. Social/Relation
OPS23 5.27
OPS24
OPS25
4.62
5.00
OPS26
OPS27
OPS28
4. Empl/Fin
OPS31
OPS32
4.71
4.85
5.16
3.07
3.12
.04 5.27
.05 4.13
.04 5.00
.05 4.71
.05 4.85
.04 5.16
.05 3.07
.05 3.12
.04
.06
.04
.05
.05
.04
.05
.05
Means
Phys/Appear
Psych/Cog
Diff
(TW-US)
.67
-.40
SE d
.08 .63
.05 .79
Effect Size
Medium
Medium
Social/Relation -.52 .06 .42 Small
Empl/Fin 1.11 .07 1.09 Large
Note : All estimates including mean differences are significant at the p < .001 level.
102

Exploratory Factor Analysis for OPS Future Self-views in the Taiwanese Sample
103
The OPS had not been previously used to examine future self-views. In accordance with the original expectations for the scale, for use of the scale for future selfviews I also hypothesized a single factor structure but also tested a four-factor structure corresponding to the four content domains. It was not surprising that, as for age stereotypes, the theorized one- and four-factor CFA model for the 35 items in the
Taiwanese sample had poor fit, so an exploratory approach was undertaken (one factor solution:
χ 2
(595) = 6859.07, RMSEA = .131, CFI = .579, TLI = .552, SRMR = .102; four factor solution:
χ 2
(595) = 15550.81.07, RMSEA = .117, CFI = .673, TLI = .648, SRMR
= .105).
Procedures similar to those used with the age stereotype ratings were applied for the future self-view ratings. Exploratory factor analysis suggested a seven-factor solution based on eigenvalues, scree plot, and interpretability of factor loadings. A reverse coding method factor emerged for each domain except the first factor with items for appearance and physical abilities, in which all items except 3 loaded above .30 (Table 10). Unlike with the age stereotypes, items 11 (
“ dedicated
”
) and 12 (
“ open minded
”
) loaded well on the psychological and cognitive abilities factor. When EFA was repeated on this subsample of 22 items (defined as the 16 item from the baseline model in Table 7 plus items 1, 2, 11, 12, 29 and 30), all items loaded onto the four factors. Items 1 and 2 exhibited some cross loading. Factor loadings for the model including the 22 items are reported in Table 11 (
χ 2
(149) = 931.19, RMSEA = .090, CFI = .910, TLI = .860, SRMR
= .033). In the U.S. sample, the same 22 items also loaded on the same factors (Table 12;
χ 2
(149) = 682.34, RMSEA = .062, CFI = .943, TLI = .912, SRMR = .026) with the

exception that, again, item 22 did not load well on the interpersonal relationships and
104 social engagement factor. Model fit and specification were further improved using CFA.

Table 10. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the
35 OPS Items in the Taiwan Sample (N = 651)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
OPS1
OPS2
OPS3
R
OPS4
R
OPS5
R
OPS6
OPS7
OPS8
OPS9
OPS10
.
.85
.84
.17
*
*
.02 -.01
-.08
.13
*
57
.
49
*
*
*
.04
.03
-.04
.11
*
-.03
.06 -.03
-.06
.01
.02
.05
.67
.70
.31
.35
*
*
*
*
.02
.05
.11
*
.11
*
.84
*
.02
.
.00
.00
36
.22
.28
*
*
*
-.06
.04 .01 -.01
.02
.11
*
.01
.06
*
.00
-.05 .08
.03 .10
*
-.03 -.03 .07
.05 .02 .06
-.01
.09
.25
.09
*
*
.08
.35
.10
-.11
*
*
*
-.04 .07
.01 -.03
.15
*
-.14
*
.03 .00
OPS11
OPS12
OPS13
OPS14
OPS15
R
R
R
.10
*
.02
.02
.55
.46
.05
.07
*
*
.02
.25
*
-.04
-.01 -.03 .05
.02
-.05
.00
.83
.74
*
*
OPS16
OPS17
OPS18
OPS19
-.01
.06
*
.03
.11
*
-.02 .07
.06
.40
*
.15
*
-.03
-.08
*
.36
*
.42
*
-.06 -.02
-.07
*
.04
.05 OPS20
OPS21
OPS22
R
.19
*
.13
*
-.08
-.05 -.17
*
.07
OPS23
OPS24
OPS25
OPS26
R
R
R
R
.08
.12
.08
*
*
*
-.01 .75
*
.04
.04
.01
.10
*
.04
.01
.00
.00
-.07
-.10
.02
-.02
.81
*
-.02
.11
*
-.04
-.03
.81
.64
.54
*
*
.43
*
*
.47
*
.04 .03
.08
.07
*
*
-.01
-.03
-.01 .07
.03 .09
-.03 .08
*
*
.52
*
-.03 -.08
*
OPS27
OPS28
OPS29
R
R
R
.03
.01
.02
-.09
*
OPS30
R
-.09
*
.66
*
.08 .54
*
.03 .64
*
.06
.05
.07
-.04
-.16
*
-.04 .02
.11
*
.08
.06 -.05
.08 .67
*
.04 .90
*
.05
.11
*
.07
-.08
*
.01
-.08
*
-.02 -.05
.03 .09
-.01 -.04 .00
*
.06
-.02 .85
-.06
.68
.76
*
*
*
-.01
-.07
.02
.06
.02
.12
*
.01
-.01
.04
.06
.05
.08
*
OPS31
OPS32
OPS33
OPS34
OPS35
R
R
R
.03
-.03
.03
-.01
.15
*
-.02
.04
-.03
.04
.00 .04
.03 .16
*
.15
*
.10
-.01
.02
-.01
.04
.06
.01
.03
-.01
.09
.00
*
.88
.83
.27
*
*
*
.07
-.01
.74
*
.08 .66
*
-.03 .47
*
6
Factor
Corr 1 2 3 4
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
.49
.36
.39
.37
*
*
*
*
.23
*
.40
*
.35
.41
*
.29
*
.56
*
*
.27
*
.65
*
.37
.38
.53
*
*
*
.37
.34
.45
*
*
*
.37
.22
*
*
Note:
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
5
.33
*
7
105

Table 11. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the 22 OPS Items in the Taiwan Sample (N = 651)
1 2
Factor
3
Factor
Corr 1 2
2.
3.
4.
Note:
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
.51
*
.35
* .46
*
.40
* .45
* .40
*
3
4
1. Physical abilities/appearance
OSP1: Stronger with age
OPS2: Healthy
OPS4
OPS5
R
R
: Frail with lots of illness
: Less energetic
2. Psychological/cognitive abilities
OPS6: Even-tempered
OPS7: Responsible
OPS8: Compassionate
OPS9: Happy
OPS10: Able to solve problems
OPS11: Dedicated
.89
* .10
* -.02 -.02
.85
* .05 .00 .02
.61
* -.05
.20
* .05
.53
* .01
.25
* -.02
.01 .78
* -.05
.01
-.01 .87
* .00
-.06
-.07 .62
* .12
* .02
.14
* .47
* .15
* .12
*
.04 .72
* .02
.03
.13
* .50
* -.05 .04
.03 .48
* .17
* -.01 OPS12: Open minded
3. Social engagement/interpersonal relationships
OPS22
R
: Authoritarian -.06 -.06 .70
* -.06
OPS23
R
: Burden for family/society .10
* .04 .62
* .12
*
OPS24
OPS25
R
R
: Nagging
OPS26
R
: Hard to get along with
: Disconnected from society
OPS30
R
: Selfish
.14
.10
-.11
*
*
*
-.07 .64
.00 .79
.06 .81
*
*
*
.02
-.03
.05
OPS27
OPS28
OPS29
R
R
R
: Taking advantage of being old
: Lacking social skills
: Obsessed with fame and fortune
.07
* -.01 .76
* .04
.00
.02
-.11
*
.03
.06
.85
.72
.03 .83
*
*
*
-.05
.04
-.01
4. Employment/financial security
OPS31: Having no worries about living expenses
OPS32: Able to do whatever they want
.02 -.03
* -.02 .94
*
-.02 .08 .03 .80
*
4
106

Table 12. Future Self-views Rotated Factor Loadings for the 22 OPS Items in the U.S. Sample (N = 918)
1
Factor
2 3
Factor
Corr 1 2
2.
3.
4.
Note:
*
= statistical significance of at least p < .05
.42
*
.33
* .54
*
.28
* .25
* .01
3
4
1. Physical abilities/appearance
OSP1: Stronger with age
OPS2: Healthy
OPS4
OPS5
R
R
: Frail with lots of illness
: Less energetic
2. Psychological/cognitive abilities
OPS6: Even-tempered
OPS7: Responsible
OPS8: Compassionate
OPS9: Happy
OPS10: Able to solve problems
OPS11: Dedicated
.70
* -.01 -.11
* .00
.60
* .15
* .05
* .02
.49
* .03
.23
* -.02
.54
* -.05
.17
* .00
.01 .52
* .06
.04
-.03 .75
* .03
.04
*
-.07
* .73
* .09
* -.05
*
.12
* .61
* .10
* .05
.07
* .82
* -.07
* .01
.01 .85
* -.03 -.05
*
.00 .57
* -.01 .01 OPS12: Open minded
3. Social engagement/interpersonal relationships
OPS22
R
: Authoritarian -.16
OPS23
R
: Burden for family/society .13
* -.01 .63
* .03
* -.08 .12
* -.09
*
OPS24
OPS25
R
R
: Nagging
OPS26
R
: Hard to get along with
: Disconnected from society
.08
*
-.01
.04 .72
.06
* .82
*
*
.01
.06
*
OPS30
R
: Selfish
.12
* .06
* .69
* -.01
OPS27
OPS28
OPS29
R
R
R
: Taking advantage of being old
: Lacking social skills
: Obsessed with fame and fortune
.05
.03
-.19
*
-.04
.09
*
.54
.73
-.03 .76
*
*
*
-.05
.04
-.11
*
-.07
* .00 .82
* .01
4. Employment/financial security
OPS31: Having no worries about living expenses
OPS32: Able to do whatever they want
.01 .00 .01 .76
*
-.01 -.01 .00 1.01
*
4
107

108
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for OPS Future Self-views in the U.S. and Taiwanese
Samples
Single group factor analysis and modification indices.
The 22-item model was analyzed in the Taiwan and U.S. samples separately using CFA (Table 13). Baseline model results for Taiwan showed satisfactory fit, however, the model did not converge for the American sample. The EFA results suggested that item 22 did not load sufficiently on any factor and thus contributed to poor CFA fit and this was confirmed using modification indices. In a modified model, item 22 was removed which lead to satisfactory fit in both groups. However, modification indices for the CFAs in both groups indicated that two pairs of items, item 1 and 2 as well as the pair of items 29 and
30 were strongly associated and contributed significantly to decreased goodness of fit.
Even after specifying a correlated error variance between the two items of each pair, the items exhibited a complex relationship to other correlated errors. For this reason, and to achieve parsimony with the theoretically sensible age stereotype solution, items 1 and 2 were first removed and modification indices reassessed. Then, items 29 and 30 were removed after verifying that doing so improved model fit. Finally, it was explored whether removing items 11 and 12 would improve model fit because doing so would lead to a measurement model specified with the same items used to measure age stereotypes.
Table 13 shows that as a result,
χ 2
improved, CFI and TLI improved only trivially, and
RMSEA as well as SRMR became worse. Therefore, because of those mixed results, the model omitting 11 and 12 was rejected as the final solution in favor of the 17-item model, which omitted only 22, 1, 2, 29, and 30.

Table 13. Future Self-views Modification Model of the OPS in the U.S. (N= 918) and Taiwan Samples (N= 651)
Model Group
χ 2 df
Δχ 2 Δdf Δχ 2
/
Δdf
CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR AIC
109
Baseline a
U.S. -- 203 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Remove Item
22
TW
U.S.
1216.79
968.51
***
***
203
183
--
--
--
20
--
--
.883
.916
.867
.903
.088
.068
.060
.051
39203.22
58935.73
Remove
Items 1, 2
TW
U.S.
1129.28
738.61
***
***
183 87.51
146 229.90
***
***
20
37
4.38
6.21
.886
.932
.869
.920
.089
.066
.059
.042
37259.53
53074.66
Remove
Items 29, 30
TW
U.S.
752.38
430.46
***
***
146 376.90
113 308.15
***
***
37
33
10.19
9.34
.916
.957
.901
.948
.080
.055
.048
.031
33545.65
47746.48
Remove
Items 11, 12
TW
U.S.
525.19
335.08
***
***
113 227.19
84 95.38
***
***
33
29
6.88
3.29
.931
.960
.917
.949
.075
.057
.045
.031
30297.50
42607.08
TW 417.04
***
84 108.15
***
29 3.73 .939 .924 .078 .046 26686.76
Note:
***
= p < .001. a
22-item model is the 16-item baseline model from Table 4 plus items 1, 2, 11, 12, 29 and 30 . The final accepted model is displayed in bold.

110
Multiple group factor analysis. Next, the configural model was tested in multiple group CFA and fit the data well (Table 14). The metric model then constrained factor loadings to be equal across groups and demonstrated overall good fit, and acceptable fit compared to the configural model (
Δ
CFI < .01). The scalar model resulted in poor model fit in terms of
Δ
CFI and other fit indices. Based on modification indices, the intercept of item 6 was first freed. Based on updated modification indices the intercepts of first 4 (CFI = .927) and then both 4 and 27 were freed (CFI = .935) to achieve acceptable fit compared to the metric model (
Δ
CFI < .01). This final model established partial scalar invariance. Final partial scalar model estimates for future selfviews are shown in Figures 6 and 7 and Table 15.
Estimates of mean differences across culture groups in each of the four domains in Table 15 show that the pattern of results reflected the mean differences for age stereotypes. In the physical and employment domains, Taiwanese age stereotypes were significantly more positive. In the psychological and social domains, age stereotypes expressed by Taiwanese participants were significantly less positive than Americans’
.
The effect sizes ranged from small to large (Cohen, 1988). In contrast to the small effect size observed for the difference in age stereotypes in the social domain, future self-views in the psychological domain exhibited a medium effect size. In contrast to the medium effect size observed for the difference in age stereotypes in the psychological domain, future self-views in the same domain exhibited a small effect size.

Table 14. Summary of Invariance Tests for 17 Future Self-views OPS Items in the U.S. and Taiwan Samples (N = 1,569)
χ 2 df
Δχ 2 Δdf Δχ 2
/
Δdf
CFI TLI RMSEA SRMR AIC
111
Configural
Metric
955.64
***
226
993.81
***
--
239 38.17
***
--
13
-- .945 .934 .064
2.94 .943 .936 .063
1528.56
***
252 534.75
***
13 41.13 .904 .897 .080
.037
.045
78043.98
78056.15
Scalar .049 78564.90
Partial Scalar a
1118.99
***
249 125.18
***
10 12.52 .935 .929 .067 .047 78161.32
Note:
***
= p < .001. a
Equal constraints for intercepts of all items except 6, 4, 27 and change calculated against the metric model.

Figure 6. Future Self-views Partial Scalar Model Estimates for U.S. (N = 918).
112 ns
Note: ns
= not significant at the p < .05 level. Unless otherwise indicated estimates are significant at the p < .001 level. Estimates are unstandardized.

Figure 7. Future Self-views Partial Scalar Model Estimates for Taiwan (N = 651)
113
Note : All estimates are significant at the p < .001 level. Estimtaes are unstandardized.

Table 15. Summary of Future Self-views Partial Scalar
Confirmatory Factor Analysis Model Estimates of Intercepts and Mean Differences in Each Domain
Intercepts
1. Phys/appear
United States
Est. SE
Taiwan
Est. SE
OPS4
OPS5
2. Psych/cog
OPS6
OPS7
OPS8
OPS9
4.99
4.22
4.76
5.41
5.58
5.49
.05
.05
.05
.04
.04
.04
4.17
4.22
5.40
5.41
5.58
5.49
.07
.05
.04
.04
.04
.04
OPS10
OPS11
5.36
5.20
OPS12
3. Social/relation
5.25
OPS23
OPS24
OPS25
OPS26
5.46
5.35
5.63
5.55
OPS27
OPS28
4. Empl/fin
OPS31
OPS32
Means
Phys/Appear
Psych/Cog
5.05
5.64
4.10
4.11
Diff
(TW-US)
.61
-.31
.04
.04
.04
.05
.05
.04
.04
.06
.04
.06
.06
SE
5.36
5.20
5.25
5.46
5.35
5.63
5.55
5.75
5.64
4.10
4.11
d
.08 .52
.04 .39
.04
.04
.04
.05
.05
.04
.04
.05
.04
.06
.06
Effect Size
Medium
Small
Social/Relation -.56 .06 .53 Medium
Empl/Fin .98 .07 .81 Large
Note: All estimates including mean differences are significant at the p < .001 level.
114

Measurement Analysis Result Summary
Analyses suggested a four-factor structure of the OPS for both age stereotypes
115 and future self-views. In the final measurement models, age stereotypes were measured using 15 OPS items and future self-views were measured using 17 OPS items. For both attitude targets, the appearance and physical abilities domain as well as the employment and financial security domain demonstrated limitations in that only two items identified each of these domain whereas 5-7 items identified the other domains. In general, the items included on each of the four domains were similar across age stereotypes and future self-views. The only exception was that OPS items 11 and 12 fit well on the factor for psychological and cognitive abilities with respect to future self-views, but not age stereotypes. Table 16 summarizes the final results for the OPS items measuring each domain and reports
Cronbach’s α reliabilites for the
U.S. and Taiwan.

