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World War Two Studies Association
General Information
The Newsletter
Annual Membership Dues
News and Notes
The Second World War Revisited: New Perspectives
on the Eve ofthe 2pt Century? Literature 1995-2000
Gerhard L. Weinberg
University ofNonh Carolina
at Chapel Hill
Terms expiring 2002
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Naval HislOric<l1 ('enter
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UniversilY of Nt:w Orleans
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George Washington University
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University or Georgia
By Dick van Galen Last
General Information
Established in 1967 "to promote historical research in the period of World War II in all its
aspects," the World War Two Studies Association, whose original name was the American
Committee on the History of the Second World War, is a private organization supported by the
dues and donations of its members. It is affiliated with the American Historical Association, with
the International Committee for the History of the Second World War, and with corresponding
national committees in other countries, including Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, the Czech
Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New
Zealand, Norway, Poland, Romania, Russia, Singapore, Slovenia, the United Kingdom, and the
The Newsletter
The WWTSA issues a semiannual newsletter, which is assigned International Standard Serial
Number [ISSN] 0885-5668 by the Library of Congress. Back issues of the Newsletter are
available from Robin Higham, WWTSA Archivist, through Sunflower University Press, 1531
Yuma (or Box 1009), Manhattan, KS 66502-4228.
Please send information for the Newsletter to:
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Membership is open to all who are interested in the era of the Second World War. Annual
membership dues of $15.00 are payable at the beginning of each calendar year. Students with
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News & Notes
WWTSA Elections
The ballot for the 2001 elections of members
of ~he Board of Directors is included with
thIS issue. All members who are current with
their membership dues for the year 2000 are
eligible to vote. Please return the ballot as
directed by January 1,2001.
WWTSA Annual Business Meeting
The annual business meeting of the World
War Two Studies Association will be held in
conjunction with the American Historical
Association meeting in Boston in January
2001. The WWTSA meeting will convene at
5:30 p.m. on Friday, January 51h , in the
Boston College Room of the Boston
Marriott Copley Place. All members are
WWTSA Scholarly Session
The WWTSA will sponsor a scholarly
session in conjunction with the 2001
American Historical Association annual
meeting. The session will be from 9:30 to
11 :30 a.m. on Saturday, January 6 111 , at the
Boston College Room of the Boston
Marriott Copley Place. Here is the session
"Racing Time: World War II and Oral
History Archives"
Mr. Timothy Frank, Kansas State
University, "Recounted Valor:
Interviews with Medal of Honor
Dr. Lawrence A. Yates, Combat Studies
Institute, U.S. Army, "Using Oral
History in Writing Official Histories:
One Historian's Experience"
Convnent: Dr. Jeffrey Grey
Annual Dues
Membership dues for the World War Two
Studies Association are due at the beginning
of the calendar year. A membership renewal
form is included with this issue of the
Special Issue of the Newsletter
This special issue of the newsletter contains
a review essay reprinted with the kind
pelmission of the author, Dick Van Galen
Last. The essay originally appeared in the
recent Bulletin du Comite international
d 'histoire de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale
(Bulletin of the International Committee of
the History of the Second World War). The
article appears in larger type than in the
Bulletin, but the original pagination and
headers have been retained for ~asy
reference. A footer with the World War Two
Studies Association newsletter pagination
also appears.
Chair: Dr. Jeffrey Grey, Horner Professor
of Military Theory, Marine Corps
Dr. Ron Marcello, University of North
Texas, "Creating World War II Oral
Mr. James Ehrman, associate editor of the
WWTSA newsletter, ably oversaw the
technical aspects of the scanning and
reprinting processes.
WWTSA News/ella
Fall 2000 - 3
The Second World War Revisited
New Perspectives on the Eve of the 21st Century?
Literature 1995-2000
History and Public Memory
In 1995, a year of commemorations, the New York Times remarked that
"public memories of the past are also the battlefields of the present".'
