Revisiting the Interactive Effects of Distributive and Procedural Justice on Behaviors: A Developing Country Perspective Usman Raja Goodman School of Business Brock University, Canada Email: uraja@brocku.ca; usmanraja@gmail.com Rauf Ahmed Sheikh Email: raufasheikh@yahoo.com and Muhammad Abbas Faculty of Management Sciences Riphah School of Leadership Riphah International University Islamabad, Pakistan Email: Muhammad.Abbas@riphah.edu.pk Revisiting the Interactive Effects of Distributive and Procedural Justice on Behaviors: A Developing Country Perspective Abstract This study was conducted using self- and supervisory-reports (N=352) across diverse samples of employees to examined the main effects of distributive and procedural justice on job performance, OCBs, and creativity. We also examined the interactive effects of distributive and procedural justice on these outcomes. Results suggested that distributive justice was a more consistent and significant predictor of job outcomes as compared to procedural justice. Moreover, we also found that the procedural justice was not a significant moderator of the distributive justice-outcomes relationships. These results suggest that in under-developed countries procedural fairness may not play any role in strengthening or weakening the effects of distributive justice on OCBs, job performance, and creativity. Key Words: Distributive and Procedural Justice, OCBs, Job Performance, Creativity, Under Developed. Revisiting the Interactive Effects of Distributive and Procedural Justice on behaviors: A Developing Country Perspective A vast amount of research, including several meta-analyses, has been conducted in the domains of perceived organizational justice (Cohen-Charash, & Spector, 2001; Colquitt, Conlon, Wesson, Porter, & Ng, 2001; Li, & Cropanzano, 2009; Shao, Rupp, Skarlicki, & Jones, 2013). In the early investigations of organizational justice, distributive justice or perceived fairness of decision outcomes was the main focus of research (Adams, 1965). However, later on, it became evident that the individuals are not only concerned about the decision outcome but also about the fairness of procedures used to make those decisions (Alexander & Ruderman, 1987; Folger & Konovsky, 1989). According to Folger and Konovsky "distributive justice refers to the perceived fairness of the amounts of compensation employees receive; procedural justice refers to the perceived fairness of the means used to determine those amounts" (1989: 115). Previous studies have examined the effects of distributive and procedural justice on a variety of job outcomes such as job performance (Cohen-Charash, & Spector, 2001; Colquit et al., 2001), OCBs (Cohen-Charash, & Spector, 2001; Colquitt, Conlon, Wesson, Porter, & Ng, 2001), creativity (Clark, & James, 1999), job stress (Elovainio, Kivimaki, & Helkama, 2001), organizational commitment (Cohen-Charash, & Spector, 2001; Colquitt et al., 2001), and turnover intentions (Cohen-Charash, & Spector, 2001; Colquitt et al., 2001). However, there has remained some controversy on the relative importance of both types of fairness in predicting the desirable outcomes. For example, some researchers have argued that distributive justice is strongly related to personal outcomes (e.g., job satisfaction) whereas procedural justice is strongly related to systemic or organizationally-relevant outcomes (e.g., organizational commitment) (Fields et al., 2000; Folger, & Konovsky, 1989). Other researchers consider procedural fairness to be a strong predictor of all desirable outcomes than distributive justice. According to these scholars procedural justice has larger contribution than distributive justice to predict the job outcomes (Alexander & Ruderman, 1987; McFarline, & Sweeney, 1992). Some other researchers found that both distributive and procedural justice had independent effects on both systemic and personal outcomes (Folger, & Konovsky, 1989; Sweeney & McFarline, 1993). Yet, other researchers found that distributive justice was a stronger predictor of both systemic outcomes and personal outcomes than procedural justice (Reithel, Baltes, & Buddhavarapu, 2007; Sweeney & McFarlin, 1993). More recently, the meta-analysis by Shao, Rupp, Skarlicki, and Jones (2013) revealed cross-cultural differences in the relative impact of procedural and distributive justice in predicting desirable work outcomes. These authors found that justice effects were strongest among nations associated with individualism, feminism, uncertainty avoidance, and low power distance. Moreover, a handful of studies have examined the interactive effects of distributive and procedural justices on workplace attitudes and behaviors. Again, the studies reveal inconsistent findings for the interactive effects of both types of justice to predict various attitudes and behaviors. For example, McFarlin and Sweeney (1992) found that procedural justice moderated the relationship between distributive justice and organizational commitment and supervisory evaluation, however, it did not moderate for personal outcomes such as pay and job satisfaction. Fields, Pang, and Chiu (2000) investigated the interactive effects of two justice types on job satisfaction, intent to stay, and evaluation of supervision in Hong Kong. These authors found that procedural justice had a large effect on evaluation of supervision whereas distributive justice had a large effect on job satisfaction and intent to stay. Greenberg (1987a) in a laboratory experiment found that the subjects considered medium and high outcomes as fair regardless of the procedures used, however low outcomes were only fair when they were based on a fair procedure. In a similar vein, Lowe and Vodanovich (1995) using cross-sectional self-reports found that the interactive effect of both types of fairness was not significant for satisfaction, however it was significant factor in predicting normative commitment. Moreover, Skarlicki and Folger (1997) found a relationship between distributive justice and retaliation only under the conditions of low procedural justice. Tepper (2001) found that the relationships between procedural justice and psychological distress were stronger when distributive justice was low. We argue that distributive and procedural justices both have independent effects on job performance, creativity, and OCBs. They both are important in predicting job outcomes. However, distributive justice is relatively more salient in predicting outcomes than procedural justice and their combined effects will yield to insignificant results. For example, when distributive fairness is high, procedural fairness will have no effect on the outcomes. In other words, high or low procedural fairness will have no effect on outcomes when distributive justice is high. Brockner and Wiesenfeld (1996) urged future research to elucidate the conditions under which the interactive effects of distributive- and procedural fairness is more pronounced or nonexistent. Given the lack of understanding on the relative importance of procedural and distributive fairness in predicting important attitudes and behaviors particularly in the under developed societies, the current study investigates the impact of distributive and procedural justice on job performance, OCBs, and creativity. The study also examines the interactive effects of distributive and procedural fairness in predicting these outcomes. Moreover, our study examines these relationships in Pakistani context thereby providing insight into the boundary conditions of procedural justice in an under developed economy where fairness in outcomes (distributive fairness) may be relatively more important as compared to fairness in procedures (procedural fairness). Theory and Hypotheses Justice Types and Job Outcomes There is some debate on the relative importance of distributive and procedural justice in predicting job outcomes. Some studies found that distributive justice is a more critical factor that predicts important outcomes (Reithel, Baltes, & Buddhavarapu, 2007; Sweeney & McFarlin, 1993) whereas other studies found procedural justice to be an important factor that contributes beyond distributive fairness (Alexander & Ruderman, 1987; McFarline, & Sweeney, 1992). Recently a meta-analysis by Shao, Rupp, Skarlicki, and Jones (2013) found cross-cultural differences in the relative impact of procedural and distributive justice in predicting desirable work outcomes. Among earlier studies Alexander and Ruderman (1987) found that procedural justice had larger contribution than distributive justice to job satisfaction, evaluation of supervision, conflict/harmony, and trust in management. Some researchers have argued that distributive justice is strongly related to personal outcomes (e.g., job satisfaction) whereas procedural justice is strongly related to systemic outcomes (e.g., organizational commitment) (Fields et al., 2000; Folger, & Konovsky, 1989). Some other researchers found that both distributive and procedural justice had independent effects on both systemic and personal outcomes (Folger, & Konovsky, 1989; Sweeney & McFarline, 1993). Yet, other researchers found that distributive justice was a stronger predictor of both systemic outcomes and personal outcomes than procedural justice (Reithel et al., 2007; Sweeney & McFarlin, 1993). Leung, Smith, Wang, and Sun (1996) examined the effects of procedural and distributive justice on job satisfaction among Chinese worker and found that procedural justice was strongly related to job satisfaction than distributive justice. Yoon (1996) conducted a similar study among Korean workers and found that procedural justice was a stronger predictor of job satisfaction as compared to distributive justice. Rahim, Magner, Antonioni