Table 16. Summary of OPS Subscale Reliabilities and Items Identifying Each Domain
Domain Age Stereotypes Future Self-views
116
1. Physical/Appearance
OPS items
α
α
US
TW
2. Psychological/Cognitive
4, 5
.64
.82
4, 5
.66
.85
OPS items
α
US
α
TW
3. Social/Relationships
6, 7, 8, 9, 10
.77
.83
6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
.88
.86
OPS items
α
US
α
TW
4. Employment/Financial
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28
.85
.87
.86
.90
OPS items
α
US
α
TW
31, 32
.79
.77
31, 32
.87
.87

Results for Primary Research Questions and Moderated Mediation Analyses
After establishing measurement models, the moderated mediation model was
117 estimated to address the following questions: 1) Is the mean of age stereotypes and future self-views significantly more negative for Taiwanese students? 2) Is the mean of age stereotypes and future self-views more positive for women and those with low contact frequency with older adults? 3) Do age stereotypes mediate the effect of a) culture and b) contact frequency on positivity of future self-views? 4) In both instances of mediation, is the b path (age stereotypes

future self-views, i.e., stereotype internalization) moderated by culture, and is this further moderated by gender? 5) Does age integration moderate the a path (contact

age stereotypes) of the indirect effect of contact frequency? As reported below, descriptive data summaries demonstrated that the age integration variable was unevenly distributed, preventing the ability to test the moderation proposed in hypothesis 5. All other research questions were addressed in the analyses.
The psychometric properties of the OPS considered in combination with the theoretical relevance of each domain for contact frequency with older adults led to the choice to analyze the dissertation’s primary research questions with respect to the interpersonal relationship and social engagement domain only (abbreviated henceforth as the social domain). As reported in the previous section, the measurement model results in the social domain were sufficient to support this approach comparing mean scores calcul ated as a total of the items in the social domain. Theoretically, college students’ views of older adults with respect to social engagement and interpersonal relationships should be informed by their frequency of interpersonal exchanges with older people

(Allport, 1954; Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2006). In contrast, other domains such as physical/appearance are not expected to be informed as heavily or as exclusively by
118 interpersonal interactions with older people. Based on this reasoning, the primary analyses were conducted for the social domain alone. Mean differences across cultural contexts for the four domains, however, were also reported as a feature of the measurement models and discussed as a cross-cultural difference in the positivity of awareness of aging (AoA) constructs.
Contact frequency with older adults. For the analyses, the original contact frequency variable was dichotomized (Table 17). This decision was based on the distribution in both cultural contexts, practical interpretation of the variable, and requirements of the moderated mediation analyses. The original variable response options assessing frequency of contact with older adults included 6 categories ranging from “Daily” to “
L ess than three times per year.” The tabulation in Table
17 shows that less than 4% of respondents in the U.S. reported very frequent (
“Daily”
) or very infrequent (
“Less than 3 times per year
”
) contact with older adults. In both cultural contexts, contact 1-3 times per month was the most frequently reported amount of contact. Collapsing the variable into three levels was first considered, in the interest of creating categories with relatively equal observations and in the interest of preserving variability in the responses. However, doing so would have substantially complicated the estimation of conditional indirect effects (conditional indirect effects are discussed below, but including more than two levels of contact frequency would necessitate estimation and interpretation of indirect effects of both culture group and contact frequency at each level of contact frequency). The practical significance of interest with

the contact frequency variable was understanding whether regular contact with older
119 adults, compared to infrequent contact, is meaningfully associated with the positivity of one’s age stereotypes and future self-views. Thus, the responses were dichotomized such that 1-3 times per month or more was considered regular contact with older adults, and 3-
10 times per year or less was considered infrequent contact.

120
Table 17. Tabulation of the Original and the Dichotomized Variable Measuring Contact
Frequency with Older Adults
Variable M
United States
F Miss Total M F
Taiwan
Miss Total
Original variable:
Contact frequency
1. Daily
2. 3-5 times/wk.
14
30
22
60
0 36
0 90
3. 1-3 times/wk. 81 157 0 238
4. 1-3 times/mo. 132 193 2 327
5. 3-10 times/yr. 62 121 1 184
6. < 3 times/yr. 25
Missing 0
Total
18
0
0
0
43
0
344 571 3 918
Freq
Regular contact 257 432 2 691
Infrequent contact 87 139 1 227
Missing
Total
0 0 0 0
344 571 3 918
24
18
36 52 0
81 119 0
58
40
10
267 361 24
159 229
98
10
36
22
67
48
17
115
17
267 361
0
0
1
0
23
0
1
23
24
60
40
88
200
126
88
50
652
388
214
50
652
Note: Freq is the dichotomized variable used in the analysis. For this variable, regular contact with older adults is defined as 1-3 times/mo. or more.
“Miss” is missing data.

121
Age integration. Table 18 displays the original variable assessing whether these older adults were family members or not. This variable was dichotomized to form a low age integration category defined as contact with one type of older adult (i.e., either kin only or non kin only) or both types of older adults. A smaller proportion of participants in Taiwan than the U.S. reported only having contact with non-kin older adults. In general, the vast majority of older adults were family members and only a small proportion of participants fell into the high age integration category (14.9% for the U.S. and 9.9% for Taiwan), which prevented the variable from reliably being able to test interaction hypotheses. Furthermore, based on the distribution of responses, it was brought into question whether grouping kin only and non-kin only together in the same
“low age integration” category was appropriate, given that different proportions of this category would have been kin and non-kin across the two culture groups. For these reasons, the moderation proposed in hypothesis 5 was not tested in the analyses.

122
Table 18. Tabulation of the Original and Dichotomized Variable Used to Measure Age
Integration
Variable
Original variable:
Are the older adults family members?
Yes
No
Both
Missing
Total
Age Integration
Low
High
Missing
Total
M
252
41
50
1
344 571 3 918
293 483 2 778
50
1
United States
F
447
36
86
2
86
2
Miss
1
1
1
0
1
0
Total
700
78
137
3
137
3
344 571 3 918
Taiwan
M F Miss Total
217 311
10 6 0
26 34 0
14
267 361 24
10
227 317 1
26 34 0
14 10 23
267 361
1
23
24
529
16
60
47
652
545
60
47
652
Note: Low age integration is defined as regular contact with older adults who are either family members or not family members. High age integration is both.
“Miss” is missing data.

123
OPS scores. Table 19 provides a summary of the study variables including the 6
OPS items defining age stereotypes and future self-views in the social domain. Total scale scores for the social domain were computed by summing the six items from the social subscale after reverse scoring. Age stereotype and future self-view total scale scores were moderately correlated (r = .61). Scores of all individual OPS items ranged from 1 to 7 in both culture groups and total scale scores ranged from 6 to 42 for age stereotypes in both culture groups. Future self-views total scores ranged 6 to 42 in the
U.S. and from 10 to 42 in Taiwan.

Table 19. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables and OPS
Social Domain Items
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Age
2. Female
3. Frequency
4. Taiwan
5. OPS23 (AS) -.16
6. OPS24 (AS)
-.12
***
-.08
.18
-.11
**
***
-.05
***
***
7. OPS25 (AS) -.14
***
.03
.17
***
.10
**
.08
.10
**
***
8. OPS26 (AS) -.10
***
.16
***
-.12
***
.12
***
.14
***
-.24
-.33
***
***
-.24
***
.12
***
-.15
***
.51
.58
.49
***
***
***
.64
.48
***
***
.61
***
9. OPS27 (AS) -.14
***
10. OPS28 (AS) -.09
***
.16
***
.17
***
.06
*
11. OPS23 (FS) -.15
***
12. OPS24 (FS) -.16
***
.16
***
.14
***
.08
**
.38
***
.55
.32
***
***
.39
***
.46
***
.42
***
.36
***
.09
***
-.28
-.20
***
-.13
***
.41
***
.37
***
.38
***
.34
***
.46
***
15. OPS27 (FS) -.07
**
.18
16. OPS28 (FS) -.17
***
***
.19
***
.07
***
-.16
***
-.16
***
.44
***
.44
***
.49
***
.44
***
.52
***
.57
***
-.21
***
.53
***
.36
***
.42
***
.53
.60
***
***
13. OPS25 (FS) -.17
***
14. OPS26 (FS) -.10
***
.16
***
.18
***
.08
.08
**
**
.07
.13
**
***
.04
-.22
***
.26
***
.40
***
.21
***
.37
***
.41
***
.30
***
.43
***
.39
***
.45
***
.29
***
.41
***
.32
.35
.32
.49
.37
***
***
***
***
***
17. Total (AS) -.16
***
.18
***
.13
***
-.27
***
18. Total (FS) -.17
***
.20
***
.11
***
-.21
***
.75
***
.75
***
.83
***
.80
***
.49
***
.44
***
.51
***
.47
***
.75
.46
***
***
M
SD
N
19.79 .60
1.76 .49
.71
.45
.42
.49
4.21
1.48
4.77
1.35
4.47
1.45
4.62
1.53
5.12
1.65
1570 1543 1520 1570 1546 1548 1552 1552 1541
Variable 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
10. OPS28 (AS)
11. OPS23 (FS)
12. OPS24 (FS)
.36
.34
***
***
13. OPS25 (FS) .39
***
.59
***
.61
***
.70
***
14. OPS26 (FS)
16. OPS28 (FS) .45
17. Total (AS) .78
***
.51
***
18. Total (FS)
.40
.47
***
***
***
.57
.57
.79
***
15. OPS27 (FS) .30
***
.40
***
***
***
.56
.56
.49
***
.51
***
.81
***
.44
***
***
***
.67
.47
.68
.85
***
***
***
***
.51
.67
.49
***
***
***
.45
***
.40
***
.83
***
.70
***
.52
.83
***
***
.61
***
M 4.95 5.24 5.11 5.40 5.31 5.12 5.42 28.15 31.70
SD
N
1.36 1.50 1.50 1.35 1.41 1.65 1.38 6.68 6.96
1553 1543 1540 1545 1547 1541 1548 1523 1513
Note:
*
= p < .05,
**
= p < .01,
***
= p < .001. N = 1,570. Frequency is contact frequency with older adults: 0 = Infrequent contact defined as less than 1-3 times per month and 1 = Regular contact defined as equal to or more than 1-3 times per month.
For Female: 0 = Male and 1 = Female. For Taiwan: 0 = U.S. and 1 = TW. AS = Age stereotypes; FS = Future self-views
. OPS 23 = “
A burden for family or society”, OPS
24 = “
Nagging
”, OPS 25 = “
Hard to get along with”, OPS 26 = “
Disconnected from society”, OPS 27 = “
Taking advantage of being old”, OPS 28 = “
Lacking social skills”
.
Total is the sum of the items for the social domain after reverse scoring.
124

125
Direct and indirect effects for contact frequency and culture. Results of the moderated mediation analysis are depicted in Table 20. Model estimates controlled for participant age. In Models 1 and 3 entering a main effect of age was sufficient, whereas when predicting age stereotypes in Model 2 the interaction of age with cultural context was included. Older age was associated with less positive future self-views in Model 1
(B = -.41, SE = .10, p < .001) and Model 3 (B = -.22, SE = .08, p < .01). In Model 2 age interacted with culture group such that relationship between older age and less positive stereotypes was stronger in Taiwan (B = -.41, SE = .19, p < .05).
Although university level data were not available to assess the possibility that socioeconomic status influenced one’s views of old age, a variable for parent education was available in the CCPA study and represented one facet of socioeconomic status.
Because it was possible that this background characteristic of students’ families was related to the expectation of access to resources to ameliorate, treat, or accommodate age related changes, which should associate with attitudes toward old age, parental education was further explored as a covariate.
The number of participants with parents who earned a undergraduate degree or more differed across culture groups (299 or 48% in Taiwan compared to 550 or 60% in the U.S.;
χ 2
(1, 1543) = 23.5, p < .001). Parental education was not associated with the outcomes when included in the models predicting future selfviews (B = -.58, SE = .35, p = ns ) or age stereotypes (B = .30, SE = .33, p = ns ) and was therefore omitted from the final models reported in Table 20. This analysis was undertaken as a check to explore whether this facet of socioeconomic status explained part of the observed effect of cultural context.

Table 20. MLMV Estimates for the Moderated Mediation Model for the Social
Domain (N = 1,570)
126
Note:
*
= p < .05,
**
= p < .01,
***
= p < .001. Controls for participant age. Age stereotypes scores (AS) are centered at the grand mean. For Freq: 0 = Infrequent contact with older adults defined as less than 1-3 times per month and 1 = Regular contact with older adults defined as equal to or more than 1-3 times per month. For Female: 0 = Male and 1 = Female. For
Taiwan: 0 = U.S. and 1 = TW.

127
Results for the effect of cultural context (hypothesis 1). Results of the moderated mediation analysis generally supported the first hypothesis, as it was seen that age stereotypes in the social domain were less positive for Taiwanese students than for
American students (Table 20, Model 2; Figure 8). After controlling for age, there were no interactions with the culture group variable and it was concluded that, as expected, the effect of culture group on age stereotype positivity was consistent across gender and levels of contact frequency with older adults. A Taiwanese male of average age with infrequent contact with older adults was predicted to express age stereotypes in the social domain 3.43 points or about one half of a standard deviation below the grand mean stereotype rating (M = 28.15). Ratings among Taiwanese males were significantly less positive than all other groups. This includes a significant difference compared to
American males (Difference = -1.87, SE = .73, p < .05) and Taiwanese females
(Difference = -1.64, SE = .70, p < .05) despite a small amount of overlap of confidence intervals for point estimates depicted in Figure 8. American females had more positive age stereotypes than all three other groups at an estimated 1.37 points (.21 standard deviations) above the grand mean. Mean centered positivity of age stereotypes among
American males (-1.56) and Taiwanese females (-1.79) was comparable (Difference =
.24, SE = .79, p = ns ).
As a reference point for interpreting the relative negativity of Taiwanese male age stereotypes, the estimate for Taiwanese males was compared to 24 (mean centered this is
-4.18). Twenty four represents a neutral scale score for the sum of the 6 OPS items because the response option 4 on the 7-point Likert scale was anchor ed as “Neither agree or disagree”). Positivity of Taiwanese males’ age stereotypes did not differ from this

scale midpoint, 24 (Difference = .72, SE = .58, p = ns ) whereas estimates for the other
128 three groups were significantly larger than this scale midpoint (across the three groups the difference was at least 2.59, SE = .62, p < .001).
Also as expected, Taiwanese participants had less positive future self-views in the social domain (Table 20, Model 1). However, this effect depended on gender such that there was a stronger association between positivity of future self-views and culture among females compared to males (Figure 9). Among females, the estimate for the U.S. was 33.03, and this was 2.47 points (.35 standard deviations) higher than the estimate for
Taiwan (SE = .71, p < .001). The difference by culture group among males was smaller and did not differ from zero. Among males, the estimate for the U.S. was 29.30, which was only .68 points greater than the estimate for Taiwan (SE = .77, p = ns ). Males, when collapsed across culture groups, had the least positive future self-perceptions, but these perceptions were still significantly more positive than the scale midpoint (difference =
-4.62, SE = .61, p < .001).