Controversy dogged the commemoration of Auschwitz and the planned
exhibition in the US of the Enola Gay, the plane which dropped the first atom
bomb on Hiroshima." The uproar over the Enola Gay is a good example of the
tension that develops, inevitably it seems, between individual memories and
justification of one's own conduct on the one hand and the attempts to subject
the past to analysis on the other. Hiroshima and Auschwitz have long ceased to
be mere place names on the map of the world but lieux de memoire capable of
igniting political controversies about the interpretation and representation of
history - controversies which then become part of what we are wont to call
collective memories. Extreme events like the Holocaust tend to promote a
move towards justificatory narratives, and in the first decades after the war
Hiroshima and Nagasaki became "icons of Japanese suffering" that enabled
that country to repress the mass murder in Nanking and other atrocities
perpetrated by its military.3
Public memories" is a concept the New York Times would not have used
twenty or thirty years ago. It was only in the eighties that the idea of collective
memory, introduced by Maurice Halbwachs in the 1920s, became part of the
historical discourse and bestowed new meaning on the events of the years
1939-1945. A title like Italian Fascism: History, Memory and Representation
or The Labour of Loss. Mourning, Memory, and Wartime Bereavement in
Australia 4 is typical of this genre. Historians no longer seem to be content
merely to write about what took place in Nanking5 , StalingradO or Oradour7 , or
the history of Stalin's Communism or Hitler's National Socialism; rather, they
want to know how these events and ideologies are processed and live on in
public memory.8
All this could not but leave its mark on the interpretation of the Second
World War. Shifting perspectives in space and time occasioned additional
changes. What follows are several examples of what I see as typical of the
4 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
developments in the historiography of the Second World War in the past half
Example one. L!fe's Picture History of World War 11 came out exactly
mid-way through the twentieth century.9 The word Holocaust appears on page
12. Here, however, the word is not used to denote the persecution and
destruction of the Jews but the bombardment of Rotterdam on May 14, 1940.
Indeed, Life's Picture History no more mentions the Jews than it does any other
persecuted minority. Only at the end of the seventies, after the American TV
series by the same name, would the American public become fully acquainted
with the Holocaust. Recent polls indicate that many more Americans are able
to identify the Holocaust than Pearl Harbor or the atomic bombing of Japan.
Historians inclined smugly to dismiss these simply as typical blind spots on the
part of the masses and the media may be surprised to learn that Gordon Craig's
book on Europe's history since 1815 makes no mention of the Nazi "Final
Solution" either. 10 Nor does destruction ofthe Jews figure much in the popular
biographies of Hitler by Alan Bullock (1952) and Joachim Fest (1973).
E_xample two. When Rome was liberated by the Allies in June 1944, Pope
Pius XII"requested "that no Allied coloured troops would be among the small
number that might be garrisoned at Rome after the occupation". I I Few then
were c0nscious of the hypocrisy involved in conducting a war for democracy
and democratic values - with segregated troops.
Both examples illustrate how recently the racist components ofthe Second
World War came to be recognized. The next two examples indicate the extent
to which perspectives may be shaped by location.
Example one. In 1999 a Taiwanese company, using large subway
billboards, featured a cartoon figure of a smiling Adolf Hitler advertising
German-made electric space heaters. The ad shows Hitler with his right arm
raised in the Nazi salute and a slogan that reads "Declare war on the cold
front". In the West, with its stringent taboos on the political or commercial use
of Hitler's portrait, an ad like this would simply be unthinkable. Conversely,
the Rwandese are hard put to understand why the West has been so slow in
recognizing that the genocide that took place there in 1994 was a real,
premeditated genocide whose intensity and cruelty was no less barbaric than
that of the Endlosung. Historians have only just begun to show an interest in
this particular holocaust. 12
The same is true of Europe, as the second example illustrates. There too the
view of history depends to a significant degree on place. A 1992 survey
revealed that 52 percent of West German respondents considered the Third
Reich and National Socialism the defining events of Germany's past, as
opposed to only 11 percent of the East Germans, of whom 30 percent thought
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 5
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 the more important. 1J A poll in
1995 revealed that to the question which power was most responsible for
defeating Nazi Germany, 69% ofthe West Germans replied the US and 87% of
the East Germans replied the Soviet Union. East Germans remembered
National Socialism primarily for the war's devastation, West Germans for the
Holocause 4 • Not surprisingly, then, in Nazi-occupied countries it is the
Holocaust that by and large now defines the memory of the Second World
War. In British memory and historiography the Holocaust doesn't count for
nearly as much 1s , although the flood of English literature shows an upsurge in
interest in the Holocaust in English-speaking countries, which is also evident
from the establishment of major Holocaust Museums not only in the US but
also in the UK.
The New York Times' 1995 observation has since gained momentum. In
1996 Daniel Goldhagen's Hitter's Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans
and the Holocaust, hailed by Time as the 'most talked about' book of the year,
once again brought the German guilt question to the fore. 16 1998 featured the
Walser-Bubis debate on the paralyzing effect of politically correct Auschwitz
commemorations. 17 In the meantime, discussions about adequate forms of
remembering the victims, and more specifically about the Holocaust
Monument in Berlin, are as impassioned as ever and show no signs of
abating. 18 These incidents and debates resonated not only in the scholarly
journals but also and primarily in the media. What people know about Nazism
and the murder of the Jews, now referred to as the Holocaust, they have
ingested not so much from the historians as from writers offiction, filmmakers,
plays, TV programs, the daily press, magazines, and so forth.