and Rahman (2001) conducted a survey among U.S and Bangladeshi employees who have different cultural orientations with regard to power distance and collectivism-individualism. These authors found that the impact of distributive and procedural justice on organizational commitment, and turnover intentions were almost identical. However, some other studies have shown contradictory evidence on the impact of two types of justices on job outcomes. For example, Pillai, Williams, and Tan (2001) conducted a cross cultural study and found that, in Hong Kong and Chinese samples, it was only distributive justice that was related to trust. These authors also found that procedural justice played a more important role than distributive justice in predicting satisfaction, commitment, and trust in U.S. samples whereas distributive justice played relatively more important role in predicting these outcomes in Indian samples. Moreover, in another study Pillai, Scandura, and Williams (1999) found that distributive justice rather than procedural justice predicted job satisfaction in an Indian sample According to Mcfarlin and Sweeney (1992) distributive justice was found to be more important predictor of pay satisfaction and job satisfaction as compared to procedural justice, whereas procedural justice was more important predictor of organizational commitment and subordinate’s evaluation of supervisor. Harvey and Haines (2005) found that procedural justice predicted both job satisfaction and organizational commitment whereas distributive justice predicted job satisfaction only. Similarly, Lambard, Hogan, and Griffin (2007) conducted a study on correctional staff and found that both distributive and procedural significantly influenced organizational commitment, however the effects of procedural justice were much larger than distributive justice. They also found that only distributive justice had a significant impact on job stress. In addition, procedural justice, but not distributive justice, had a significant effect on job satisfaction. Colquitt et al. (2001) in their meta-analytic study found that procedural justice was strongly and significantly related to OCBs and job performance whereas distributive justice had a significant impact on OCBs only. Li and Cropanzano (2009) conducted a meta-analytic study on distributive and procedural justice perceptions and job outcomes such as affective commitment, job satisfaction, turnover intentions, and trust. These authors found that both procedural and distributive justice perceptions were related significantly to job satisfaction, organizational commitment, trust, and turnover intentions in East Asian culture. They also found that these justice perceptions tended to be more strongly related to job outcomes in North America as compared to East Asia. Lam et al. (2002) examined the effects of procedural justice and distributive justice on job satisfaction, absenteeism, and job performance among U.S and Hong Kong managers. The authors found that the impact of both justice types was stronger for individuals with low (vs. high) power distance values. Further, Brockner et al. (2001) examined the moderating role of power distance in the relationship between procedural justice and organizational commitment among Chinese, U.S, Mexican, Hong Kong, and German respondents. These authors found that the association between procedural justice and organizational commitment was stronger for individuals with low (vs. high) power distance values. Past research demonstrates that organizational justice research is important across different nations and regions. However, almost all of the cross-cultural studies including the meta-analyses attempt to explain the differences in justice perceptions using cultural lenses particular the most familiar Hofstede’s national cultural dimensions (Brockner et al., 2001; Fischer & Smith, 2003; Li & Cropanzano, 2009; Morris, & Leung, 2000; Murphy-Berman & Berman, 2002; Pillai et al., 2001; Reithel, Baltes, & Buddhavarapu, 2007; Shao et al., 2013). Very little progress has been made to examine the impact of justice perceptions using perspectives other than culture such as political and socio-economic factors. That said, multinationals need to understand how the two types of fairness perceptions affect employees’ behaviors in economically weak and under developed countries (White, Tansky, & Baik, 1995). Although many studies have found the differences in the relative salience of justice types in predicting job outcomes, some researchers assert that procedural justice concerns are pervasive across diverse societal and cultural settings (Lind & Tyler, 1988; Tyler, Boeckmann, Smith, & Huo, 1997; White, Tansky, & Baik, 1995). This contradictory evidence suggests the need to replicate these findings in other settings particularly in developing countries. In developing