Figure 8. Predicted Positivity of Age Stereotypes in the Social Domain (Model 2 in
Table 20)
129

Figure 9. The Direct Effect Interaction of Cultural Context and Gender (Model 1 in
Table 20)
130

Results for the effect of gender (hypothesis 2). Results also supported hypothesis 2 addressing the effects of gender on both age stereotypes and future self-
131 views. For future self-views, results also revealed one unexpected interaction involving gender (the same interaction described above; Figure 9). Females reported significantly more positive age stereotypes and future self-views compared to males (Table 20, Models
2 and 1, respectively). However, as described above, for the direct effect of gender on future self-views (Model 1) there was an unexpected interaction such that female gender and positivity of future self-views were more strongly associated among American participants (Figure 9). Assuming infrequent contact with older adults, American females were predicted to express future self-views that were 3.73 points (.54 standard deviations) more positive compared to American males (33.03 compared to 29.30, respectively). This effect was larger than the gender difference of 1.94 predicted for
Taiwan (30.56 and 28.62 for females and males, respectively).
Results for the effect of contact frequency (hypothesis 2). With respect to contact frequency, also as expected according to hypothesis 2, those reporting regular contact with older adults (Freq = 1) reported significantly more positive age stereotypes and future self-views, and, as expected, this relationship was consistent across culture and gender (Models 1 and 2 in Table 20). All else held equal, regular contact with older adults was associated with an almost 2 point increase in the positivity of age stereotypes
(Model 2) and future self-views (Model 1), which is equivalent to almost one third of a standard deviation in both cases. However, in Model 3 when age stereotypes and interactions were entered into the equation, there was no longer a significant independent

132 effect of contact frequency, suggesting that age stereotypes explain more of the variation in the positivity of future self-views.
Results for mediation (hypothesis 3). Results also provided evidence in support of the expectation for hypothesis 3, that age stereotypes mediate the effects of contact frequency and culture on future self-views. Effects of culture and contact frequency were significant in Model 1 ( c path; direct effect) and Model 2 ( a path) of Table 20, satisfying the first two conditions for mediation. Results for contact frequency are discussed first, followed by results for culture.
In Model 3 the c’
path reduced to zero for contact frequency, indicating full mediation of the effect by age stereotypes (Baron & Kenny, 1986). Estimates of the conditional indirect effects for contact frequency for groups defined by the gender and culture moderators revealed the expected finding that the indirect effects were significant across both gender groups in the U.S. and Taiwan. Differences in the magnitude of the indirect effects were tested across all possible pairwise comparisons of the four groups.
No significant differences were detected, and the results lead to the conclusion that the strength of the indirect effect of contact was not conditioned on cultural context or gender. Overall, results supported the mediation hypothesis for contact frequency and provided additional exploratory result that indirect effect size was not conditioned on the moderators.
With respect to the mediation hypothesis for culture as the independent variable, in Model 3 the c’
path for culture (the main effect of culture) reduced to zero. However, interpretation of this as support of mediation was complicated by the significant three way interaction of age stereotypes, culture, and gender that also emerged (interpreted

133 later) and prevented the conclusion that the effect of culture reduced to zero. Considering this, support for mediation was further explored through the significance tests of the conditional indirect effects. Table 20 shows the significant negative indirect effects of
Taiwan group membership on positivity of future self-views by gender. The size of the indirect effect between Taiwanese men and women did not differ appreciably (Difference
= -.39, SE = .25, p = ns ). Overall, results supported the mediation hypothesis for culture and provided additional exploratory evidence that indirect effect size variation was not significantly conditioned on gender.
Results for moderated mediation (hypothesis 4). Model 3 also showed that consistent with the expectation of hypothesis 4, the strength of the internalization path
(i.e., b path; age stereotype

future self-views) depended on both culture and gender
(Figures 10, 11). However, further interpretation of the interaction revealed that the hypothesis was not fully supported due to the direction of the effects. It was hypothesized that Taiwanese participants would have stronger stereotype internalization, and in addition, that females would have stronger internalization than males. American males were expected to stand apart as the group with the weakest internalization compared to the other three groups. However, results of simple slopes analysis showed that Taiwanese females, American females, and American males had the strongest internalization. Strength of internalization did not differ statistically among these three groups (pairwise differences in slopes equal to or less than .09, SE = .06, p = ns ).
To interpret this interaction further, each difference between the four groups was tested. Internalization among Taiwanese males was the overall weakest and differed significantly only from American males (Difference in slope = .18, SE = .07, p < .05) and

Taiwanese females (Difference in slope = -.18, SE = .07, p < .05), but not American
134 females (Difference in slope = .09, SE = .06, p = ns ). Taiwanese females exhibited significantly stronger internalization (.66) than Taiwanese males (.48; Difference in slope
= .18, SE = .07, p < .05; Figure 10). However, contrary to the expectation, internalization among American males (.66) was equivalent to internalization among Taiwanese females
(.66; Difference in slope = .003, SE = .07, p = ns ) and American females (.57; Difference in slope = .09, SE = .06, p = ns ). Also contrary to the expectation, American males had significantly stronger internalization than Taiwanese males. To illustrate this, a 1 point increase in age stereotype positivity was associated with a .66 point increase in future self-views for American males, whereas it was associated with an .48 point increase in future self-views for Taiwanese males.
The predicted positivity of future self-views at three levels of age stereotype positivity for men and women in both cultural contexts is depicted in Figure 11. At low levels of age stereotype positivity (1 SD below the mean) there is a gender difference of
2.84 points (SE = .75, p < .001) in the U.S. and no difference in Taiwan (Difference =
.24, SE = .69, p = ns ). At this level of age stereotypes, among males Americans were
1.45 points more positive than Taiwanese (SE = .72, p < .05), among females there was no difference by cultural context (Difference = 1.15, SE = .71, p = ns ), and the difference between Taiwanese females and American males was marginally significant (Difference
= 1.68, SE = .87, p = .052).
At high levels of age stereotype positivity (1 SD above the mean) there was a gender difference of 1.63 points (SE = .74, p < .05) for the U.S. and 2.64 for Taiwan (SE
= .91, p < .01). At this level of age stereotypes, there was no culture difference among

males (Difference = 1.0, SE = .90, p = ns ) or females (Difference = .01, SE = .74, p =
135 ns ). At high age stereotype positivity, Taiwanese females and American males did not differ in future self-view positivity (Difference = 1.64, SE = .97, p = ns ).
In sum, across levels of age stereotype positivity American females had more positive future self-views than American males, but this effect was not found for
Taiwanese participants at low levels of age stereotype positivity. In addition, at 1 SD below the mean age stereotype rating the culture difference among men was significant, but the difference was significant in the opposite direction such that among males
Americans are more positive only at very high levels of age stereotype positivity (i.e., just under 3 standard deviations above the mean, or a centered age stereotype score of about 19.5; Difference = 3.33, SE = 1.68, p < .05). Values this extreme were not observed in the sample due to a ceiling effect (the maximum possible score was 42, which is equivalent to about 2 SD above the mean), so the effect at very high age stereotype positivity is of less value to interpret than the effect at low or even moderately or very low age stereotype positivity. Among women, future self-view positivity was not greater in the U.S. even at the lowest observed values of age stereotype positivity (mean centered score of -22 or more than 3 SD below the mean, Difference = -2.46, SE = 1.43, p = ns ). Appendix D details the equations used to generate point estimates and the predictions shown in Figures 8-11.

Figure 10. Cultural Context and Gender Moderate Stereotype Internalization in the
Social Domain
136
Note: Assumes infrequent contact. Observed mean centered values of age stereotypes ranged from -22.15 to 13.85.

Figure 11. Predicted Positivity of Future-Self-view Ratings in the Social Domain by
Cultural Context and Gender at Three Levels of Age Stereotype Positivity
Low AS: (1 SD below mean)
137
Mean AS:
High AS: (1 SD above mean)

138
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION
This dissertation has examined ageism in cross-cultural context by investigating how factors representing personal experiences with older adults and gender are associated to the positivity of age stereotypes and future self-views among Taiwanese and American college students. The Taiwanese-developed Older Person Scale (OPS) was found to represent the content of age stereotypes and future self-views expressed by American college students and was successfully adapted for use in English as a revised version of the scale. This revised version was used to test the primary hypotheses. As discussed below, at least partial support was garnered for each of the four hypotheses tested. The dissertation has addressed not just the extent to which these cultural and developmental factors are associated with positivity in awareness of aging constructs, but also the manner in which future self-views may be associated to these factors via age stereotypes.
There are implications of these findings and of AoA in general, as an emerging construct, for lifespan development and practical social policies being created in response to the needs of aging populations.
Cultural Context
It was hypothesized that Taiwanese college students would exhibit significantly more negative age stereotypes and significantly more negative future self-views than
American college students. Results supported this in the social domain, but Taiwanese attitudes were better characterized as less positive rather than more negative than
American attitudes. Although the social domain was the primary focus, it was also found that mean differences in positivity across cultural contexts varied by content domain.
Consistent with the expectation, in the two domains of psychological and cognitive

139 abilities as well as interpersonal relationships and social engagement, age stereotypes and future self-views were less positive among Taiwanese students. These were also the strongest domains from a psychometric standpoint. Unexpectedly, in the two domains of appearance and physical ability as well as employment and financial security, Taiwanese age stereotypes and future self-views were more positive. However, these results must be interpreted with caution as the number of items indicating each of these domains was low and measurement invariance needed to be stronger to yield reliable group comparisons.
Also, part of the reason for the unexpected variation by domain was attributed to the unanticipated four-factor structure of the OPS. Initial predictions were not domain specific because, based on the initial existing scale development analyses with the OPS
(e.g., Lu & Kao, 2010; Lu, Kao & Hseih, 2011), a single factor structure was expected.
It is important to note that in most domains the overall ratings from Taiwan in this study were still relatively positive, as they tended to be at or above the 7-point Likert scale midpoint. This result is similar to previous studies using the OPS as a single factor measurement instrument within Taiwan among different age groups (e.g., Lu, Kao &
Hseih, 2010, 2011), where scores above the scale midpoint were interpreted as indicating positive attitudes. In the cross-cultural ageism literature lower relative positivity of attitudes toward older people is interpreted as evidence of ageism regardless of the location of the more negative (or less positive) group’s
score with respect to the scale midpoint. For example, Giles et al.
’s (2001) comparison of college student attitudes about older adults found more negative ratings in Taiwan than the U.S., and in a metaanalysis this result was classified as evidence of greater ageism in the East Asian context
(North, 2013; North & Fiske, 2015) even though in the original Giles et al. (2001) study

both culture groups reported mean ratings above the neutral scale midpoint. In such a
140 case, it would be more precise to interpret the lower scores as less positive, rather than more negative, in comparison with the more positive group
’s scores
. Scores very close to the midpoint in a cross-cultural comparison might be considered more ambivalent than scores from a comparison group that are more straightforwardly positive if the scores are clearly above the scale midpoint. Accordingly, the results for Taiwan in the current study suggest that in comparison to the U.S., age stereotypes in the psychological and social domains were less positive and arguably more ambivalent, despite the Taiwanese age stereotype scores’
relative positivity with respect to the OPS scale midpoint. Notably,
Taiwanese age stereotype scores did not differ significantly from the scale midpoint among males in the social domain.
To my knowledge, the current dissertation is the first domain specific crosscultural comparison of age stereotypes among college students in Taiwan and U.S. With respect to the psychological and social domains, the cultural context presumed to be characterized by collectivism did not appear to contribute to relative positivity views of aging based on the reasoning that collectivism would promote positive attitudes because of their value in promoting social harmony. Nor did the results clearly suggest that filial obligation is “backfiring” in general or
that it is in conflict with individual goals. This is because within Taiwan the ratings of older adults in these domains were still relatively positive despite also being significantly lower than in the U.S. sample. This result is consistent with the notion that young people in Taiwan today embrace a version of filial piety that may be less likely to foster resentment intergenerational resentment in the context of modernized society (North, 2013; North & Fiske, 2015). It is possible that

141
Taiwan’s unique emphasis on intergenerational warmth
in the expression of filial piety
(Yeh, Yi, Tsao, & Wan, 2013) may play a role in mitigating the negativity of age stereotypes relative to other East Asian contexts (North & Fiske, 2015). This explanation is also consistent with past studies finding relative positivity of Taiwanese attitudes toward older people in comparison to other East Asian societies such as Japan and South
Korea (Giles et al., 2000).
The domain specific cross-cultural differences in positivity can be interpreted in terms of the existing knowledge base. Of the cross-cultural comparisons of American and Taiwanese college students, Giles et al. (2000) measured ethnolinguistic vitality (e.g., strength in spheres such as government, education, etc.), and Giles et al. (2001) addressed perceptions of older people with respect to communication experiences specifically.
Results of the current dissertation reporting less positivity in the psychological and social domains for Taiwanese students mesh well with both of these previous studies and seem to reinforce the findings of less positivity about intergenerational communication among
Taiwanese students in Giles et al. (2001) because the two domains of psychological and cognitive ability as well as interpersonal relationships and social engagement as measured by the OPS should have relevance for communication experiences. Results of the current study contributed additional insight to the domain specificity of the crosscultural differences.
With respect to the appearance and physical abilities domain, intercept scores for individual age stereotype OPS items were at or below the scale midpoint, indicating negative views overall in both cultural contexts. Considering the limitaitons of this subscale, trends in the data still suggested that attitudes were more negative among the

U.S. group. In contrast, intercept scores for individual future self-views OPS items in
142 this domain were above the scale midpoint, indicating positivity of future self-views for both groups, but these views were still significantly less positive among the U.S. group.
Evidence of less negative age stereotypes and more positive future self-views in Taiwan in the physical domain is consistent with the work suggesting that contemporary western individualist societies uphod a particularly strong preference for a youthful aesthetic
(Baltes & Carstensen, 1996; McConatha et al., 2003) as well as the notion that American college students may express this preference through negative attitudes toward physical attributes of older people. The relatively low scores across both culture groups in the physical domain are not surprising, given the universally recognized age bound expectations around the eventuality of age related physical decline and death. It also is not surprising for the social domain to be rated more positively than the physical domain, given the ambivalent ageism reinforcing the idea that older people are “dear but doddering” (Cuddy et al., 2009).
This ambivalent ageism could account for the relatively positive age stereotypes observed in the social domain in the current study, especially among American participants, if older people are viewed as high in warmth but low in competence.
In the employment and financial security domain, considering the limitaitons of this subscale, the relatively positive age stereotypes in Taiwan are consistent with theory suggesting that Eastern collectivist societies rely more on explanations of a person’s status that emphasize contextual influences on behavior and outcomes (Choi, Nisbett, &
Norenzayan, 1999).
Taiwan’s mandatory retirement age for insured workers could be an important external factor that helps explain employment status of many older people, and

prevents the potentially mistaken attribution that an older person’s employment is a
143 function of personal competence (or incompetence in the case of unemployed or retired status), as it is more likely to be seen in the U.S. and western societies (Choi, Nisbett, &
Norenzayan, 1999). As in the physical domain, intercepts of the two employment domain items were below the scale midpoint and indicated negativity for age stereotypes.
Views toward older people in this domain in both cultural contexts were negative, and significantly more so in the U.S. In contrast, future self-views in this domain were rated in the positive range of scale scores for both culture groups, but were significantly more positive among Taiwanese.
In general, this relative positivity of future self-views compared to age stereotypes is consistent with classic and more recent work finding a self enhancing
“expectation gap” between the self and generalized other such that the self is viewed more positively than the average person, or in this case the average older person (Harris, 1975, 1981;
Schulz & Fritz, 1988). Inclusion of self-views in the current dissertation has been a contribution to the literature, since, to my knowledge, this is the first examination of age stereotypes with respect to future oriented self-views in East-West cross-cultural context.
It also enabled a cross-cultural examination of variation in the strength of stereotype internalization, which is discussed after the results for developmental factors below.
Contact Frequency
As expected, regular contact with older adults was related to more positive age stereotypes and future self-views independent of cultural context. Across both cultural contexts, a majority of participants reported having interactions with people 65 and over
1-3 times per month or more, and this predicted more positivity in both AoA constructs

144 compared to those with only infrequent contact with elders. Results also showed that a greater proportion of students in the Taiwan sample had very frequent (i.e., daily) or very infrequent contact with older people and that a greater proportion of Taiwanese students reported their interactions being exclusively with kin rather than non-kin older adults, compared to the American sample. Within the context of East Asian societies, it is known that intergenerational living arrangements are more common (Wu & Lin, 1999; Hsu &
Shyu, 2003). It is likely that in the Cross-Cultural Perceptions of Aging study sample, those reporting daily contact with related elders were in an intergenerational living arrangement. Students in Taiwan reporting very infrequent contact were likely to have moved to the city and away from family to attend college. Under such circumstances, many students who move away from family for college may experience an increased degree of age segregation over time if their social networks are also low in age integration, and do not include variety in the form of kin and non kin elders. In fact, such circumstances should intensify the experience of age segregation if there is no opportunity for contact with non-kin elders.
In support of this explanation’s applicability to the current data
, it was observed that age stereotypes were more negative with increased age (up to age 29) and that this relationship was significantly stronger in Taiwan. Within an undergraduate college age group, attitude negativity may increase with time as a function of the more highly age segregated college environment, especially in Taiwan where non-kin contacts were found to be less common. Extant research within modern western societies already documents considerable age segregation outside of the family (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005;
Portacolone & Halpern, 2014). The current results are suggestive that the degree of age

segregation outside the family in Eastern societies could be even higher, but nationally
145 representative data would be necessary to test the generalizability of the trend reported in this study. In general, little scholarship has addressed the degree of age segregation outside the home within Eastern societies. Limited existing evidence from Luo et al (2013) has reported that in China and the U.S., Chinese college students were likely to have less contact with non-kin older people compared to Americans and that this was associated with ageist attitudes.
The effect of contact frequency on AoA can be interpreted as either a cause or a consequence of ageism, or both, consistent with Hagestad and Uhlenberg
’s
(2006) assertion that age segregation precipitates from, and results in, negativity toward older people. It could be that intergenerational contact is the basis for exchange of personal information between members of different age categories, and young adults with more information about older adults are less likely to express negative stereotypes about that category. On the other hand, ageism and the ageist behavior it encourages, including avoidance and ostracism, can cause or reinforce age segregation. It is likely, and theoretically expected, that the effect of contact frequency found here reflects both causal directions, as they are not mutually exclusive. Of course, the cross sectional nature of this study limited the possibility of distinguishing the causal direction of the effect. Another possibility that was beyond the scope of the current study is that the relationship between contact frequency and future self-views is qualitatively different for young people who have daily contact with grandparents within the household compared to others who have frequent contact with grandparents who live separately or others who have contact with non-kin elders.