The Holocaust owes its remarkable topicality to contemporary realities:
ethnic cleansing, the refugee problem, and the daily toll of human rights
violations throughout the world. The Holocaust is now regarded as pertinent to
almost every disturbing contemporary event. "The struggle against Hitler,"
observes Mazower, "had revealed the impOliance of human and civil rights". 19
But not so very long ago, in the era of the Cold War, that awareness was a
limited commodity. It is this growing interest in human rights and in
international law that allowed the Holocaust to come to the fore and
precipitated a greatly increased sensitivity towards its victims, notably in the
last ten years. Events in Rwanda, which owe their currency largely to the
media, prove that genocides are not solely objects of study in a university
Memory puts a question mark over historical scholarship claiming universal
validity. But this is not the place to go into the social forces responsible for the
explosion of interest in collective and individual memories, an explosion
ordering on commemoration mania. Peter Novick, for example,
6 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
suggests that the legacy of the Holocaust has been treated as a political issue
and deliberately used for political ends. 20 Others, too, have dealt extensively
with the problematical relationship between history and memory.21 I shall cite
only one of these, Jom Rtisen, who writes: "Die ungeheurlichen Verbrechen
dieses Jahrhunderts verlangen Veranderungen auf der kategorialen Ebene des
historischen Denkens." And concludes: "Erinnem und Erzahlen konnen also
niet einfach als anthropologische Basis del' geschichtswissenschaftlichen
Arbeit vorausgesetzt, sondem massen von Grund auf meta-historisch neu
bedacht werden.,,22
Berel Lang, in his fine study The Future ofthe Holocaust, suggests that the
Holocaust marks a distinctive moment in contemporary thinking for analyzing
the relationship between history and memory.23 No one has worked harder to
eliminate the boundary between history and memory, between the facts and
what people remember about those facts, than the historian Saul Friedlander,
contributing a new method of historical thinking in the process. 24 Many authors
have however managed to fold the culture of remembrance into their
scholarship with surprising ease. Cases in point are the studies by Omer
Bartov 25 and Geoffrey Hartman 20 , and the anthologies Thinking about the
Holocaust. After half a centur/ 7 and La Sho'ah tra interpretazione e
memoria 28,edited by Alvin Rosenfeld and Paolo Amodio respectively. Others
remain skeptical.
In the nineties almost every Nazi-occupied country produced its own
nanative ofthe Holocaust and its memory, for example the excellent study by
Michael Steinlauf on the memory of the Holocaust in Poland. 29 I will here
confine myself to the persecution of the Jews as such, if only because of that
literature's sheer volume. I estimate that between 1990 and 2000 more studies
have been published on this topic than in the first thirty years after the war. 30
Given the late "discovery" of the Holocaust, we can speak of a veritable
revenge of historiography over history. Think of it like this: what Hilberg was
able to accomplish at the outset of the sixties now has practically become
impossible. "The ever-growing mass of studies on the Holocaust is so
overwhelming," observes Dan Michman, "that today no scholar is capable of
covering the entire field".31
Rewriting histories?
The collapse of Communism and resulting accessibility of the Soviet
archives breathed new life into that old chestnut comparing Stalinism and
Nazism. In France this caused the usual excitement, which seemed to have
more to do with the Communist past of some French intellectuals than with
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 7
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
historical curiosity - some feared a "Nuremberg of Communism.,,32 In
Germany the interest was no less political: how would the GDR, with its
double dose of Nazism and Communism, fare in the comparison between
Nazism and Communism?33 It remains to be seen whether these renewed
debates about the generic concept of totalitarianism and the recent rebirth of
racist and imperialist tendencies in Europe will result in a revision of the
theory of fascism. Since these discussions are on the whole being carried on
rather more by philosophers, political scientists and other social scientists than
by historians, I have opted not to deal with them in this article.