economies, individuals may be more sensitive towards fairness of outcome distribution as compared to the fairness of the procedures used. In developing economies where per capital income is low and unemployment rate is high, the rewards become more important. Studies have found that the voluntary turnover rates decrease under high unemployment conditions (Banerjee & Gaston, 2004; Gerhart, 1990). Therefore, procedural justice in a developing economy like Pakistan may not be as salient as distributive justice. Hypotheses 1a: Distributive justice will be positively related to job performance, OCBs, and creativity Hypotheses 1b: Distributive justice will be positively related to job performance, OCBs, and creativity Interactive Effects of Distributive and Procedural Justice There are inconsistent findings regarding the interactive effects of distributive and procedural justice on various job outcomes. For example, McFarlin and Sweeney (1992) in a field study reported a significant interaction between distributive and procedural justice only for organizational commitment and evaluation of supervisor. The interactive effects were insignificant for personal outcomes such as pay and job satisfaction. Fields, Pang, and Chiu (2000) investigated the interactive effects of two justice types on job satisfaction, intent to stay, and evaluation of supervision in Hong Kong. These authors found that procedural justice moderated the effects of distributive justice on job satisfaction and intent to stay but not on evaluation of supervision. In a laboratory experiment, Greenberg (1987a) found that medium and high outcomes were fair regardless of the procedure used, however low outcomes were only fair when they were based on a fair procedure. Based on these ideas, Lowe and Vodanovich (1995) conducted a field study using crosssectional self-reports of non-faculty employee and found that the interaction effect of PJ and DJ was not significant for satisfaction, however, it was a significant factor in the prediction of normative commitment. Skarlicki and Folger (1997) found a relationship between distributive justice and retaliation only under the conditions of low procedural justice. Tepper (2001) found that the relationships between procedural justice and psychological distress were stronger when distributive justice was low. Moreover, Harvey and Haines (2005) found that the interactive effects of procedural and distributive justice were significant for job satisfaction but not for organizational commitment. Furthermore, Lowe and Vodanovich (1995) argue that the inconsistent appearance of interaction effects between procedural and distributive justice can be attributed to several reasons. These authors observed that the interaction effects are more likely to appear in experimental designs because of the increased control and precision of measurement offered in laboratory settings. The authors also argued that the interaction effects may appear as a function of the type of outcome which is measured. This study attempts to expand the international perspective on the differential effects of distributive and procedural justice. The context of the current study differs from most of the developed countries of North America and Europe. Pakistan is a developing country that has a low per capita income, high rates of unemployment and high levels of poverty (OECD, 2013). Moreover, the recent waves of terrorism make the socio-economic situation more worst. In such situations, employees are expected to be sensitive towards the fair distribution of outcome rewards as compared to the fairness of the procedures used to distribute those rewards. Conditions where unemployment and poverty rates are very high and money is a major motivator, individuals may be more concerned about the outcome fairness and less concerned about the procedural fairness. From a socio-economic standpoint if we draw from Maslow’s (1954) need-gratification theory which postulates that higher needs will be salient as lower needs are gratified. Studies suggest that lower needs are less likely to predict happiness in rich countries than in poor countries (Veenhoven, 1991; Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995). In a study, Adigun and Stephenson (1992) found that Nigerian workers were more motivated by extrinsic job factors such as pay, fringe benefits, and working conditions whereas British workers were motivated more by intrinsic job factors such as achievement and recognition. According to Inglehart (1997: 31), in economically developed countries, survival is taken for granted by the inhabitants. Such societies have experienced a gradual but phenomenal value change in the way of economic development. As a result, values related to economic achievement have become less salient than values related to enhancing self-expression (Inglehart, 1997, p. 33). Furthermore, in developed