The results for contact frequency support existing findings in the literature with
146 regard to age stereotype positivity. Because there is little existing research with respect to intergenerational contact and future self-views, this study provides initial evidence that experiences with older people associate with, and potentially affect, future self-views among young adults. As suggested by the theorizing of Markus and Nurius (1986) this could be attributed to the nature of future oriented representations of self as heavily based in past experiences, including experiences with older adults. Contact with older adults should be considered a developmental influence on the AoA process of stereotype internalization.
Gender
Independent of cultural context and contact frequency, the positivity of age stereotypes was hypothesized and found to be greater among females compared to males in the social domain. This result is consistent with the expectations of social dominence theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1993, 1999) and system justification theory (Jost & Banaji,
1994; Jost & Kay, 2005) arguing that men are more likely than women to have stronger preference for in-groups and higher status social groups. It also replicates findings from a large body of work demonstrating this gender difference in stereotyping across a broad number of social categories including age (e.g., Nosek et al., 2007) and the more specific findings from Kornadt et. al. (2013) that female raters evaluate age stereotypes in some social-related domains more positively than men.
For future self-views, women were predicted and found to express greater positivity. The gender effect was independent of contact frequency, but interacted with cultural context such that the associateion of gender to future self positivity was stronger

147 among American participants. This appears to have been driven by the positivity in the
American women’s future self-views because this subgroup differed significantly from the three others. Interestingly, Taiwanese women and American men had comparable future self-views. As expected, Taiwanese men were found to have the most negative future self-views, and this was significantly more negative than Taiwanese women. In contrast to age stereotypes, future self-view ratings could be partially explained by, or subject to, an in-group rater bias because the future self attitude target is by definition the same gender as the participant making the rating. Gender specific in group biases in which the rater perceives his or her gender more favorably have been documented among
American women, but tend to be absent among American men (e.g., Aidman & Caroll,
2003) perhaps because of increased importance or salience of gender identity for women
(Cameron & Lalonde, 2001). Although data on cross-cultural differences in this bias are not available, it is possible that a gender-specific in group bias among American women could in part explain the relatively positive self ratings among this group.
Mediation by Age Stereotypes
Results also confirmed the hypotheses that age stereotypes are implicated in the manner by which cultural context and regular contact with older people are associated to future self-views in the social domain among young adults. Age stereotype positivity predicted future self-view positivity and mediated the effects of cultural context and contact on future self-views. This promotes the notion that age stereotypes are already relevant to young adults’ expectations about their own aging, and supports the proposition from stereotype embodiment theory that internalization is a lifespan process.

148
This is not incompatible with stereotype embodiment theory’s additional proposition that age stereotypes become more relevant to one’s self with age.
The practical significance of the mediation of the effect of contact frequency is important because it suggests that regular contact with older people matters for the development of positive age stereotypes irrespective of gender, cultural context, and even age (within this sample of undergraduates). In contrast, the link between age stereotypes and future self-views (stereotype internalization) is conditioned on cultural context and gender. Thus, variation in the strength of the indirect effect of contact on future selfviews arises as a result of variation in stereotype internalization across culture and gender groups. The effect of intergenerational contact on age stereotypes is uniformly positive across these groups and the confluence of gender and cultural context matters more for the internalization portion of the mediation process compared to the age stereotype formation process. This may suggest relative malleability or context dependent nature of the internalization process by which the stereotypes become incorporated into the self.
This is discussed more below.
The meaning of the mediation result for the effect of cultural context is also important: a significant portion of the effect of culture on future self-views in the social domain was accounted for by the intervening relationship of culture to age stereotypes.
Despite the observed moderation of the internalization path by culture and gender, within the Taiwanese cultural context the strength of the indirect effect through age stereotypes was not significantly conditioned on gender. This is consistent with the theoretical assertion that individuals’ possible selves are influenced by the societal beliefs characteristic of a given cultural context (Markus & Nurius, 1986), and reinforces that

this appears to be a robust effect across gender.
Moderated Mediation
A central question in the moderated mediation analysis related to how cultural context and gender would moderate stereotype internalization. It was thought that if
149 views toward others, including older adults, are less separate or distinct from self-views due to interdependent self-construals, age stereotypes should be more influential and more closely linked to future self-construals. Accordingly, stronger internalization was hypothesized in the East Asian context and among American females, the groups previously found and theorized to exhibit interdependent self-construals (e.g., Cross &
Madsen, 1997). However, this was, not fully supported by the results. The American men were unexpectedly found to have the strongest internalization, a level of which did not differ significantly from females in either cultural context. Against the prediction of stronger internalization within the East Asian context, Taiwanese men had significantly weaker internalization compared to American men, but, as expected, women across cultural contexts did not differ. This does not support for the notion that a presumably collectivist and interdependent social context in Taiwan contributes to strengthened stereotype internalization. It could be that Taiwanese men exhibited weaker internalization because they also held less positive age stereotypes, thus a selfenhancement effect could account for the weaker association of age stereotypes to future self-views. This makes sense, given that among people with less positive perceptions of the typical older person, there should be more motivation to search for, or anchor future self-perceptions on dissimilarities between the future self and the idea of a typical old

person. In doing so one adjusts their self-perception upward and away from age stereotypes (Mussweiler, 2001; Rothermund, 2005).
Although there was no specific prediction for a gender effect within Taiwan,
Taiwanese women exhibited stronger stereotype internalization compared to men. On
150 this point it is noteworthy that despite modernization of social roles within recent decades in keeping with other modernized societies, within Taiwan almost all disabled older people are cared for by family members and the vast majority of these caregivers are women (Wu & Lin, 1999). Although caregivers are primarily female in the U.S. as well
(National Alliance for Caregiving, 2009), traditional Confucian ideals in patrilineal
Chinese societies have played an arguably unique influential hand in defining the gendered nature of caregiving in Taiwan, especially with respect to caretaking for aging parents. Unmarried daughters are typically expected to take on caregiving for parents, whereas married daughters are expected to take on the caregiving of parents-in laws (Hsu
& Shyu, 2003). Collectivism implies that fulfillment of social roles and obligations is a primary motive and source of life satisfaction for individuals, and that such social roles factor prominently into person perception (Oyserman et al., 2002, p. 5). In Taiwan, if the gendered caregiver role is still reinforced by Confucian tradition, as evidence suggests that it is, the expectation and actual experience of greater interconnectivity with older people (especially family members) is more likely to be a common feature of gender socialization and could account for greater positivity of age stereotypes as well as greater overlap of age stereotypes with one’s own expectations of aging
. This would have less relevance for American women, assuming that female identities with respect to the family are less strictly prescribed to the caretaking role and that institutionalized care

options for aging parents have historically been more common in the context of the
151
United States.
In addition, the anticipated gender effect on internalization within the American sample was not supported because American men and women did not differ in the strength of stereotype internalization. The expectation was related to presumed differences in interdependent self-construals between American men and women (Cross
& Madsen, 1997). Results are limited in the ability to suggest the specific reason behind the lack of support for the hypothesis, primarily because interdependence of selfconstruals was not directly measured. Nonetheless, it is likely that interdependent selfconstruals may not have the proposed relationship to stereotype internalization, given that the hypotheses also failed to find support between cultural contexts. It appears that the overall positivity of age stereotypes may have more influence over the degree of similarity to future self-views among younger adults than dimensions related to interdependence. This is supported by the observation that across culture and gender groups, both AoA constructs were relatively positive. The exception is that only the mean positivity of age stereotypes among Taiwanese men was truly ambivalent, as it was in the range of the scale midpoint.
Assuming that age stereotypes held in early adulthood do stand to become incorporated into self-views across the lifespan, there are several implications of the findings. The importance of the strength of stereotype internalization across the groups examined here depends on the positivity of the age stereotypes. Internalization should be a negative developmental influence under conditions where age stereotypes are more negative, and less problematic (or potentially beneficial) when the content of age

152 stereotypes is more positive. Taiwanese men had the lowest positivity of age stereotypes in the social domain, yet also the lowest degree of internalization. This means that future self-views are potentially more independent from age stereotypes, suggesting the possibility that this independence could, in part, buffer against the negative potential consequences of stereotypes for self-views. It is also possible that a low evaluation of the generalized other could foster social downgrading and enhanced self-perceptions in scenarios where contrast versus assimilation processes are more likely (Heckhausen &
Brim, 1997). American women on the other hand exhibited relatively high internalization and the most positive stereotypes and self-views. This exemplifies conditions under which strong internalization poses less of a threat to the positivity of future self-views, as long as age stereotype positivity is maintained. Increased negativity of age stereotypes over time, or greater negativity of age stereotypes in other domains could pose a challenge to maintaining high levels of positivity in future self-views for this group.
In contrast, American men exhibited an equally strong level of internalization but markedly less positive age stereotypes, which may pose a risk to the positivity of future self-views over time if these stereotypes are maintained and if internalization is indeed a process affecting self-views over time. While the size of the statistically significant difference between groups in the association of age stereotypes to future self-views was modest, the accumulated consequences for self-views could be much greater in later adulthood if internalization continually influences self-views over time such that the effects are compounded. This is especially important given evidence that among men

and women stereotype internalization intensifies among older age groups (Kornadt &
153
Rothermund, 2012).
Finally, the interpretation of the three way interaction of age stereotypes, cultural context, and gender has implications for the results of the conditional indirect effects analysis. The strength of the indirect effects could have varied according to culture and gender because these factors moderated the age stereotypes

future self-views association. However, the effects detected in the three way interaction were insufficient to yield statistically different indirect effect sizes between groups. Across gender and cultural context, age stereotype positivity explained a significant amount of variation in future self-view positivity when both contact frequency and cultural context were considered as predictors. This provides initial evidence that the process by which developmental factors of cultural context and intergenerational contact relate to future oriented self-views generalizes across gender and cultural context. Future examination of the development of possible selves across the lifespan should recognize the integral role of culturally shared images of aging as both a potential influence on self-perceptions as well as a necessary component of the process by which other personal experiences influence expectations about aging. These findings support the importance of interventions, educational efforts, or policies that target negative age stereotypes and suggest that interventions aimed at self-perceptions of aging should also address wider beliefs about older people in general. As illustrated in the below discussion of
“
Practical
Implications of AoA for Global Population Aging,
”
AoA processes are likely to also be implicated in many aging related applications of policies or programs that do not explicitly target views about aging.

 future self-views relationships are accounted for by age stereotypes should be
154
Understanding how much of the contact

future self-views and cultural context instrumental in a variety of applications. Practically, this information contributes to an understanding of when, and potentially how, the lifespan process of stereotype internalization can be impacted for young adults. If much of the variability in future selfviews is accounted for by age stereotype positivity during this developmental period, targeting negative age stereotypes in interventions would potentially be an efficacious strategy. This could involve interventions or programs earlier in life relevant to the internalization processes affecting stereotypes or, alternatively, societal level considerations of culturally shared notions about aging including programs designed to raise awareness of ageism. On the other hand, if certain populations are identified in which age stereotypes have less powerful role in shaping future self-views, efforts to directly bolster or protect future self-views by targeting possible selves may be more effective. The current study did not provide evidence that any of the groups under study would specifically benefit from this latter approach. Targeting negative age stereotypes with similar educational programs across cultural settings and gender may be appropriate.
However, given the likelihood that both internalization and externalization processes operate simultaneously over time to explain observed relationships between stereotypes and self-perceptions, targeting both AoA constructs in such interventions is not unreasonable. Self-view oriented approaches would involve a personalized and context specific method of critiquing, modifying, elaborating, or developing one’s selfknowledge around aging and individual expectations for themselves in the future. More

155 longitudinal research will be needed to understand the relative strength of internalization processes in contrast to externalization in cross-cultural context.
The current dissertation study focused on understanding moderated mediation processes with respect to perceptions of aging in the social domain only. It would be expected that evidence of similar processes maintains across life domains. Studies such as Kornadt and Rothermund (2012) have provided domain specific analyses that support this degree of generalization across contexts of family, health, friends, employment, and spirituality. It remains a possibility that cultural context moderates stereotype internalization in different domains. Following the results of the current study, I would expect the intersection of gender and cultural context and the meaning of this intersection for social roles to guide future research hypothesis. Relevance of a domain to the self, the social role one occupies, and the stereotype of that social role should matter for the positivity of AoA in that domain. For instance, the domains of finance and work are associated with traditional male gender roles and self-views among men may be seen more positively in this domain (Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012), whereas the same may be expected of women in socially-relevant domains because older women tend to be evaluated more positively in these domains (e.g., Canetto et al., 1995).
OPS Scale Results and Recommendations
The analyses addressing the substantive hypotheses of the dissertation were qualified by, and interpreted in terms of, the characteristics of the measurement tool used to obtain future self-view and age stereotype ratings. The analyses establishing the psychometric properties of the Taiwanese-developed Older Person Scale (OPS) for crosscultural research addressed both linguistic and psychological forms of equivalence using

quantitative statistical procedures and open ended data from participants. Analysis of
156 open ended descriptors of age stereotypes and future self-views confirmed that the OPS domains represent most of the content of both constructs as expressed by American college students.
A small portion of open ended descriptors represented content domains that are not included in the OPS. These included stereotypes about places old people go, past events, activities, exemplars, food related descriptors, possessions, and sexuality. Food related descriptors and possessions might reasonably be subsumed under the general domain of activities because cooking, and many of the cited possessions (e.g., rocking chair, guns) also reference ways of spending time. Kornadt and Rothermund
’ s (2011) existing measure has a domain for leisure activities and would be better suited than the
OPS to measure this domain. Places were identified as another domain, and with respect to this, existing theory and measurement tools related to prescriptive stereotypes seem applicable for investigations seeking to measure this dimension of attitudes (i.e., what old people should do , where they should go; Terborg, 1977; Burgess & Borgida, 1999; North
& Fiske, 2012).
Another important observation related to the content of these
“other” domains is that they appeared to reference ideas that may be specifically American compared to the other domains. For example, almost all of the places referenced were in the United
States. Exemplars included specifically American pop icons such as Betty White and
Hugh Hefner. Past events were also culturally specific references to American involvement in World War II, Vietnam, and the Great Depression. Some activities such as owning an R.V. or guns are likely more prevalent in American culture. For this

157 reason, cross-cultural use of measures to tap these kinds of domains should ensure that the items representing the domains have relevance across cultural contexts.
Sexuality is the final domain identified that was not captured by the OPS and that would require analysis using a separate instrument. A review of the literature suggests that up to date existing measures of attitudes toward older adults in this domain are lacking, but currently efforts are being undertaken to develop a brief and up to date version of existing measurement tools for cross-cultural use in general populations of
English and Mandarin speakers (Allen, Ko & Hooker, 2015).
The quantitative analyses concluded that in both cultural settings the OPS scale has a four dimensional structure suited to measure domains of 1) appearance and physical ability, 2) psychological and cognitive ability, 3) interpersonal relationships and social engagement, and 4) employment and financial security. The OPS was successfully adapted for use in English and a revised 15-item and 17-item versions of the scale are recommended for measurement of age stereotypes and future self-views, respectively.
This 15-item version rather than the original 35- or 22- item versions, is also recommend for measurement of stereotypes in future cross-cultural research because only the revised version used here exhibits the partial scalar measurement equivalence adequate to support valid mean comparisons across groups.
Limitations of the 15- and 17- item scale revision include the two domains with only two items (physical, employment). These two domains include too few items to recommend them for use as a stand alone subscale in future applications. In addition, the intercepts of one of the two items on each of these domains was freed in the final measurement model, leading to insufficient psychometric support for using the physical

and employment subscales on their own apart from the rest of the items for domain
158 specific mean comparisons. The domains of psychological and cognitive functioning as well as interpersonal relationships and social engagement exhibited the strongest psychometric properties for use within or across the two cultural contexts and can be recommended for use in future applications as domain specific subscales.
Limitations and Future Directions
The current study is not without limitations. These are discussed with respect to the content analyses of the open ended descriptors as well as more general considerations.
Important limitations were associated with the methodology for collecting and analyzing the open ended descriptors of age stereotypes and future self-views. Specifically, interpretation of the meaning of the open ended descriptors was limited in that focus groups were not conducted to understand in depth meaning of students’ responses
. In cases where ambiguity arose, raters had no additional qualitative data to draw on to inform their categorization of each descriptor as relevant to the OPS dimensions. For example, certain items such as “old”, “slow”, or “able” were inherently ambiguous as a result of possible relevance to several or all four of the domains and it was not possible to determine in what sense participants intended their response to be interpreted. In these cases, raters erred on the side of inclusion by categorizing such descriptors as relevant to all of the possible domains.
In addition, the English translation of the OPS domains was used as a basis for coding for relevance of English open ended descriptors to the Taiwanese-developed four content domains. The quality of the initial translation of the content domains thus impacted the accuracy of the subsequent coding of each descriptor’s relevance to those domains.