The preoccupation with individual memory and the impact of public
opinion and the media can also be deduced from the growing tendency to
individualize the historical narrative. 34 Vaclav Havel remarks somewhere that
we must try harder to understand than to explain, that the rehabilitation of the
human spirit - "the heart of reality" - is best served by focusing on personal
discourse rather than on "universal systematic solutions" imposed from
outside. To be sure, Goldhagen was more interested in explaining than in
understanding: the Holocaust was the product of a single cause, "German
eliminationist antisemitism." But his is not the only work to demonstrate that
historical research and debates are moving away from studying impersonal
power structures toward exploring the role of the individual and assessing
personal responsibility. Why was a cultivated man like Albert Speer one of
Hitler's best friends and why was an equally intelligent man such as
Stauffenberg plotting to take his life? How did Canaris tum into the Hamlet of
Gelman conservatism? Such questions keep on fascinating, even if their
biographers have not much to add. 3s And not for nothing did the translation of
Viktor Klemperer's diaries of the Nazi era, lch will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum
letzten, become the best-selling German book in the Anglo-Saxon world. 36
A discussion assessing the responsibility of specific groups or institutions
arose at the same time. With the public breathing down -their necks, critics
began scrutinizing the roles played by neutral countries like Switzerland 37 ,
Sweden38 , and the Vatican 39 , organizations like the Red Cross 40 , as well as
banks and big business41 and other elites involved in the persecution of the
Jews or profiting from the exploitation of forced labor.
For those who want to know how each country reacted to the persecution of
the Jews there is The World Reacts to the Holocaust, a lively collection of
articles which describes the responses of 22 countries up until the- 1990's.42
Loser Germany, it appears, publishes far more on its Vergangenheitspolitik
than loser Japan. 43 It seems as iflater generations feel the guilt more deeply. In
today's Germany, notes Dan Diner, it is "a conspicuous cO~lliJonent in the
public culture and in the public rites of shame".44 This delayed reaction is not
unique to Germany; other European countries have been going through the
8 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
same experience, as the flood of mea culpas testifies. And governments, too,
turned the spotlights on themselves. A major target during the past few years
has been German plunder and economic and cultural exploitation. 45
The Regionalization ofHolocaust Research
All Western European countries have added solid monographs on the
persecution of the Jews in their own countries. Bob Moore provides a balanced
work synthesizing recent research on Jewish persecution published only in
Dutch. He is also one of the first to take on the challenge of placing the
persecution of the Jews in a comparative perspective. 46
For France as well it was a foreigner who wrote the best monograph on this
subject. The American Richard Weisberg paints a devastating picture of the
complicity of the French judicial apparatus with the German occupier. 47 In
France, too, the evidence points to a growing interest in the first phase of
Jewish persecution, namely, economic plunder. 48 Denis Peschanski provides a
lucid survey of the reactions of the various segments of French society to the
exclusion and the deportation ofthe Jews. 49 The reactions of the Jews and their
organizations are ably described by Renee Poznanski. 50 Simon Schwarzfuchs
concludes that it was the Jews themselves who prevented the UGIF from
becoming a Judenrat and then went on to play an important role in keeping
three quarters ofthe French Jews out of the hands of the Nazis. 51 For an update
ofthe research on the persecution of the Jews in Belgium there is Belgium and
the Holocaust. Jews, Belgians, Germans, a collection of articles edited by Dan
Michrnan. 52
The enormous amount of archival material that has recently become
available in the former Communist states has been a boon for historians intent
on raking over old coals. Now that the documents located in Berlin have been
sufficiently sifted, studies about decision-making on the local level are
appearing at a rapid rate. These works are noteworthy for their insight into the
genesis of the Holocaust, the Holocaust, that is, as perceived by German
scholars: the annihilation of the Jews in the forties. Along with the mass
executions and gassings, more is becoming known about the starvation of the
Jews on the Death Marches and in the thousands oflabor camps and,s3 not to
mention the economic significance of the camps themselves. 54
One such local study is Auschwitz.. From J270 to the Present. 55 Himmler
planned to tum Auschwitz into a model city for German colonization in the
East. Only in the spring of 1942, in the vortex of war, would it assume its now
familiar function as the central location for gassing Europe's Jews with
industrial methods. Regarding the history of Auschwitz, Michael Marrus
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 9
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
concludes soberly: "that however they came to the idea of murdering the Jews
of Europe, the Nazis spent remarkably little time thinking of precisely how
they would accomplish their task".56
The admirable regional study by Dieter Pohl about the murder of the Jews
of Galicia further supports the view that the politics of destruction underwent a
radicalization in the spring of 1942. 57 The daily reports by the police battalions
made public in Washington leave little doubt, however, that already in 1941
there was a clear policy to kill off the Jews systematically. 58 Aside from
Poland, that policy hit the Baltic states especially hard. At the end of 1941,
72% of Lithuanian Jewry had already been murdered. 59 Eighty percent ofthese
battalions were made up of Lithuanian volunteers. Political considerations are
partly responsible for the fact that so little work has been done on the role of
local auxiliary police forces and authorities in the Baltic states, Belorussia and
in Ukraine. 60 Even so, the picture of the activities of the Einsatzgruppen and
the Wehrmacht in Poland, the Baltic states and in the occupied areas of the
Soviet Union is becoming more and more complete. 61 Christian Gerlach
emphasizes that both among the civilian and the military authorities of the
German occupation in White Russia there was broad agreement on the
destruction policies: "Die deutschen Funktionare in den verschiedene
Institutionen waren hochrnotiviert, in ihren Zielen weitgehend einig und
identifizierten sich stark mit ihren Aufgaben".62
In a previous work, Gerlach had already stated that historians can no longer
afford to ignore the starvation policies and the terror of the occupation in the
East. 63 Systematic researches which clearly spell out the connections between
military, economic and political aims and chart the entire range of regional
variations in German conduct is a necessary precondition for drawing
meaningful conclusions about Germany's occupation policies in Europe.