economies, such as U.S, the emphasis has shifted from economic goals of material well-being towards more humanistic goals of selfactualization (Inglehart, 1990). Therefore, it is possible that employees in developed countries may be more concerned about the aspects of procedural fairness because they take survival for granted and are relatively less concerned about the outcome fairness. In contrast, employees in poor countries may be motivated more by the outcome fairness and relatively less concerned about the procedural fairness because their lower level needs are still salient than high level needs. In addition, Pakistan is among those countries which are not fully developed in terms of their social security system (Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003; Mahmood, & Nasir, 2008). It is said that fully developed social security system serves as a tool to secure the fulfillment of basic human needs (Taylor-Gooby, 1991). A good social security system may cause a shift in social values towards an emphasis on autonomy and self-expression (Doyal & Gough, 1984; Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003; Plant, 1985; Weale, 1983). Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that in developing countries like Pakistan where appropriate social security systems are not available, employees may place more emphasis on distributive fairness as compared to procedural fairness. Recently, Zapata-Phelan, Colquitt, Scott, and Livingston (2009), in an experimental and a field study, found that procedural justice was strongly related to intrinsic motivation in both studies. In developing and collectivistic societies the economic and social security is often considered more important to life than freedom and control in the workplace (Kanungo, 1990). Employees in societies which are high on collectivism and low on social security are more likely to place great emphasis on extrinsic aspects of the work environment as compared to workers in societies which are individualistic and where proper social security systems are in place (Hofstede, 1991; Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003). According to recent human development index (HDR, 2013) Pakistan ranks 146 of 186 countries in human development in the category of underdeveloped countries. Human Development Index is a comparative measure of life expectancy, literacy, education, standards of living and quality of life for countries worldwide. Individuals in countries which are highly individualistic and have better social security systems tend to attach more value to high-order needs than people in collectivistic societies, because they are able to fulfill their basic needs (Alpander & Carter, 1995; Nevis, 1983; Taylor-Gooby, 1991). Social psychologists argue that both socio-economic and cultural factors are responsible for shaping people’s value and attitudes in societies. These two factors can simultaneously explain the cross-national differences in people’s values, attitudes, and behaviors (e.g., Arrindell et al., 1997; Inglehart, 1997; Oishi et al., 1999; also see Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003). Even, social security alone is sufficient to shift people’s values towards self-expression and enabling them to value intrinsic aspects instead of extrinsic aspects of work and life (Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003). Therefore, we argue that the effects of distributive justice will be more salient in predicting OCB, job performance, and creativity. Individuals who perceive the distribution of rewards to be fair will exhibit high performance, OCBs, and creativity regardless of whether procedures are fair or not. Hypotheses 2a: There will be no significant interactive effects of distributive and procedural justice on job performance. Hypotheses 2b: There will be no significant interactive effects of distributive and procedural justice on OCBs. Hypotheses 2c: There will be no significant interactive effects of distributive and procedural justice on creativity. Methods Sample and Procedures The data was collected through onsite administration of surveys distributed among employees working in a variety of organizations in the Punjab province of Pakistan. Personal and professional contacts were used to gain access to these sites. Procedural and distributive justice were measured using self-reports and job performance, creativity, and OCBs were measured using supervisory-reports. Total of 600 distributed questionnaires yielded 400 returns for a response rate of 67%. After removing incomplete questionnaires and ones with missing peer-reports, 352 complete useable pairs of responses resulted in an effective response rate of 59%. A cover letter explaining the purpose and scope of the study assured respondents of strict anonymity. Participation in the study was voluntary. Each respondent filled