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Elaborated coding instructions used by the raters were based on brief interpretations of the titles of each of the four content domains. Mapping these titles on to the most equivalent English concepts available could have contributed to error in the relevance ratings of the descriptors, and to inaccuracy of how each domain was conceptualized in
English. Accepting the possibility of this error was considered reasonable based on the importance of the content analysis for addressing an assumption inherent to the central research questions of the dissertation. The content analysis served as an additional check on the assumption that content of the OPS was relevant for American college students in addition to Taiwanese.
Although the methodology used was quantitative, some of the new questions raised by the results of this dissertation warrant qualitative follow up investigation: Are ambivalent attitudes about older people considered ageist in a cultural context of filial piety? How do college educated young adult women perceive the traditional caretaker role today in Taiwan? How do filial piety v alues in Taiwan influence young people’s views of older people (and do negative or ambivalent views toward older adults represent the notion that filial obligation is “backfiring”)
? How do individualist values in the U.S. influence young people’s understanding of ageism
? How do experiences with kin and nonkin elders influence young people’s future self
-views? What is the nature of individualism-based elder respect?
Other more general considerations also constituted limitations and point to future directions for research.
I couched the expected relationship of age stereotypes and future self
views in terms of internalization rather than externalization. However, longitudinal assessment of these factors over time is required to differentiate the two processes.

160
Results did not disentangled the direction of this hypothesized relationship because the data were cross sectional, but I made the case in the literature review that an adequate body of theory and limited evidence predicts that internalization should be the stronger direction of influence. This should be an especially convincing argument when evaluating AoA constructs among young adults because externalization of one’s own aging experience is not a plausible expectation for a younger adult age group. One’s own experience of aging should only be projected onto views of typical older people in later adulthood, whereas age stereotypes are known to become internalized across the lifespan
(Kornadt & Rothermund, 2012). Importantly, what has been referred to as internalization is a cross sectional association and is not to be interpreted as the untested possibility that age stereotype become assimilated into future self-views over time. Related to this, it is acknowledged that contrast and assimilation processes are not mutually exclusive and that even if internalization describes an important portion of the relationship between stereotypes and self-views, it is possible that contrast effects occur simultaneously or are induced in certain situations, and that they also characterize the dynamic observed between the two AoA constructs.
Other limitations are related to the measures and the sample. Although the importance of contact quality in addition to frequency has been noted in the literature, no measure of satisfaction or quality of contact was available in this study. In addition, although interdependent self
construals were discussed as one reason to expect cultural context to moderate internalization, no direct measure of self
construal was available so it was necessary to assume that the Taiwan and the U.S. contexts exhibited this expected pattern of self
construals in participants. Finally, t he convenience samples were not

nationally representative, which must be considered in the interpretation of results.
161
Samples were obtained from universities in an urban setting in Taiwan and a much smaller city in the U.S. Despite this difference, the respective size of the universities was comparable and a similar variety of college majors were represented in each sample. The samples were comparable in these respects.
With respect to the characterization of cultural context in this study, d etailed measures of cultural variation within each country were unavailable and it was assumed that each participant within the U.S. and Taiwan samples had lived in that context long enough to be considered culturally American or Taiwanese. In addition, in general, socioeconomic status of participants should be expected to have important implications for the experience of the intersection of cultural context and gender, however, measures of this feature of context were unavailable. Socioeconomic status could influence one’s views of old age based on the expected resources to treat or accommodate age related decline. University level data relevant to this were not able to be attained for inclusion in the statistical models, however, parent education was assessed as one facet of socioeconomic status.
Also, contact frequency and gender were defined dichotomously. The aim of this study was to understand the indirect effects associated with having at least regular contact with older people, but future research should devote statistical models to understanding cross-cultural differences in the effects of gradations of regular contact, including regular versus daily interactions. It is possible that a dose-response relationship exists between contact and age stereotypes, or that daily interactions as a result of intergenerational living arrangements result in qualitatively different experiences of older people. Despite

the dichotomous conceptualization of contact frequency, and the associated loss of variance, a significant and meaningful relationship to AoA constructs was detected,
162 which speaks to the strength of this association. Another consideration is that my previous discussion of this finding invoked knowledge of older people as an explanation of the effect of contact frequency, but this explanation was not directly tested. There is some evidence (Boswell, 2012) that knowledge of aging, rather than contact experiences, predicts reduced ageism among college students. Further studies could address the independent contribution of these factors, in addition to the quality of contact for effects on stereotypes and self-views (e.g., Bousfield & Hutchison, 2010). Future research addressing contact should also tap the macro level forces theorized to characterize age segregation. For instance, assessing whether limited contact with non-kin elders is directly influenced by institutions could be helpful in this regard (e.g., Are intergenerational civic spaces publically sponsored in one’s community?
Is there an enforced retirement age in one’s workplace?
Is senior housing geographically segregated?).
Considerations with respect to gender include that the study design did not disentangle the sex of the attitude target from the sex of the rater. A comprehensive understanding of a basic role of gender (even when defined as sex, as in this study) in cross-cultural ageism requires differentiation of variation in the perceptions of older men and women from variation that is due to differential perceptions held by men and women raters in general (Kornadt & Rothermund, 2013, p. 337). Furthermore, t he hypothesis
(hypothesis 5) about the moderating influence of age integration was not tested, leaving this question open to future investigation. As a final concern, without measures of filial

piety, collectivism, individualism, interdependent self-construals or societal industrialization, it is not possible to further examine the roles of these factors in the
163 outcomes, or more confidently attribute these factors as explanations for the results.
Evidence of less positivity in Taiwan in the social and psychological domains suggested support for the effects of simultaneous industrialization and population aging in Taiwan, however, this theory cannot explain the opposite results for the results of the physical and employment domains. If economic strain in the modern economy is invoked as a potential predictor of resentment toward filial obligation in Taiwan, attitudes about older people with respect to financial issues should be more negative than in the U.S., not more positive as they were seen to be. However, despite the need to interpret these domains with caution, some support for this possibility may be found in the observation that individual item scores for the two employment/financial items were below the scale midpoint, suggesting negative stereotypes in this domain.
A notable strength of the study is the quality of invariance testing. The sample size of college students enabled more than adequate testing of cross
cultural measurement invariance. Numerous studies conducting cross
cultural comparisons of stereotypes do not report scale development analyses or establish evidence of cross
cultural measurement invariance (e.g., Luo et al., 2013) even though rather strict assumptions of invariance are required to make the statistical inference of mean differences between groups (Geldhof & Stawski, in press). This level of methodological rigor is needed to bring an additional level of reliability and clarity to the cross
cultural ageism literature, and the results of this dissertation are expected to contribute in this respect. Another potential strength is related to the OPS, which is the first measurement

164 of attitudes toward older adults developed in a Chinese context. Few, if any, studies in this literature adapted measurement instruments developed in other languages for use in
English among American samples. As a result it may currently be relatively unknown whether this methodological bias affects the results of cross
cultural comparisons.
Continued use of the English adaptation of the OPS may help illuminate the issue.
Implications for Awareness of Aging and Lifespan Developmental Processes
Part of the justification for this work is that the positivity of AoA in early adulthood can substantially broaden or constrain developmental opportunity during the transition to adulthood and throughout adult development. Use of the AoA model as a guiding framework encourages use of developmental metatheory for the interpretation of potential consequences of AoA positivity in early adulthood. Important transitions and developmental tasks that may be affected during this period include the transition to work and the maintenance of parent-child relationships. With respect to self-regulation in the context of family relationships, negative AoA in the social domain could bear negatively on the trajectory of adult child relationships as adult children progress through adulthood and parents age. Children and parents work as dyads to regulate their relationship in a fashion consistent with the available cognitive representations of the relationship. These cognitive representations of relationships with aging parents can be shaped by past experiences as well as expectations for behavior based in stereotypes from a given domain (Laursen & Collins, 2009). Parent-child relationship quality and satisfaction may be diminished if adult children rely on negative AoA constructs to inform their strategies for regulation within the relationship. For example, low expectations for communication ability on behalf of the child may lead to over accommodation and mutually diminished

relationship satisfaction (Lin, Harwood & Hummer, 2008). It would be expected that
165 cultural differences in filial piety beliefs or collectivism modulate this effect since filial beliefs should point to more scripted strategies for regulating hierarchical relationships.
In another sense, reliance of aging parents on filial obligation may be less adaptive in the face of age related loss to the extent that it unnecessarily impedes one’s active control over the planning and execution of steps toward a good life in old age (Diehl et al., 2014).
At the same time that these family relationships unfold, the early adult years are an important period in which transitions in the domain of work contribute to the advantage or disadvantage accumulated over the life course (Settersten, 2007). If the positivity of AoA is linked to frequency of contact with elders, this could have consequences for young adults entering the workforce and embarking on a path of career development. Those who have positive perceptions of aging would be likely to experience broadened opportunity because they are generally more likely in interact with older people (e.g., Bousfeld & Hutchinson, 2010), more likely to hire or work with older workers (Lee et al., 2007; Lu, Kao & Hseih, 2011), and more likely to gain valuable social capital as a result of having more nonkin older, experienced professionals in one’s social network (Grannovetter, 1973; Settersten, 2007). Because career development is a social and interactive process, older adults, as a professional resource, would be relevant to exploring career options, making career related decisions, setting personal career goals, and calibrating self-efficacy beliefs as well as outcome expectancies (Staff et al., 2009).
Indeed, given population aging and the expectation of increased age diversity in the workforce in many nations, intergenerational communication is likely to constitute a social skill of increasing value to young professionals.

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Negative AoA in early adulthood, on the other hand, not only has the potential to mitigate the advantages to oneself enumerated above, but it also has the potential to contribute toward age discrimination if older people are excluded from (or in) the workplace. Experiencing or participating in such practices can in turn contribute to limited perceived prospects for one’s possible selves in the social and/or professional realms later in adulthood. This could lead to downgraded expectations and self limitation in one’s personal strivings, day to day projects and tasks, and other lower order personal goals that motivate the activities of daily life (Allen & Hooker, 2014). For instance, as a result of employment in the age homogeneous tech industry an individual would be likely to use this past experience and the context of this industry as a basis for imagining his hoped for self in later adulthood. If he expects to plan for early retirement, none of the smaller day to day goals or projects he undertakes in the service of making that possible self a reality are likely to be aimed at continued professional development. He may retire or leave the profession prematurely or earlier than necessary.
Future self-perceptions remain malleable throughout adult development (Frazier
& Hooker, 2006), however, this malleability also has limits (Markus & Nurius, 1986) and the above example illustrates how positivity of AoA could, in part, define theses limits.
Negative AoA can impose unnecessary limitations. Longitudinal studies using the AoA model in combination with theory focused on personality action constructs, the actionoriented facets of personality (Hooker & McAdams, 2003), would better our understanding of the manner in which AoA impacts outcomes via goal oriented selfregulation.

In general, exploring cultural context as a source of variation in the impact of
167 ageism on self-regulation strategies appears to be a fruitful area for future work. Further linking age stereotypes and self-views to other related AoA constructs such as awareness of age related change, subjective age, and age identity will also be a useful means of better defining the internalization processes affecting individuals. Such empirical attention would foster more theoretical specificity about the complex dynamics underlying the general lifespan process of internalization described in stereotype embodiment theory. Beyond affecting individual trajectories of development in adulthood, AoA processes also have larger scale implications for societies in the context of global population aging.
Practical Implications of Awareness of Aging for Global Population Aging
East-West distinctions in views toward aging derive from the variation in modern cultural realities characterizing these contexts (North & Fiske, 2015). Cultural images of aging are being shaped within nations by the response to global population aging. The
AoA model suggests that social policies relevant to aging are a part of the cultural influence on AoA that can shape long term development across adulthood. It is the combination of subjective
AoA with objective age related events that causes individuals’ own AoA to motivate and direct development throughout adulthood. In the same way that feedback from others constitutes an important source of AoA, so too could social policy premised on chronological age inform one’s expectations for herself in later life.
In this way, policies or institutions addressing population aging and promoting optimal aging also have the opportunity to reflect a foundation in positive AoA via the attitudes and role expectations expressed with respect to older members of society. Creative,

168 efficacious, and efficient solutions to the challenges of population aging may be arrived at more readily when approached through a lens of positive AoA, since only from this perspective does the full range of late life developmental opportunity become apparent as a resource to promote optimal aging on a large scale.
The unprecedented aging of societies is a demographic trend posing both challenges and opportunities, and attention to these social and economic challenges is increasingly driving policy. Notably in Taiwan, and other East Asian nations such as
Japan, the so called “silver market” or large number o f older consumers is creating novel economic business opportunity while also empowering older adults by placing them in a position to continue to demand quality goods and services (Cheng, Phillips & Chan,
2009). On the other hand, the societies in this region are also experiencing challenges in supporting the well-being of older people, as evinced by the alarming rate of elder suicide in Taiwan that could possibly be associated with population aging (LaFraniere, 2011). In more recently industrialized countries such as Taiwan, there are accentuated consequences for vulnerability due to the gender gap in the aged, as older women are less likely to be married and have less assistance, less financial resources and less likely to have a pension, and more likely to live alone than men (Cheng et al., 2009; p. 48).
In the U.S., aging cohorts of baby boomers are expected to contribute to a cultural reconceptualization of the accepted norms of older adult roles, lifestyle, and preferences, which may be a real entry point for the more widespread promotion of positive images of aging. At the same time, the U.S. is contending with challenges to retirement security
(Williamson, 2011) and experiencing rising medical costs that increase the expectation for individuals to take responsibility for their own aging (Moon, 2011) even despite

169 health disparities among older adults based on race and socioeconomic status (Jackson,
Govia & Sellers, 2011). The restructuring of services and policies aims to address concerns around healthcare costs, funding of entitlement programs, baby boomers’ desire to age in place, extended retirement age and continued participation of older people in the workforce, identifying viable models of long term care, reducing elder abuse and social isolation of older people, and enhancing the age friendliness of the built environment.
Successful accommodation of aging populations will likely require leveraging of the opportunities associated with an older society to help address the challenges.
Awareness of aging processes are relevant for maximizing these opportunities because AoA processes shape the long term health and well-being outcomes that are also the target of social policies. Awareness of aging processes could contribute to the realization of the advantages inherent to an older population because AoA is a psychological factor that guides, motivates, and directs individuals’ future development until the end of life. Given the association of AoA constructs such as self-perceptions of aging and age stereotypes to long term health outcomes, positive AoA should be a factor contributing to the number of healthy and high quality years one experiences within one’s overall lifespan. With respect to healthcare costs, it has been documented that increased spending associated with an aging population is disability-related, rather than explicitly age related (World Health Organization, 2002). Many disability causing noncommunicable diseases of later life (e.g., cardiovascular disease, dementia) may be prevented or postponed through AoA-related practices of active aging, protective health behavior and lifestyle choices that minimize cumulative risk across the lifespan. The potential impact is substantial, as it has been estimated that in the U.S. prevention-based

170 declines in disability could reduce medical spending by approximately 20 percent over the next 50 years (Cutler, 2001). In addition, large increases in the prevalence of dementia are anticipated in the U.S. and worldwide (Wortmann, 2012). Currently, almost half of the dementia population is concentrated in Asia and recently 45% of new cases were in this region (Cheng et al., 2009, pg. 45;
Alzheimer’s Disease International
, 2015).
The economic, public health, and quality of life benefits of delaying the onset of dementia by even 5 years via preventive measures are substantial (Cheng et al., 2009).
Related to this, across nations, but in the Asia-Pacific region in particular, cost saving models of community based health services oriented around prevention are increasingly being implemented. This requires increases in care services as well as greater numbers and quality of partnerships between clinicians, caregivers, researchers, policy makers, and individuals with dementia or other conditions. Education around destigmatization of aging and dementia in particular is needed. The success of these collaborations and partnerships depend on assumptions about aging based in overall
AoA, and the integration of older people in these communities to promote an understanding of the contribution and needs of older people.
There are examples of existing programs that address these needs. These policies reflect as well as promote positive AoA, and there is ample untapped opportunity for researchers to bring explicit attention to the role of AoA in the se programs’
efficacy. For instance, large scale initiatives on the part of the World Health Organization have forwarded a policy framework promoting active aging, defined as “ the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age
”
(World Health Organization, 2002, p. 12). The framework