Since Gerlach's meticulous study is based on German sources, the voices of
the White Russian and Jewish victims are not heard. 64 The problem oflanguage
often poses a huge obstacle to this type of research. The greater the pity, for
many a worthwhile study from the former Eastern Block is thereby "lost" to us,
certainly to the writer of this article. Because he did not know any Western
languages, one author, for example, grounded his study of Jewish persecution
in the Ukraine and Eastern Galicia entirely on Russian and East European
sources and thus remained unaware of the book in German by Dieter Poh!. 65
Fortunately, thanks to the efforts of Randolph Braham, we do have English
language publications about the persecution of the Jews in Hungary and
Romania. 66
Himmler's Dienstkalender, which surfaced in the Moscow archives,
indicates that the mass killings of Jewish women and children began in July of
1941, within weeks of the invasion of Russia. The comprehensive
10- WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
introduction by a group of German historians summarizes the latest research on
the Final Solution. 67
I'm afraid that for the time being the studies on the different regions will
continue to appear and that historians will keep on going down beaten paths.
The great difficulty is that there is as yet no consensus on how to compare
these monographs with one another. What is lacking is a more detailed
analytical conceptual framework, the sine qua non for arriving at a synthesis.
There are plenty of standard collections in which each author takes charge of a
particular region and the comparison is left to the introduction and thus to the
reader. Some collections, however, distinguish themselves by the quality of
their contributions. Among the latter is the series about the aid to Jews in
Nazi-occupied countries. 68
The more such studies, the greater the need for a comprehensive work
surveying the field of National Socialist genocide. The multidisciplinary
Holocaust and History ranges across fifty years of scholarship 69, while Peter
Longerich weighs in with an authoritative, overall account. 70 Ulrich Herbert's
interesting historiographical contribution reconfirms that the focus of the
research has shifted from Berlin to the periphery, to the East, but also to Paris.
From this periphery came the stimuli, in 1941 and the beginning of 1942, that
energized and radicalized the persecution. 71
Holocaust: a Synthesis?
In rather less space, Saul Friedlander not only imposed order in the immense
jungle of Holocaust stUdies, but also supplied the initiative for a historical
synthesis encompassing fifty years of historiography on the persecution of the
Jews. Friedlander argues that the apparent contradiction between a traditional
interpretation that stresses the role of antisemitism and anti-modernism, and a
new interpretation that asserts the centrality of science, social engineering, and
a crisis of modernity for the rise of Nazism and the implementation of
genocidal policies, can be resolved by recognizing the ambivalence of Nazi
ideology itself and the inner contradictions of Hitler's regime. 72 Friedlander's
article on the extermination of the European Jews in historiography factually­
confirms the development, already noted here earlier, of the convergence of
interpretations which not so long ago seemed to be ineconcilable, those of
intentionalism and functionalism. 73 "The radicalization process," Friedlander
writes, "was fed by initiatives taken at various levels ofthe party hierarchy, but
no major decision could be taken without Hitler's assent".74
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 11
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
However admirable, Friedlander's attempt to anive at a synthesis for now
appears to be a pious wish. Orner Bartov and Dan Diner, among others, point
to the large differences that persist between what the latter refers to as the
"Jewish" macro-perspective in the representation of the Holocaust and the
"German" micro-perspective that "tends to dissolve the total picture into its
seemingly trivial constituent parts.,,75
The complexity of the overall picture - certainly where the persecution of
the Jews is concerned - appears to have stimulated a demand, in compensation
as it were, for books in which cause and effect again are clearly articulated; for
books which explain what actually happened, how the murder was committed,
what sort of people committed them 76 , stood by 77, or became the victims. 78
Where the perpetrators are concerned, one senses a desire for simple and
moralistic answers, as may be gathered from the public debates in Germany
over the legacy of Nazism and the commotion occasioned by
"Vernichtungskrieg", the exhibit which detailed the war crimes of the
Wehrmacht. 79 To encompass in a single synthesis two such disparate
experiential universes as those of the perpetrators and the victims presents an
ongoing difficulty. But while the unparalleled interest exhibited in their plight
in the course of the past two decades may satisfy the victims, the historians