the self-report of the questionnaire and returned directly to the researcher. The immediate supervisor of each respondent rated his or her performance, OCB, and creativity. Both the respondent and the supervisor did not have access to each other’s responses. Codes were assigned to the self- and supervisor-report surveys for pairing of the received responses. Measures Since English is the official language of correspondence in all offices and the language of instruction for all high school and university education in Pakistan, we administered the questionnaires in English. Previous studies conducted in Pakistan have also used English versions of questionnaires (e.g., Abbas et al., 2012; Raja & Johns, 2010; Raja, Johns, & Ntalianis, 2004). A five point-likert scale with anchors ranging from 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’ was used to obtain the responses. Higher response on the scale represented high level on that construct. Organizational Justice. Distributive and procedural justice types were measured using the scale developed by Colquit (2001). The scale contained 4 questions for distributive justice and 7 questions for procedural justice. The reliability of the distributive justice scale was .91 and for that of procedural justice was .78. Job Performance and OCB. Performance and citizenship behaviors were tapped using peer reports to the 21 item scale developed by William and Anderson (1991). Seven items measured performance with reliability of .77 and 14 items tapped OCB with reliability of .78. Creativity. Creativity was measured using peer reports to the 3-item scale developed by Oldham and Cummings (1996). The reliability for this scale was .91. Control Variables. One-way ANOVA revealed that there were significant differences across organizations and gender in OCBs, job performance, and creativity. Therefore, we controlled for the effects of organizations and gender. We created dummy variables to control for effects of organizations. Results Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations and correlations among study variables. -------------------------------Insert Table 1 about here -------------------------------Table 2 shows the main and interactive effects of distributive justice and procedural justice on all behavioral outcomes. We ran main and moderated regression analyses using the procedures recommended by Cohen, Cohen, West and Aiken (2003). In the first step, we entered four types of organization and gender as control variables. In step 2, the centered terms for procedural and distributive justice were entered. We then entered the interaction term (procedural justice x distributive justice) in the third step, which if significant confirmed moderation. As shown in Table 2 (step 2) procedural justice was significantly related to OCB (β = .14, p <.05) and Creativity (β = .15, p <.05). However, it was not related to job performance (β = .06, ns). Distributive justice was significantly related to OCBs (β = .22, p <.001), job performance (β = .28, p <.001), and creativity (β = .15, p <.05). As shown in Table 2 (step 3) the interaction term (Procedural Justice x Distributive Justice) was insignificant across all outcomes suggesting that procedural justice does not moderate the relationship between distributive justice and behavioral outcomes. Moreover, the strength and significance of beta values suggest that distributive justice was more strongly related to all outcomes than procedural justice. -------------------------------Insert Table 2 about Here -------------------------------- Discussion The findings of the current study provide an extended view on the controversies and discussions revolving around organizational justice theory. The current study extends the literature on justice by exploring the impact of distributive and procedural justice on behavioral outcomes such as OCBs, job performance, and creativity in an under-developed country. Our findings clearly suggest that both distributive and interactional justice had a positive impact on OCBs, and creativity in Pakistan. Individuals who perceived high levels of distributive and procedural justice demonstrated high citizenship behaviors and creativity. We also found that only distributive justice had a positive effect on in-role performance and procedural justice, unfortunately, was not related to in-role performance. Moreover, distributive justice had relatively stronger effects on all outcomes than procedural fairness. These findings support our initial assertion that individuals in under developed economies primarily are concerned with fairness in distribution of rewards. Procedural justice may matter for certain outcomes such as OCBs and creativity however, these behavioral outcomes are more intrinsic in nature as compared to job performance, which is likely more tightly related to extrinsic aspects of