171 reinforces the importance of older peoples’ social roles, thus promoting engagement that also contributes to health. Creation of intentional, intergenerational housing is a more specific example of one way active aging may be facilitated, and spaces restructured to promote engagement of older people, increase volunteer opportunities, decrease age segregation, and increase likelihood of aging in place and maintaining access to community-based resources longer. Age friendly city planning initiatives also facilitate these aims through inclusive design that improves older peoples’ access to public spaces, amenities, transportation services, and housing (World Health Organization, 2007). The results of the current dissertation suggest that multiple AoA constructs may be positively influenced among people who have opportunities for regular intergenerational contact.
Our existing knowledge of this dynamic supports the idea that this contact not only contributes to young peoples
’ positive trajectory for self
-views across the lifespan, but also directly engages older adults (Glass, DeLeon, Bassuk, et al., 2006; Gottlieb &
Gillespie, 2008).
Social inclusion of older adults can maintain or promote positive AoA, and specifically self-views and possible selves, later in life.
Awareness of one’s own aging bears on personal goal achievement and adaptation to loss across life domains. For instance, positive AoA can affect generative behavior, which is a factor motivating and contributing to the benefits of intergenerational socialization (Diehl et al., 2014).
Opportunities to volunteer afforded by intergenerational spaces create opportunities to enact the adaptive strategy of compensation, for instance, if one has transitioned out of a prior social role and adopts a new role. On the other hand, without access to opportunities for meaningful engagement, older people are at greater risk for disuse

related physical disability, and diminished psychological well-being (World Health
172
Organization, 2002). Policies intentionally or unintentionally reinforcing age segregation in an institutional, cultural, or spatial fashion, instate unnecessarily limited constraints on developmental opportunity, and thus, negative AoA. This increases risk of incompetence through disuse, inactivity, or lack of engagement, which together can compound negative outcomes related to aging across domains. It has already been suggested that AoA be measured in the context of clinical programs because of its relevance for public health and medical outcomes (Diehl et al., 2014). Given that policies enumerated in this discussion stand to both reflect and shape AoA, it should be appropriate to track AoA within populations as a metric for the success of programs intended to optimize outcomes for older adults.
This incorporation of AoA should be especially relevant because AoA is a higher order construct theorized as integral to a number of constructs in the psychology of aging.
As a result, it should underlie or have relevance for a great variety of aging related programs, policies, or education related efforts. Importantly, as the discussion above demonstrates, these policies or programs need not be explicitly targeted at AoA to have the potential to affect AoA and related processes. However, other programs that do explicitly target AoA constructs across the lifespan (e.g., stereotypes, possible selves) also stand to contribute to some of these social and economic issues by making visible many of the under recognized contributions of older people, thus reinforcing opportunities for productivity in older age. For example, this may include increased recognition of the indirect income generation such as family care and, especially in East
Asian societies, providing supports that enable adult children to work (Cheng, Phillips,

Chan, 2009). It also includes recognition of direct income generation as increasing
173 numbers of healthy older people extend their participation in the work force (via full or part-time employment), and as a result also increase their support to public revenues (p.
18). This is just one example of how increased attention, and education can mitigate negative stereotypes (i.e., in this case the negative stereotype that older people are a burden to society).
With respect to the interface of research and policy for social gerontology at the international level, the incorporation of cultural factors in understanding AoA processes is of special importance for applications and programs. This is because a primary goal of globalized gerontology is to better inform the judicious borrowing of solutions to the challenges of population aging cross-culturally and internationally (Perkinson, 2012).
Currently, social gerontology degree programs and research centers are concentrated in
North America and Europe, and, as a result, knowledge and skill resources are more likely to be exported to various cultural contexts (p. 146). Less developed countries, especially, rely on NGO’s
and their application of such resources, since the provisions of
NGO
’ s become more important if government efforts are insufficient. Continued research using the AoA framework that explicitly incorporates cultural context as an influence on AoA processes can help inform this judicial borrowing and application of programs internationally.
In sum, the broad view of the modern context of aging suggests that ageism is, in part, contingent on differential policy solutions across nations that address the unique conditions under which people age, and the rate of aging in each region. Within each context, views of self developed over a lifetime in combination with objective

experiences of aging shaped by the environment and feedback others are expected to
174 contribute long term outcomes of aging via AoA. In a potentially powerful way, responses on the part of various actors, individuals, and agencies addressing population aging and increased longevity can have implications for the identity, self-understanding, personal goals, and health of older persons. The outcomes of population aging and the ability of individuals and societies to make the best of the additional years of life people now experience may depend in no small part on how we develop our AoA.

175
CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION
Given the threats to optimal human development posed by ageism in the context of global population aging, the research questions of this dissertation have addressed the development of AoA across two cultural contexts. I examined how East-West cultural contexts, individual level developmental influences based on personal experiences with older people, and participant gender may contribute to ageism in the form of negative age stereotypes and future self-views during early adulthood among college students from the
U.S. and Taiwan. Stereotype internalization was also analyzed as an outcome defined as the strength of association between two AoA constructs, the positivity of age stereotype and future self-views. The Older Person Scale (Lu & Kao, 2009), an existing measurement instrument, was adapted for use with future self-views as an attitude target, and for use in English. Age stereotypes were identified as a mediator of the effect of contact frequency and cultural context on the positivity of future self-views in the social domain. At least partial support was garnered for each of the four study hypotheses that were tested.
Consistent with recent evidence and updated predictions based in modernization theory, Taiwanese college students reported less positive age stereotypes and future selfviews than American college students in the social domain. Because Taiwanese students’ age stereotypes in this domain were slightly or moderately positive, this was taken into account in the interpretation of the views toward older people as less positive and more ambivalent compared to those expressed in the U.S. This result also suggested that ageism in Taiwan may be less extreme than in other East Asian contexts. It is possible that the intergenerational warmth as opposed to more strict authoritarianism endorsed by

the filial values unique to Taiwan were a factor differentiating Taiwan in this respect.
176
Although the social domain was the focus of the current investigation, results were also explored for the other three domains. Unexpectedly, less positive age stereotypes and future self-views among American participants compared to Taiwanese in the physical and employment domains suggest that cross-cultural differences in these AoA constructs are domain specific. The results of the psychological domain mirrored the results of the social domain in that Taiwanese attitudes were found to be less positive. Theories addressing this kind of domain specificity are lacking, yet will be necessary to adequately account for the complexity of observed variation across contexts.
In support of the predictions based in social psychology (e.g., Allport, 1954) and sociological theory of age segregation (e.g., Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2005), regular contact with older adults was linked to more positive future self-views in the social domain across cultural context and gender, and a significant portion of this association was explained by age stereotype positivity. The importance of age stereotypes in accounting for this relationship did not vary by culture group or gender, suggesting the potential generalizability of stereotype internalization processes across gender and the two cultural contexts. However, further cross-cultural study using longitudinal data will be necessary to fully support this possibility given the cross sectional nature of the current study. In support of the predictions based on social dominence theory (Sidanius
& Pratto, 1993, 1999) and system justification theory (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Jost & Kay,
2005), females reported more positive age stereotypes and future self-views in the social domain. Unexpectedly, high positivity of future self ratings among American women accounted for the strength of the effect of gender on future self-views being larger among

177
American participants. It is possible that relative social acceptability of self-enhancement in an individualist context combined with gender-based self-enhancement bias among
American women account for this.
This dissertation provided the first known examination of cultural context as a moderator of stereotype internalization into self-views. In support of the expectation of stronger internalization among those groups theorized to have interdependent selfconstruals (Taiwanese students and American women), Taiwanese and American women were found to have the strongest internalization. However, against the hypothesis
American men exhibited equally strong internalization. Only Taiwanese men stood apart as having a substantially weaker association between age stereotypes and future selfviews in the social domain. Despite the limitation that interdependence of self-construals was not directly assessed, this lends little support for the notion that it is a relevant dimension for explaining variability in internalization. It is possible that Taiwanese men dissociated their future self-views from age stereotypes in the positivity ratings because their ratings of age stereotypes were the lowest.
The results are of importance because contextual and developmental factors explaining ageism also have the potential to shape trajectories of aging throughout the lifespan by impacting overall awareness of aging early in adulthood. Awareness of aging in the social domain should have implications for the self-regulation strategies young adults employ as they negotiate life transitions, especially those associated with interpersonal relationships and family as well as career development. Positive awareness of aging was discussed as a source of broadened opportunity with respect to these developmental tasks. By examining a future oriented perspective on aging related self-

178 perceptions, this dissertation study has supported the notion from stereotype embodiment theory that internalization of age stereotypes is a lifespan process. Age stereotypes may take on self-relevance with age, but this study has reinforced the notion that age stereotypes are already relevant to self-views early in adulthood.
Finally, the results have spoken to the appropriateness of tailoring ageism-focused programs, policies, trainings or educational efforts to the individual or the cultural context. The documented consistency of mediation processes in Taiwan and the U.S. suggest generalizability of the role of age stereotypes as a mediator of intergenerational contact effects cross-culturally. Interventions or educational efforts promoting positive age stereotypes, especially via increased intergenerational interaction and decreased age segregation, would be expected to impact age stereotypes as well as expectations for one’s own aging cross-culturally. This should be taken as evidence in support of the viability of one of the basic aims of globalized gerontology, which is to borrow international solutions to the social and economic challenges posed by aging populations.

179
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APPENDICES
198

199
Appendix A: Survey Materials from the Cross-cultural Perceptions of Aging Study with Taiwanese and American College Student Participants
Background Questions (English):
IF YOU HAVE ALREADY COMPLETED THIS SURVEY, LEAVE IT BLANK AND
DO NOT COMPLETE IT AGAIN.
1.
What is your age? ____________
2.
What is your sex? (please circle) male female
3.
What language(s) do you speak? (multiple choice)
English Mandarin Other: ______________
4.
What is your college major? (multiple choice)
Human Development and Family Science Undecided Other:
______________
5.
With which subject is your major most closely associated? (multiple choice)
Natural science (e.g., chemistry, physics, biology)
Social science (e.g., psychology, family studies, education)
Business/Management
Liberal arts (e.g., language, writing, art)
6.
Have you taken coursework related to aging studies? (please circle) yes no
7.
If yes, how many months has it been since your most recent aging-related class ended? ______________
8.
What is your frequency of contact with elders (65 years of age and older) (e.g., phone call, visit in person, write letter or email)? (please circle)
Daily
3-5 times per week
1-3 times per week
1-3 times per month
3-10 times per year
Less than 3 times per year

200
9.
When you are in contact with elders, are they typically family members (e.g., grandparents)? (please circle)
Yes
No
I am typically in contact with elders that are related to me and others that are not
10.
Have you ever worked in long term care facility or other job that involved close contact with elders? (please circle)
Yes (where: _________)
No
11.
What is the highest level of education obtained by any of your parents? (please circle)
Some high school
High school degree
Some college
Undergraduate degree
Some graduate school
Graduate or professional degree
Open Ended Questions about Aging (English):
13. What are the first five words or descriptions that come to mind when thinking of somebody over 65 years of age ?
1.______________
2.______________
3.______________
4.______________
5.______________
14. What are the first five words or descriptions that come to mind when thinking of your future self when you are over 65 years of age ?
1.______________
2.______________
3.______________
4.______________
5.______________

201
Attitudes about Older Adults Questionnaire (English version of the OPS):
This section is to understand your impression and opinions about regular adults aged 65 and older as well as your future self when you are 65 or older . Please select one of the seven numbers after each item.
1= strongly disagree 7= strongly agree
I. In terms of appearance and physical abilities , overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
AS1 Stronger with age
AS2 Healthy
AS3 Not likable
AS4 Frail with lots of illness
AS5 Less energetic
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
5
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
6
7
7
7
7
7

202
Imagine your future self when you are 65 years of age or older. In terms of appearance and physical abilities y ou are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
FS1 Stronger with age
FS2 Healthy
1
1
1
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
4
4
5
5
5
6
6
6
7
7
7
FS3 Not likable
FS4 Frail with lots of illness
FS5 Less energetic
1
1
2
2
3
3
4
4
5
5
6
6
7
7

II. In terms of psychological and cognitive abilities, overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are…
Neither
Item no.
Strongly disagree disagree or agree
Strongly agree
AS6 Even-tempered
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
AS7 Responsible
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
AS8 Compassionate
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
AS9 Happy
AS10
Able to solve problems
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
AS11 Dedicated
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
AS12 Open-minded
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
203
AS13 Pessimistic and gloomy
AS14 Hard to communicate with
AS15 Self-critical and self-pitying
1
1
1
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
4
4
5
5
5
6
6
6
7
7
7

204
Imagine your future self when you are 65 years of age or older. In terms of psychological and cognitive abilities you are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
FS6 Even-tempered
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
FS7 Responsible
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
FS8 Compassionate
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
FS9 Happy
FS10
FS11
Able to solve problems
Dedicated
1
1
2
2
3
3
4
4
5
5
6
6
7
7
FS12 Open-minded
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
FS13 Pessimistic and gloomy
FS14 Hard to communicate with
FS15 Self-critical and self-pitying
1
1
1
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
4
4
5
5
5
6
6
6
7
7
7

205
III. In terms of interpersonal relationships and social engagement, overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
1 2 3
Neither disagree or agree
4 5 6
Strongly agree
7 AS16 Obliging and accommodating
AS17 Easy to get along with
AS18 Contributing to society
AS19 Able to teach younger generations
AS20 Good consultants
AS21 Actively engaged in community services
AS22 Authoritarian
AS23 A burden for family or society
AS24 Nagging
AS25 Hard to get along with
AS26 Disconnected from society
AS27 Taking advantage of being old
AS28 Lacking social skills
AS29 Obsessed with fame and fortune
AS30 Selfish
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7

206
Imagine your future self when you are 65 years of age or older. In terms of interpersonal relationships and social engagement y ou are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
FS16 Obliging and accommodating
FS17 Easy to get along with
FS18 Contributing to society
FS19 Able to teach younger generations
FS20 A good consultant
FS21 Actively engaged in community services
FS22 Authoritarian
FS23 A burden for family or society
FS24 Nagging
FS25 Hard to get along with
FS26 Disconnected from society
FS27 Taking advantage of being old
FS28 Lacking social skills
FS29 Obsessed with fame and fortune
FS30 Selfish
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7

207
IV. In terms of employment and financial security, overall, I think adults aged 65 and older are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
AS31
AS32
Having no worries about living expenses
Able do whatever they wish to do
1
1
2
2
3
3
4
4
5
5
6
6
7
7
AS33
In poverty and distress
AS34 Stingy
AS35
Inefficient at work
1
1
1
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
4
4
5
5
5
6
6
6
7
7
7

208
Imagine your future self when you are 65 years of age or older. In terms of employment and financial security y ou are…
Item no.
Strongly disagree
Neither disagree or agree
Strongly agree
FS31
FS32
Having no worries about living expenses
Able do whatever you wish to do
1
1
2
2
3
3
4
4
5
5
6
6
7
7
FS33
In poverty and distress
FS34 Stingy
FS35
Inefficient at work
1
1
1
2
2
2
3
3
3
4
4
4
5
5
5
6
6
6
7
7
7

209
Appendix B: Full Summary of Open Ended Descriptors
Table 21. Frequency that Each of 811 Words Used in Open Ended Descriptions were
Used to Describe Age Stereotypes (AS) and Future Self-views (FS) among American
Students.
Word AS FS Word old missing value wise slow experienced wrinkles retired grandparents wrinkly fragile gray/white hair kind elderly knowledgeable grey caring nice happy funny tired loving sweet grumpy cute white/gray hair story tellers smart weak grandma smelly respect grandpa
29
27 knowledge 27 health problems 26 lonely frail sick senior citizen family elder
24
24
26
26
25
25
65
65
59
57
134
127
97
80
429
386
375
154
148
137
32
32
30
29
38
38
35
33
45
44
43
40
54
51
46
45
31
24
73
1
14
13
6
10
56
43
59
11
31
43
30
176
11
8
11
5
0
11
0
13
57
1
30
22
15
36
183
49
70
18
282
614
203
61
102
59 older cranky wrinkled health friendly forgetful aging stubborn glasses intelligent slow moving talkative aged helpful respected dependent conservative senile bald mature quiet interesting disabled calm death generous traditional social security history
Medicare old fashioned relaxed educated small boring hard of hearing child/grandkids deaf mean dentures
AS FS Word
23 11 active
22 9 traveling
20 16 free time
19 17 sad
18 14 medication
18 5 unhealthy
17
17
6 cookies
5 gentle
16 11 help
15 11 overweight
15
14
2 rich
5 content
13 8 longevity
12 14 arthritis
11
11
11
11
12 12 teacher
12 7 cooking
12
11
1
7 dying bad eyesight
6
6
5
4 saggy needs help thoughtful care
10
10
10
10
11 1 confused
10 12 crippled
10
10
9
7 world wars healthy
4
3
2
2 married love money parents
10 1 at home
9 27 carefree
9 13 short
9 8 sleepy
9
9
5 slow paced
2 needy
8 82 life
8 6 understanding
8
8
3 dementia
2 rtrmnt home
Note: AS = Age stereotypes, FS = Future self-views. Words are ranked according to AS frequency.
AS FS
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
0
0
6 0
5 94
5 49
5 10
5
5
8
8
4
2
2
1
6
5
5
4
7 89
7 46
7 10
7 8
7
7
3
2
7
7
7
7
6 40
6 20
6 8
6 6
1
1
1
1
4
3
2
2
7
7
7
5
1
1