clearly have a problem integrating their voices and the veritable flood of
survivor memorial literature into their nanatives. Add to this the more recent
studies exploring the differences between the women's and men's memories 80 ,
and we are more thanjustified, echoing Annette Wieviorka's aptly titled work,
in calling this the "era of the wi tness". 81
Continuing Controversies: Modernity and Sonderweg
Reinterpretations ofthe Holocaust and National Socialism are often bundled
together, as the debates about modernization and the German Sonderweg
would seem to indicate. Uwe Backes among Germany's political scientists and
Jesse and Zitelmann among the historians are not the only ones critical of the
"neurotic treatment" of National Socialist history which, they maintain, makes
it impossible to ask "unconvential questions." The more time passes, the more
likely we are to reach that stage of normalization of historical consciousness
and an historiography of Nazism liberated from the fetters of the Nuremberg
Trials. Even so, there will always be historians prepared to defend the
Nazi-Germany-as-the-crisis-of modernity thesis, just as there will always be
historians equally prepared to argue that it was Nazism which actually ushered
in the modernization of German society.
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In time the debate about the German Sonderweg is also bound to lose its
edge. For now why not be satisfied with the notion put forward by Louis
Dumont and Isaiah Berlin, two philosophers who caution against identifying
modern civilization solely with the intellectual legacy of the Enlightenment,
which they prefer to think of as a pluralistic whole from which the ideas of the
Counter-Enlightenment are not excluded. For however fertile the ground there,
these ideas were by no means confined to Germany alone. This would make it
much easier to explain why fascism - of which National Socialism was but one
variety among many - was able to rear its head in all European nations.
Ifthere is agreement that the world we live in today has not yet shaken off
the profound contradictions of modernity that made Auschwitz possible, then it
is up to the historians to obtain a better insight into those contradictions. For
this to happen, historians would have to step outside their own field rather
more often than has been the case up to now. 82 Only then would one truly be
able to attempt to comprehend the catastrophes of the twentieth century, and
the Holocaust in particular, and to place these in the proper perspective.
Stalinism, Nazism and the Claim to Uniqueness
Concrete, historical comparisons between the two totalitarian systems are
still rare. A good start has been made with two collections that feature the
contributions of experts on Nazism and Communism. 83 To no one's surprise,
these demonstrate once more that the former has been studied far more
extensively than the latter, so much so that Alain Besanyon speaks of a
"hypermnesie" with regard to Nazism and of "amnesie" with regard to
Communism. 84 Assessing the extent to which First World War was responsible
for giving birth to totalitarian regimes is still drawing in historians.
Gradually the German and Russian concentrations camps are starting to be
compared with one another. 85 Complementing the dozens of studies of recent
years on individual camps and their liberation is a two-volume collection
which views the German concentration camps from a purely functionalist
perspective - surely an indispensable source for anyone wishing to write on the
Nazi camps.86 Wolfgang Sofsky's brilliant analysis of the function of power
and control in the camp is now also available in English. 87
Another collection features an exceptional number of authors arguing
against the uniqueness ofthe Holocaust. 88 Steven Katz's proposed three volume
study promises to be the most extensive effOli to assert and to defend the claim
to uniqueness, a claim whose most prominent champions include
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the likes of Yehuda Bauer, Eberhard Jackel, Elie Wiesel and Emil
Fackenheim. 89 A critical review of Katz's version of the "Uniqueness Claim"
can be found in the aforementioned volume by Berel Lang. For the time being,
Friedlander's wait-and-see attitude seems plausible enough. "A new debate,"
writes Friedlander, "on significant historiographical issues may be appearing in
regard to the relation between Nazism and Bolshevism and the significance of
'totalitarianism' as a generalized explanatory framework for Nazi
extenninations and the 'Final Solution"'.9o
Hitler and the Holocaust
Sebastian Haffner died in 1999. His essays on Churchill, Hitler, and the
Third Reich are among the most pointed ever penned. He emigrated to
England, where he recorded his experiences with Nazism. These have now
finally appeared in a Gennan translation: Germany: Jekyll & Hyde. 1939 ­
Deutschland von innen betrachtet. 91 Haffner wanted to prevail upon the British
government not to enter into peace negotiations with Hitler. His analyses