fairness. Moreover, we found that procedural fairness did not moderate the relationship between distributive justice and the three job outcomes. Our finding clearly supports the assertion that in under-developed economies individuals may not bother about fairness of the procedures if the distribution of rewards is fair. Since Pakistan has a very low per capital income, high unemployment and poverty rates (OECD, 2013) and relatively poor social security system (Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003; Mahmood, & Nasir, 2008), the basic needs are not fully satisfied. Such societies are more likely to place great emphasis on extrinsic aspects of work environment (Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003). A good security system serves as a tool to secure the fulfillment of basic human needs (Taylor-Gooby, 1991) and it may cause shift in social values towards an emphasis on autonomy and self-expression (Huang & Van De Vliert, 2003; Doyal & Gough, 1984; Plant, 1985; Weale, 1983). Related to the saliency of needs and their capacity to predict happiness, studies suggest that higher needs will be salient as lower needs are gratified (Maslow, 1954) and lower needs are less likely to predict happiness in rich countries (Veenhoven, 1991; Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995) where survival is taken for granted (Inglehart, 1997) and individuals are more inclined towards self-actualization (Ihglehart, 1990). In contrast, among the developing and collectivist societies, economic and social security is often considered more important to life than freedom and control in the workplace (Kanungo, 1990). Therefore, in an under-developed society like Pakistan individuals may place less relatively emphasis on procedural fairness and more emphasis on distributive fairness. As a result, procedural fairness may be less salient in influencing the job outcomes when distribution of rewards is fair. Limitations and Future Research Directions This study is not without limitations. First limitation has to do with the cross-sectional nature of the data. Second, the insignificant interactions do not suggest whether procedural or distributive justice will have a null effect. However, based on the extant theory, main effects of both types of justice found in this study and the context in which the study is conducted, we believe that the null effects will hold for procedural fairness. Future research may replicate the relative effects of both types of justice in other underdeveloped economies. Since the focus of current study was on behavioral outcomes of organizational justice, future studies may include attitudinal outcomes such as job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Conclusion Although previous research has very significant contributions in provided an understanding of the organizational justice phenomenon, recent studies suggest extending this theory across nations to draw its boundary conditions (Shao et al., 2013). The current study extends the organizational justice literature by studying the impact of distributive and procedural justice on behavioral outcomes such as job performance, OCB, and creativity in an underdeveloped country. Nevertheless, more research is required to examine the relative effect of perceived organizational justice from socio-economic and cultural perspectives. References Abbas, M., Raja, U., Darr, W., & Bouckenooghe, D. (2012). 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Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 108, 93-105. Table 1 Means, Standard Deviations, Correlations and Reliabilities Mean S.D 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. O1 .25 .43 -- 2. O2 .06 .24 -.14** -- 3. O3 .06 .24 -.14** -.06 -- 4. O4 .06 .23 -.14** -.06 -.06 -- 5. Gender 1.06 .24 -.15** -.02 -.06 -.06 -- 6. Procedural Justice 2.75 .82 -.26** .06 -.12* .04 .05 (.78) 7. Distributive Justice 3.04 1.16 -.36** .11* -.04 -.10† .06 .54** (.91) 8. OCB 3.69 .53 -.09† .13** -.08 -.09† -.13* .25** .30** (.78) 9. Performance 4.12 .58 -.09† .15** -.16** -.15** .07 .22** .34** .67** (.77) 10. Creativity 4.82 1.27 -.07 .17** .02 .00 -.02 .22** .22** .49** .42** 10 (.88) Note. N = 352; Cronbach’s alphas presented in parenthesis; O1, O2, O3, and O4 are dummy variables for organization. * p < .05 ** p < .01 Table 2 Results of Main and Moderated Regressions Analysis OCB β Job Performance ∆R² β ∆R² Creativity β ∆R² Step 1 O1 -.13* -.13* -.05 O2 .08 .09 .15** O3 -.10 -.16** .03 O4 -.12* -.17*** .00 Gender -.16** .06*** .05 .08*** -.03 .03† Step 2 Procedural Justice (A) .14* .06 .15* Distributive Justice (B) .22*** .08*** .28*** .08*** .15* .06*** -.04 .00 .05 .00 -.00 .00 Step 3 AxB Note. N = 352; Gender was coded as “1” for male and “2” for female; O1, O2, O3, and O4 are dummy variables for organization. * p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001