Table 21. Continued (page 2 of 7)
Word AS FS Word wheelchair bad driver close-minded handicapped rude accomplished crazy bored stable hard working patient immobile warm humble humorous inactive outdated peaceful smiling ancient brittle honest out of shape respectful seasoned white angry father senior discount 4 tech. deficient 4
AARP feeble
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4 judgmental set in ways fun lazy independent strong
3
3 family oriented 3 vacations 3
4
4
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
5
4
4
4
5
5
5
5
1
1
0
0
2
2
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
15
14
9
9
0
0
45
23
4
3
3
3
7
6
5
4
0
15
14
11
1
0
0
0
AS FS Word compassionate 3 5 soft spoken hopeful 3 5 valued worried adorable
3
3
5
4 well rounded awesome different views memories plays golf annoying
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
3 wealthy settled down satisfied responsible hospital illness memory loss cancer enjoying life in care home opinionated
Viagra
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3 with family
3 worldly
3 alive
2 fat
2 giving
3 2 hobbies
2
2 busy living advice givers changing cultured decrepit disconnected golden years medical care religious strict toothless wears perfume
Alzheimer's articulate assisted living degenerating impatient nurturing old school out of touch says ma’am/sir shaky short temper slow drivers slow learner
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
1
1
1 blind helpless scary
1 in nursing home
1 outgoing
1 bingo
1 cheerful
1 crotchety
1 delicate
1 distinguished
1 entertaining
0 less active
0 ornery
0 reminiscent
0 sassy
0 sedentary
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 silly useful uses a cane wears diapers active politics can't walk careful church
AS FS
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3 0
3 0
3
2
0
30
2
2
2
2
26
12
10
8
2
2
2
2
2 7
2 7
2
2
5
5
8
8
7
7
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
2
2
2
4
4
4
210

Table 21. Continued (page 3 of 7)
Word classy confident dependable dust exhausted eyesight financially stable gassy gross in old folks home influential listening
2
2
2
AS FS Word
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 mellow modest oblivious osteoporosis pale prune juice requires extra planning/prep role model sophisticated
1
1
1 little 2 loyal lucky memory methodical outspoken over the hill
2
2 physical decline 2 racist 2
2
2
2
2 sensitive skilled spunky sweaters using a walker 2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 stiff joints supportive unable wears elastic waistbands wears high- waisted pants dead successful scared has pets lively working fulfilled social comfortable home owner badass in pain veterans worn
2
2 assistance authority
2
2 battle-hardened 2 childlike 2 concerned considerate experiences frustrating hunchbacked impaired in Florida jolly loss
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0 broken involved young at heart bad joints established irritable sore weird grandparent learned loud ugly unattractive watching TV able
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
AS FS Word
2
2
2
2
2
2
0 cold
0 dedicated
0 funeral
0 heart disease
0 in Arizona
0 knitting
AS FS
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
0 nagging
0 napping
0 old timer
0 passionate
0 reserved
0 sarcastic
0 truthful
0 witty
26 admire
25 average
13 aware
12 baking
11 bright
11 candy
10 creaky
10 crusty
9 difficult
7 disease
6 driving
6 enjoys time go to bed
5 early
5 hairspray
5 hairy
4 helping
4 hoarder
4 laughing
4 lax
4 leader
3 less sex
3 loaded
3 lovely
3 majestic
3 moderate
3
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
211

212
Table 21. Continued (page 4 of 7)
Word mood negative not interested odd pensions plays domino pleasant polite professional proper repetitive revered saggy boobs self disciplined selfless sincere solid life strong willed surgery thankful time tiny tolerant trustworthy unhappy useless wake up early
1960's abandoned abstinence adoption affectionate anniversary antique at Christmas at the beach awkward baby boomer belligerent bent
AS
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
FS Word
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
Betty White biased blood pressure bluntness can't drive can't enjoy what they used to charming
1
1
1
1
1 clean comforting communication contributing correct curmudgeonly
1
1 damn good bowler 1 dandruff 1 delusional demanding desires understanding
1
1 determined dignified discriminated against
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 disgusting don't mind what people think droopy
1
1 eats oatmeal eats TV dinners elders(church) empowered finances flowers forgotten freckles
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 frugal fussy graceful
Great Depression great grandparents gullible
1
1
1
1
1
1 hag hard to understand
AS FS Word
0 has a Buick
0 has Cadillac’s
0 has character
0 health insurance
0 heart attack
1
1
0 hemorrhoids
0 hippies
0 homophobic
0 honor
0 hopeless
0 hospice
0 hypocritical
0 ignorant
0 in Chicago
0 in care facility
0 infertile
0 infirm
0 informative
0 informed
0 irrelevant
0 isolated
0 lame
0 less energy
0 less fun
0 licking lips
0 limping
0 listening to jazz
0 lives for each day
0 living well
0 loss
0 low testosterone
0 marginalized
0 middle-aged
0 mild mannered
0 miserable
0 misunderstanding
0 misunderstood
0 moth ball
0 motivated to keep society their way
0 mourning
AS FS
1 0
1 0
1
1
0
0
1 0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
1 0
1 0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

Table 21. Continued (page 5 of 7)
Word mysterious mystical neglected no sex noble nostalgic not funny off balance old fart passive pastels pictures playing cards precious time pushy put together quick raspy voices
1
1 receives money from government 1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 republican road rage round
R.V. salty selfish sentimental short-sighted slow talker 1 socially difficult 1 speechless strength
1
1 struggling superior taken advantage of
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 thin hair unaware unchangeable uncomfortable
Vietnam
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
AS FS Word
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
AS FS Word wears hat 1 0 big family wear Hawaii shirt 1 0 career wears jewelry 1 0 easy going wears old clothes wears warm
1 0 exciting financially clothes in summer well mannered wilted writing letters fit cool adventurous sexy
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0 secure
0 grateful
0 hilarious
0 in Hawaii
27 mobile
15 simple living
11 spoils grandkids
10 swag athletic energetic hot in shape has family/kids loved
0 9 tan
0 9 wild
0
0
9 wrinkly tattoos
9 afraid
0
0
7 alert
7 ballin'
0
0
0
0
0
0 open minded hip wife young youthful aches and pains alone sexually active stylish achieving goals chill good lookin' handsome mother reading self sufficient short hair walking accepting aged well attractive beautiful
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
7 depressing
6 drunk
6 engaged
6 engineer
6 enlightened
5 even tempered
5 excited
5 fearful
5 fishing
4 gardening
4 generativity
4 graduate
4 happily married
4 has cars
4 has Lambo
4 has sport scar
4 Hugh Hefner
4 in bed
3 in denial
3 in love
3 incontinent
3
AS FS
0 3
0 3
0 3
0 3
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 3
0 3
0
0
3
2
0
0
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
213

Table 21. Continued (page 6 of 7)
Word kids move out liberal not bald not regretful not wrinkly playful pretty
AS
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
FS
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
Word cigars coaching connected consumed cooperative cougar courageous
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 pullin' relatable rigorous secure spirited spontaneous spouse stingy talented uncertain upbeat well off
401k adaptable alcoholic along amazing anxious at peace babes back problems bad tattoos bearded best guy ever bifocals big hoss boss
Botox bouncy brilliant burden capable charismatic
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2 cozy deteriorating dictator disgruntled dislike distant dog lady doubtful durable dyed hair easy to talk to eats at buffets eats dried fruit eccentric energized enigmatic enthusiastic fashionable fast driver fatigued feisty fireman flirtatious flourishing frat freaking boss funky future
G-unit gamer gangster genuine glorious
AS FS Word
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 1 good teeth
0 1 great grandkids
0 1 grouchy
0
0
1
1 has Corvette has dreams
0
0
0
1
1
1 has guns has jet skis has Miami vacation house
0
0
0
0
1 has motorcycles
1 has nice car
1 has nice things
1 has orthopedics
0
0
1 home-maker
1 homely
0 1 hung over
0 1 hypertension
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 in California in forest in the Bahamas integrity interaction king ladies man less energetic likes kids listens to dub step comfortable life without regret long hair long love lost luxury mentally healthy moonshiner motivated nasty nerdy night owl ninja not boring
AS FS
0 1
0 1
0 1
0
0
1
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0 1
0 1
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
214

Table 21. Continued (page 7 of 7)
Word not excited
AS FS Word
0 1 shriveled not losing a step 0 not ugly 0 not white hair 0
1
1
1 silver silver fox skinny not young 0 1 sleeps less nutty organized paid paranoid participating pervert pink lipstick 0 play board games 0 positive post-family
0
0 proud rad raising kids with
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 high education reading books reclusive reflective regretful remembered by family 0 replacement parts 0 rickety 0
0
0
0
0
0 ripe rockin' rocking chair rock star rotting running run out of time savings
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 savvy self sustaining sharing sharp short life
0
0
0
0
0
0 shrinking
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 sloth slug smart ass smooth spicy spry stallion staying sharp still blazin' stoner stresses less stroke stupendous sunny surreal swoll tall
0
0
0
0
0 tech efficient teeth throbbing tough trippy trophy wife understandable unfiltered unpleasant unwilling uses scooter vibrant virtuoso vulnerable waits for death wants perfect wears bowling shirt 0 1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
215
AS FS Word AS FS
0 1 wears comfy clothes 0 1
0 1 wears fedoras 0 1
0 1 wears grandma clothes 0 1
0 1 wears high socks 0 1
0 1 0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1 wears Nike always wears shirt tucked in
1 with high pants
1 wears white Sketchers
1 weathered
1 whipper snapper
1 white beard
1 wholesome
0 1 widowed
0 1 wiry
0 1 young looking
0 1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0 1
0 1
0 1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

Appendix C: Correlation Matrices of All Variables
Table 22. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for 35 OPS Age Stereotype Items
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Age
2. Female
3. Frequency
4. Taiwan
5. OPS1(AS)
6. OPS2(AS)
1.00
-.12
-.08
.18
.09
.04
ns
1.00
.03
ns
-.05
ns
.03
.03
ns ns
1.00
-.12
.00
ns
.05
1.00
.43
.15
1.00
.56 1.00
7. OPS3(AS)
8. OPS4(AS)
9. OPS5(AS)
10. OPS6(AS)
11. OPS7(AS) -.07
12. OPS8(AS) -.07
**
13. OPS9(AS)
14. OPS10(AS)
15. OPS11(AS) -.07
16. OPS12(AS) -.01
ns
17. OPS13(AS) -.09
18. OPS14(AS) -.08
**
19. OPS15(AS)
20. OPS16(AS)
21. OPS17(AS)
22. OPS18(AS)
24. OPS20(AS) -.03
ns
.09
25. OPS21(AS) .06
*
26. OPS22(AS) -.04
ns
.06
.04
ns
-.01
ns
27. OPS23(AS)
-.13
-.02
ns
.12
.04
ns
-.00
ns
.06
.03
-.06
-.05
-.16
-.01
-.06
.01
ns
-.16
** ns
** ns
23. OPS19(AS) -.05
* ns
* ns
.06
-.03
.04
ns
.01
.04
.17 ns ns
.04
ns
.01
.04
.04
.05
.00
.05
.08 ns ns ns ns ns ns ns
.11
.07
.06
-.02
.08
.07
.11
.07
.10
.02
.06
.10
.07
.05
.12
.08
.08
.06
.01
ns
-.02
ns
-.06
.03
.22 ns
.10 ns ns
-.25
-.01
ns
-.06
.23
.22
.24 ns
-.20
-.09
-.17
-.17
-.40
.11
-.01
-.17
-.19
.14
-.11
.01
-.15
-.24 ns ns
.32
.27
.04
.07
.12
.09
-.0
.22
.13
.07
.22
.12
.19
.07
.11
.17
.06
.02
ns ns
-.03
ns ns
.12
.32
.27
.25
.15
.16
.25
.22
.17
.21
.19
.15
.11
.23
.20
.23
.15
.14
.19
.02
.13 ns
28. OPS24(AS)
29. OPS25(AS)
-.11
-.14
.08
.10
.12
.14
-.33
-.24
-.05
.01
ns
.08
.14
1.00
.34
.18
.12
.25
.26
.24
.26
.25
.05
ns
.28
.33
.31
.15
.32
.22
.28
.25
.10
.02
ns
.36
.36
.45
1.00
.54
.14
.14
.14
.22
.18
.16
.11
.34
.30
.31
.19
.22
.22
.13
.15
.09
.07
**
.27
.27
.29
.26
.23
.18
.17
.21
.12
.13
.15
1.00
.20
.05
.06
*
*
.17
.15
.08
**
.18
.30
.09
.17
.15
.21
30. OPS26(AS)
31. OPS27(AS)
32. OPS28(AS)
33. OPS29(AS)
-.10
-.14
-.09
-.19
.16
.16
.17
.21
.12
.06
.07
.10
-.15
-.16
-.16
-.35
34. OPS30(AS) -.16
35. OPS31(AS) .07
36. OPS32(AS) .05
**
**
37. OPS33(AS) .05
*
38. OPS34(AS) -.07
**
39. OPS35(AS) -.08
**
.16
-.05
-.08
.03
.08
.18 ns ns
.12
-.01
ns
-.04
.05
.02
.12 ns ns
-.25
.34
.43
-.07
.03
ns
-.20
M
SD
N
19.79
1.76
1570
.60
.49
1543
.71
.45
1520
.42
.49
1570
.08
.00
ns
.16
.09
.05
-.12
.14
.06
*
-.03
ns
.08
.29
.31
-.01
ns
.11
.08
3.38
1.43
.19
.17
.06
*
1568
.11
.18
3.74
1.18
1566
.34
.33
.36
.39
.37
-.12
-.15
.15
.26
.28
5.21
1.48
1555
.27
.20
.27
.20
.24
.04
ns
.06
*
.16
.18
.28
4.03
1.35
1558
.23
.16
.21
.05
.12
.14
.16
.09
.12
.19
3.70
1.44
1567
Note: All are significant at p < .001 except:
**
= p < .01,
*
= p < .05, ns
= p > .05. N =
1,570. Freq: 0 = Infrequent contact with elders defined as less than 1-3 times/mo., 1 =
Regular contact defined as equal to or more than 1-3 times/mo. For Female: 0 = Male and 1 = Female. For Taiwan: 0 = U.S. and 1 = TW. AS = Age stereotype.
216

Table 22. Continued (page 2 of 3)
Variable 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
11. OPS7(AS)
12. OPS8(AS)
13. OPS9(AS)
.44
.34
.32
14. OPS10(AS) .34
15. OPS11(AS) .17
16. OPS12(AS) .30
17. OPS13(AS) .21
18. OPS14(AS) .15
19. OPS15(AS) .16
20. OPS16(AS) .37
21. OPS17(AS) .29
22. OPS18(AS) .28
23. OPS19(AS) .26
24. OPS20(AS) .27
25. OPS21(AS) .19
26. OPS22(AS) .07
**
27. OPS23(AS) .13
28. OPS24(AS) .10
1.00
.50
.42
.52
.41
.18
.19
.23
.27
.30
.35
.28
.37
.36
.23
.20
1.00
.54
.40
.39
.23
.18
.13
.24
.31
.38
.26
.38
.37
.21 .25
-.07
**
.00
ns
.24
.21
1.00
.51
.48
.33
.33
.29
.35
.33
.45
.37
.36
.35
.31 .27 .28
-.05
ns
-.07
**
-.14
.27
.28
1.00
.54
.31
.27
.30
.27
.29
.37
.35
.39
.37
.25
.25
1.00
.31
.21
.27
.29
.25
.36
.34
.39
.32
.25
.32
1.00
.15
.18
.09
.27
.29
.29
.20
.22
.27
.06
*
.07
.13
1.00
.43
.50
.26
.28
.24
.19
.21
.13
.08
ns
.30
.31
29. OPS25(AS)
30. OPS26(AS)
31. OPS27(AS)
.19
.18
.14
32. OPS28(AS) .18
33. OPS29(AS) .05
ns
34. OPS30(AS)
35. OPS31(AS)
36. OPS32(AS)
.16
.23
.21
37. OPS33(AS) .07
38. OPS34(AS) .17
39. OPS35(AS) .10
M
SD
N
4.50
1.31
.24
.22
.24
.27
.27
*
.28
.04
.02
.11
*
.16
.23
4.95
1.28
.29
.22
.22
.23
.28
.33
.03
.03
.12
.17
.15 ns ns
5.19
1.17
.33
.30
.21
.29
.22
.29
.07
**
.06
*
.12
.14
.25
4.62
1.41
.31
.30
.22
.30
.21
.25
.08
**
.04
ns
.12
.16
.28
4.68
1.30
.34
.29
.27
.27
.27
.27
-.06
-.11
.09
.10
.31
4.52
1.32
.17
.15
.09
.08
-.03
ns
.32
.27
.09
.16
.17
.01
.15
.11 ns
3.67
1.45
.37
.32
.28
.32
.01
.05
ns ns
.21
.27
.29
4.37
1.16
.50
.40
.29
.37
.26
.33
-.01
-.02
ns ns
.13
.21
.33
4.09
1.42
1559 1564 1561 1562 1562 1558 1557 1557 1559
1.00
.46
.24
.38
.30
.25
.23
.19
.04
ns
.33
.42
217