present a good counterweight to the functionalist school, which tend to look
upon Hitler as a "weak dictator." In the more modem surveys of the Third
Reich, this weak dictator concept is barely in evidence92 , and in this respect
Haffner has been proven right. In 1940 he already foresaw that Hitler, "the
potential suicide par excellence," would end by dragging Gennany down with
There is no end to writing about Hitler. Already more than 120,000 titles
have been devoted to the Fuhrer of the Reich - many more than to Stalin. Ian
Kershaw has written a welcome synthesis. 93 A striking aspect of his Hitler is
this one's passivity. In Kershaw's eyes Hitler's career was no "Triumph des
Willens." As little as it took for Hitler to come to power, so little he had to do
to remain in power. The 'forces working toward Hitler' accounted for the
dynamic ofthe Nazi state. Kershaw provides a synthesis in the debate between
functionalists and intentionalists: according to him, it was precisely the
dialectic between the very general directives imposed from above and the
spontaneous initiatives at the local level that paved the twisted road to
"The questions of the w1iqueness of National Socialism, of Hitler's role in
its history, and of Gennany's path towards it," writes Jane Caplan in a first-rate
historiographical essay, "thus continue to occupy an absolutely central place,
posing great challenges to contemporary historians".94
The reconceptualization of the relationship between power and ideology
will remain a subject for debate as long as the origins of the Holocaust
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between the extremes of Goldhagen's thesis (the Holocaust as the outcome of
German "eliminationist antisemitism") and Gotz Aly's ("ethnic cleansing" as
the major cause of the Final Solution) are being debated. In both monocausal
explanations of the Holocaust Hitler hardly plays a role of any significance.
These views are not those of the great majority of Holocaust scholars,
including the functionalist Hilberg, for whom Hitler was "the supreme archi­
tect" of the Holocaust. 95
Another important work for understanding the genesis and implementation
of the Final Solution is Ulrich Herbert's biography of Werner Best. 96 Herbert
describes Best, Germany's Reichsbevollmachtigter in Denmark, as the type of
young SS intellectual who came to National Socialism from his own
convictions rather than by way of Hitler. These SS intellectuals were already
plotting to murder the Jews at an early date, again largely on their own
initiative. When the opportunity presented itself, they took charge of the Ein­
satzgruppen and began to carry out their plans in Poland and the Soviet Union.
Thus they acted not so much from slavish obedience to the Fuhrer as from a
volkisch-racist ideology and a coldly calculated "Antisemitismus der
Vernunft". The great measure of independence they enjoyed has been
confirmed in Michael Wildt's excellent documentation, Die Judenpolitik des
SD 1935 bis 1938. 97
Hitler and Antisemitism
Saul Friedlander stresses Hitler's "redemptive antisemitism".98 The Fiihrer
was convinced that the only way the German world could be saved was by a
life and death battle with the Jews who were doing everything in their power to
poison the German people. According to Friedlander, the source of this
"redemptive antisemitism" has to be sought in the ideas held by Richard
Wagner and his circle. This decisive influence of Wagner on Hitler had already
been established in Joachim Kohler's Wagners Hitler. 99
Der Nationalsozialismus als politische Religion 100 places National
Socialism in a long Christian tradition of heresy. The authors ofthis collection
assert that the Holocaust was the result of the Nazi apocalyptic belief that the
murder ofthe Jews would mean the delivery of humanity. The decision for the
Holocaust was the direct result ofHitler's "Messiah Complex." Friedlander and
Kershaw consider similar Messianic aspirations. The religious dimension of
National Socialist ideology is also treated in Barsch's analysis of the beliefs on
Volk and race espoused by Dietrich Eckart, Joseph Goebbels, Alfred
Rosenberg and AdolfHitler. 'o, Paul Nolte however
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reminds us that the concept of the Volksgemeinschajt was not exclusive to
right-wing politics. 102
In Wartum Auschwitz? Gunnar Heinsohn concluded tersely: "Auschwitz
war ein Vo1kermord fUr die Wiederherstellung des Rechtes auf
Vol kermord".l03 By getting rid of the Jews Hitler would be eliminating the
Thora commandments to love one's neighbor and to do justice, thus clearing
the way for the right to kill. Heinsohn, who found a total of 42 different
explanations for Auschwitz, summarizes Hitler's beliefs as follows: the arische
Herrenmenschen were only following the dictates of nature, and nature was
Racism and Hitler's Academic Auxiliaries
"The discourse of science in the social policy domain, with the allied fields
of eugenics, social hygiene and public health," writes Geoff Eley in an
interesting article about the contexts for German antisemitism, "within an