Table 22. Continued (page 3 of 3)
Variable 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27
20. OPS16(AS)
21. OPS17(AS)
22. OPS18(AS)
27. OPS23(AS)
28. OPS24(AS)
29. OPS25(AS)
M
SD
N
.19
.26
.23
23. OPS19(AS) .27
24. OPS20(AS) .24
25. OPS21(AS) .17
26. OPS22(AS) .04
*
.36
.38
.45
30. OPS26(AS) .37
31. OPS27(AS) .36
32. OPS28(AS) .39
33. OPS29(AS) .39
37. OPS33(AS) .25
38. OPS34(AS) .29
39. OPS35(AS) .31
4.61
1.37
1.00
.59
.43
.33
.37
.33
.06
.18
.17
.32
.25
.20
.30
.16
34. OPS30(AS) .43 .23
35. OPS31(AS) -.04
36. OPS32(AS) -.04
ns ns
.14
.19
.09
.19
.14
**
4.52
1.19
1.00
.49
.47
.46
.32
.34
.50
.35
.30
.36
.26
.34
.05
.06
.11
.23
.26
*
*
4.65
1.22
1.00
.49
.45
.33
-.02
ns
.45
-.06
*
.31
.23
.38
.39
.27
.33
.16
.25
.09
.08
.06
*
.19
.31
4.35
1.24
.66
.32
-.11
.31
.22
.37
.30
.26
.33
.30
.34
.02
.01
ns
.11
.17
.26
1.00
5.21
1.25
1.00
.41
-.13
.27
.19
.33
.30
.24
.31
.28
.31
.05
.06
.11
.15
.23
**
5.04
1.20
1.00
-.08
**
1.00
.10
.11
.18
.22
.14
.19
.08
**
.14
.07
.09
.01
.06
.15
**
4.27
1.27
.07
.06
.10
.05
.10
.09
.07
.07
.08
.10
.05
.11
-.02
3.95
1.26
1.00
.51
.58
.49
.44
.49
.49
.49
-.08
-.10
.23
.29
.43
5.06
1.45
1563 1554 1555 1553 1549 1549 1554 1542 1549
Variable 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36
29. OPS25(AS) .64
30. OPS26(AS) .48
31. OPS27(AS) .44
32. OPS28(AS) .44
33. OPS29(AS) .43
34. OPS30(AS) .46
35. OPS31(AS) -.12
36. OPS32(AS) -.18
37. OPS33(AS) .22
38. OPS34(AS) .27
39. OPS35(AS)
M
SD
N
.39
1.00
.61
.52
.57
.51
.58
-.08
-.11
.24
.37
.41
1.00
.53
.60
.42
.51
-.02
-.05
.27
.31
.42
1.00
.55 1.00
.53 .55 1.00
.51
-.06
ns
.57
-.06
ns
.70
-.17
-.11
.23
.31
.38
-.07
.22
.34
.42
-.20
.26
.32
.36
1.00
-.06
-.11
.27
.40
.37
1.00
.69
.16
.04
ns
-.05
*
1.00
.09
.01
ns
-.10
4.21
1.48
4.77
1.35
4.47
1.45
4.62
1.53
4.95
1.36
5.59
1.36
5.34
1.39
3.54
1.56
3.75
1.71
1546 1548 1552 1552 1553 1553 1555 1557 1558
Variable 37 38 39
38. OPS34(AS) .43
39. OPS35(AS) .36
M 4.69
SD
N
1.00
.42
4.67
1.00
4.49
1.22 1.35 1.41
1556 1555 1555
218

Table 23. Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for 35 OPS Future Self-views Items
219
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Age
32. OPS28(FS)
33. OPS29(FS)
1.00
-.17
-.13
34. OPS30(FS) -.16
35. OPS31(FS) .06
36. OPS32(FS) .04
* ns
.19
-.12
-.11
37. OPS33(FS) -.09
38. OPS34(FS) -.08
39. OPS35(FS) -.08
**
**
.10
.09
.11 .10 -.22 .09
2. Female
3. Frequency
-.12
-.08
**
1.00
.03
ns
16. OPS12(FS) -.04
ns
17. OPS13(FS)
18. OPS14(FS)
-.09
-.08
.07
.08
.07
**
**
**
1.00
4. Taiwan
5. OPS1(FS)
6. OPS2(FS)
.18
.06
*
-.03
ns
-.05
ns
-.05
*
.02
ns
-.12
-.01
ns
1.00
.43
.08
**
7. OPS3(FS)
8. OPS4(FS)
9. OPS5(FS)
10. OPS6(FS)
11. OPS7(FS)
-.17
-.06
-.07
*
-.01
ns
-.12
**
.15
.03
.02
ns ns
-.06
*
-.07
**
.04
ns
.09
.07
**
.01
.02
.07
.07
ns ns
**
**
12. OPS8(FS)
13. OPS9(FS) -.10
14. OPS10(FS) -.02
ns
.11
.06
.02
* ns
15. OPS11(FS) -.09 .07
**
.11
.07
.11
**
.07
-.22
-.07
**
.60
.03
.32 ns
.19
.13
-.12
-.14
-.14
-.10
-.25
1.00
.44
.27
.18
.10
.22
.20
.10
.03
ns
.05
.07
*
**
.06
.07
*
**
-.07
-.08
**
**
.15
-.05
ns
.15
-.07
**
.13
.15
.06
*
.20
19. OPS15(FS) -.11
20. OPS16(FS) -.02
ns
.11
.02
.07
ns
**
21. OPS17(FS) -.10
22. OPS18(FS) -.06
23. OPS19(FS) -.08
*
**
.06
.04
* ns
.05
*
24. OPS20(FS) -.09
25. OPS21(FS) -.04
ns
26. OPS22(FS) .02
ns
.12
.02
ns
27. OPS23(FS)
28. OPS24(FS)
29. OPS25(FS)
-.15
-.16
-.17
.16
.14
.16
.10
.10
.09
.06
.08
*
**
-.07
**
.08
.08
.08
**
**
**
-.09
-.07
-.16
-.12
-.03
.39
-.21
-.28
-.20
** ns
.18
.25
.12
.11
.23
.14
.10
.05
.08
*
**
30. OPS26(FS) -.10
31. OPS27(FS) -.07
**
.18
.18
.19
.21
.09
.07
**
.12
.11
-.13
.04
ns
-.22
-.19
.10
-.04
-.03
ns ns
-.16
.26
.35
.05
.04
* ns
-.17
.02
ns
.14
.16
.08
**
-.06
*
.04
ns
.29
.34
.04
ns
.15
M
SD
N
19.79 .60
1.76 .49
.71
.45
.42
.49
3.84
1.55
1.00
.22
.48
.40
.31
.35
.27
.41
.36
.32
.26
.30
.28
.30
.27
.30
.32
.27
.26
.28
.02
.27
.27
.28
.30
.22
.28
.14
.23
.24
.26
.24
.24
.28 ns
4.57
1.32
1.00
.38
.29
.20
.29
.38
.35
.26
.25
.20
.42
.40
.40
.25
.36
.26
.30
.28
.17
.01
.41
.35
.46
.39
.24
.44
.33
.39
.03
.00
.34
.27
.33 ns ns ns
5.53
1.44
1.00
.56
.24
.29
.26
.33
.32
.28
.21
.42
.33
.42
.23
.26
.26
.21
.23
.19
.03
.38
.34
.38
.35
.24
.34
.22
.29
.16
.14
.33
.28
.37 ns
4.90
1.46
.19
.20
.21
.09
.27
.24
.28
.29
.22
.17
.33
.31
.34
.20
.23
.24
1.00
.21
.19
.20
.28
.25
.17
4.47
1.56
1570 1543 1520 1570 1565 1566 1560 1563 1567
.24
.13
.20
.19
.22
.19
.24
.25
Note: All are significant at p < .001 level except:
**
= p < .01,
*
= p < .05, ns
= p > .05.
N = 1,570. Freq: 0 = Infrequent contact with elders defined as less than 1-3 times/mo.,
1 = Regular contact defined as equal to or more than 1-3 times/mo. For Female: 0 =
Male and 1 = Female. For Taiwan: 0 = U.S. and 1 = TW. FS = Future self-views.

Table 23. Continued (page 2 of 3)
Variable 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
11. OPS7(FS)
12. OPS8(FS)
13. OPS9(FS)
.51
.44
.38
14. OPS10(FS) .45
15. OPS11(FS) .36
16. OPS12(FS) .39
1.00
.57
.52
.65
.55
.39
1.00
.60
.48
.50
.42
1.00
.59
.51
.44
1.00
.63
.47
1.00
.47 1.00
17. OPS13(FS)
18. OPS14(FS)
19. OPS15(FS)
20. OPS16(FS)
27. OPS23(FS)
28. OPS24(FS)
33. OPS29(FS)
34. OPS30(FS)
35. OPS31(FS)
36. OPS32(FS)
M
SD
N
.29
.27
.26
.47
21. OPS17(FS) .42
22. OPS18(FS) .40
23. OPS19(FS) .33
24. OPS20(FS) .35
25. OPS21(FS) .24
26. OPS22(FS) .07
**
.21
.22
29. OPS25(FS) .28
30. OPS26(FS) .26
31. OPS27(FS) .24
32. OPS28(FS) .25
.18
.23
.20
.24
37. OPS33(FS) .20
38. OPS34(FS) .22
39. OPS35(FS) .16
4.90
1.26
.31
.34
.34
.40
.45
.45
.46
.46
.31
.33
.39
.35
.22
.39
.26
.37
.16
.18
.28
.23
.30
5.26
1.16
.35
.36
.36
.48
.51
.39
.48
.49
.33
.31
.43
.35
.23
.40
.30
.36
.10
.10
.24
.27
.27
5.46
1.14
.44
.38
.46
.41
.54
.43
.46
.45
.41
.37
.47
.41
.25
.45
.27
.38
.22
.21
.32
.26
.33
5.34
1.20
.33
.32
.36
.39
.45
.46
.47
.49
.33 .33 .36
-.02
ns
-.01
ns
-.03
ns
.31
-.06
*
.33
.35
.36
.37
.22
.39
.22
.30
.18
.20
.26
.23
.31
5.21
1.16
.30
.29
.33
.39
.44
.49
.47
.47
.39
-.13
.32
.36
.35
.34
.21
.36
.21
.29
.10
.08
**
.23
.20
.33
5.00
1.28
.23
.28
.25
.31
.37
.37
.31
.35
.30
.01
ns
.26
.27
.31
.30
.19
.29
.23
.26
.10
.13
.17
.18
.23
5.12
1.29
1.00
.55
.66
.33
.38
.30
.31
.32
.24
.08
**
.42
.41
.49
.48
.32
.46
.35
.44
.10
.09
.36
.37
.34
5.05
1.38
1.00
.58
.32
.40
.32
.31
.31
.23
.06
*
.36
.40
.35
.35
.34
5.06
1.40
1560 1563 1561 1562 1563 1559 1557 1553 1559
.47
.46
.32
.45
.32
.41
.14
.14
220

Table 23. Continued (page 3 of 3)
Variable 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27
20. OPS16(FS) .32
21. OPS17(FS) .41
22. OPS18(FS) .32
23. OPS19(FS) .35
24. OPS20(FS) .34
25. OPS21(FS) .23
26. OPS22(FS) .06
*
27. OPS23(FS)
28. OPS24(FS)
29. OPS25(FS)
.43
.45
.51
30. OPS26(FS) .48
31. OPS27(FS) .35
32. OPS28(FS) .47
33. OPS29(FS) .40
34. OPS30(FS) .48
35. OPS31(FS) .12
36. OPS32(FS) .12
37. OPS33(FS) .37
38. OPS34(FS) .38
39. OPS35(FS) .37
M
SD
N
1.00
.69
.52
.52
.50
.44
.07
**
.28
.27
.36
.34
.26
.34
.21
.32
.22
.23
.26
.29
.25
.60
.57
.42
.03
ns
.39
.37
.51
1.00
.57
.44
.29
.45
.29
.41
.21
.20
.31
.33
.31
1.00
.60
.56
.62
-.10
.31
.30
.34
.41
.27
.37
.18
.29
.17
.15
.24
.27
.33
1.00
.71
.45
-.09
.33
.28
.37
.37
.21
.41
.25
.33
.17
.16
.28
.27
.30
1.00
.45
-.11
.30
.28
.37
.38
.20
.41
.23
.32
.15
.15
.28
.27
.30
1.00
-.10
.18
.20
.22
.29
.22
.26
.14
.20
.14
.14
.12
.16
.20
1.00
.12
.05
*
.12
.05
*
.17
.03
ns
.16
.14
1.00
.59
.61
.57
.40
.57
.45
.52
.09
.10
.04
ns
.10
.07
**
.39
.13
-.04
ns
.34
.44
5.19
1.42
5.02
1.14
5.31
1.10
4.85
1.24
5.39
1.16
5.29
1.13
4.54
1.37
4.35
1.50
5.24
1.50
1562 1562 1548 1548 1547 1547 1547 1538 1543
Variable 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36
29. OPS25(FS)
30. OPS26(FS)
31. OPS27(FS) .44
32. OPS28(FS) .56
33. OPS29(FS) .50
34. OPS30(FS) .56
35. OPS31(FS)
36. OPS32(FS) .00
37. OPS33(FS)
38. OPS34(FS)
.70
.56
.04
.38
.36 ns ns
1.00
.67
.47
.68
.56
.66
.07
**
.05
*
.42
.42
1.00
.51
.67
.51
.60
.10
.07
*
.43
.43
.44
1.00
.47
.48
.50
.06
.06
.26
.34
*
*
1.00
.56
.63
.11
.05
ns
.43
.41
.48
1.00
.71
-.07
**
-.10
.34
.34
1.00
.03
.03
ns ns
.40
.45
1.00
.78
.27
.16
.09
1.00
.20
.14
.06 39. OPS35(FS) .40
M
SD
N
5.11
1.50
.45
5.40
1.35
5.31
1.41
.32
5.12
1.65
5.42
1.38
.34
5.74
1.40
.42
5.67
1.34
4.53
1.65
4.61
1.66
1540 1545 1547 1541 1548 1547 1549 1555 1553
Variable 37 38 39
38. OPS34(FS) .60
39. OPS35(FS) .58
M 5.40
SD
N
1.00
.52
5.26
1.00
5.10
1.30 1.38 1.43
1548 1553 1556
221

222
Appendix D: Equations used to Generate Predictions
Equations used to generate Figure 8 predictions by culture and gender based on Model 2 in Table 20. Assumes Freq=0, and that mean centered age is equal to zero:
AS i
= a
0
+ a
1
(Freq i
) + a
2
(Taiwan i
) + a
3
(Female i
) + a
4
(Freq i a
5
(Freq i
)(Female i
) + a
6
(Taiwan i
)(Female i
) +
ε
1
)(Taiwan i
) +
US MALE: a
0
US FEMALE: a
0
+ a
3
TW MALE: a
0
+ a
2
TW FEMALE: a
0
+ a
3
+ a
2
+ a
6
Equations used to generate Figure 9 group predictions for the direct effect interaction of culture and gender from Model 1 in Table 20. Assumes Freq=0, and that mean centered age and age stereotypes are also equal to zero:
FS i
= ( c
3
+ c
5
*Freq i
+ c
6
*Taiwan i
)Female i
+ ( b
0
+ c
1
*Freq i
+ c
2
*Taiwan i
+ c
4
*Freq i
*Taiwan i
)
US: ( c
3
)Female i
+ b
0
TW: ( c
3
+ c
6
)Female i
+ ( b
0
+ c
2
)

223
Equations used to generate Figure 10 and Figure 11 predictions depicting moderation of internalization by culture and gender from Model 3 in Table 20 assuming Freq = 0, and that mean centered age is equal to zero. For Figure 11 mean centered age stereotypes were set to -6.8 for the low group, 0 for the medium group and 6.8 for the high group:
FS
’ i
= b
’
0
+ c’
1
(Freq i
) + c’
2
(Taiwan
+ c’
5
(Freq i
)(Female i
) + c’
6 i
) + c’
3
(Female i
) + c’
(Taiwan i
)(Female i
) + b
’
4
(Freq i
)(Taiwan
1
(AS i
) + b
’
+ b
’
3
(AS i
)(Taiwan i
) + b
’
4
(AS i
)(Taiwan i
)(Female i
) + error i
)
2
(AS i
)(Female i
)
FS
’ i
= ( b
’
1
+ b
’
2
*Female
+ ( b
’
0
+ c
’
6 i
+ b
’
3
*Taiwan i
+ b
’
*Taiwan i
*Female i
+ c’
4
*Taiwan i
*Female
2
*Taiwan i
+ c’ i
)AS i
3
*Female i
)
US MALE: b
’
1
(AS i
) + b
’
0
.66(AS i
) + 30.07
US FEMALE: ( b
’
1
+ b
’
2
)AS i
+ ( b
’
0
+ c
’
3
)
(.66 - .09)AS i
+ (30.07 + 2.24)
(.57)AS i
+ (32.31)
TW MALE: ( b
’
1
+ b
’
3
)AS i
+ ( b
’
0
+ c
’
2
)
(.66 - .18)AS i
+ (30.07 +.23)
(.48)AS i
+ (30.3)
TW FEMALE: ( b
’
1
+ b
’
2
+ b
’
3
+ b
’
4
)AS i
+ ( b
’
0
+ c
’
6
+ c
’
2
+ c
’
3
)
(.66 - .09 - .18 + .27)AS
.66(AS i
) + 31.74 i
+ (30.07 + 2.24 + .23 -.80)