increasingly racialized climate of ideas between the 1890s and the 1930s, is
likewise vital to the understanding of antisemitism in that period". 104
Nazism has put eugenics, geopolitics and holism in bad odor. 'o5 In 1989,
Paul Weindling provided the best introduction to the new thinking on public
health that occurred at the end of the nineteenth century. His most recent study,
Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe, 1890-1945, links the antityphus
measures (a "Jewish" disease) of the First World War to the genocide of the
Second. 106
Not quite as long but equally convincing is the line from euthanasia to the
destruction of the Jews Herrry Friedlander draws. IO ? The Dutch historian Dick
de Mildt supplies the epilogue. His In the Name o/the People presents a clear
analysis of the trials of the Germans involved in the "euthanasia" program
"lebensunwerten Leben", the so-called T4-Aktion, and subsequently, in
Operation Reinhard -the industrial-style murder of 1.7 million Jews in the
three Polish extermination camps of Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka between
1942 and 1943. 108
Comparative research into the new thinking on public health at the
beginning ofthe last century is capable of imparting depth to Hitler's and the
Germans' antisemitism and thus explain the ideological fanaticism which
possessed the Germans in acquitting themselves of their tasks on the Eastern
front, as Gerlach indicated earlier. 109 The centrality of biological racism and
eugenics, and more specifically the connection between the German Drang
nach Osten, the "euthanasia" operations and extermination is becoming more
and more understood, as is evident from a collection of essays by Michael Bur­
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leigh which successfully integrates the most recent German, Austrian and
Israeli scholarship. I 10
The kinderreiche family the Nazis strove for was, in the population policy
of the Nazi "biocracy" (Robert Jay Lifton), to a large degree determined by
racial-biological beliefs and eugenics, observes Lisa Pine in a study on Nazi
family politics. II I How significantly these beliefs about racial hygiene had
captured the elites and solicited the participation ofbiologists and physicians is
clear from many a study.112 Mark Walker's Nazi Science, pointing an
accusatory finger at the war generation, criticizes the attitude of scientists in a
criminal regime, I 13 Ernst Klee dredged up more than 1,000 perpetrators who, at
.the behest of prominent industries, university departments and, above all, the
Wehrmacht, conducted medical experiments on patients, POW's and
concentration camp prisoners in Auschwitz. 114 Meanwhile, the comforting
interpretation ofItalian racism as an imported product has been challenged by
Giorgio Israel and Pietro Nastasi who demonstrate the magnitude of the
backing given to the regime's antisemitism by numerous Italian intellectuals,
scientists and university teachers. I IS
The flood of studies about the complicity of the elites - "Hitlers akademi­
sche Hilfstruppen" - in the Nazi crimes l16 has now reached the caste of
historians themselves, a number of whom became ardent proponents of
German expansionism and ethnic cleansing, J 17 After 1945, these historians
quickly adjusted their language and shed their former identity as easily as an
old coat. Here too the trend of shifting historical perspectives, from researching
the institutions themselves to the role played by the leaders of these
institutions, is clearly discernible, There are simply too many of these
biographies to mention them all. The case of the Nazi Germanist Hans Ernst
Schneider alone, who after 1945 simply assumed a new personality and
became the left-liberal Hans Schwerte, has spawned more than six
publications, In this ongoing investigation of the complicity of the elites,
students fill a separate chapter. I 18
All of this confirms that Nazi Germany was an explosive laboratory of
modernity, as the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman had demonstrated in Modemity
and the Holocaust (1989) - the genocide as a bureaucratic process governed by
rational principles such as efficiency, cost-benefit analyses, and division of
labor. The division oflabor made it easy to set aside one's moral scruples both
during and after the war. Ideological fervor hardly entered into it.
This may be true for those who participated in the genocide from behind a
desk or in a laboratory. The case stood different for those who populate the
book by Goldhagen a'nd literally pulled the trigger; Bauman and Gotdhagen
targeted different groups. Nor can we rule out Nazi ideology as the main
reason for the willingness of Germans to commit or to condone murder, as
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Fall 2000 - 17
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Bartov alleged in Hitler's Army: Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich
(1991). In the racist Weltanschauung all Slavs, Russian POW's and Jews were
Other Victims
Other groups the Nazis wrote off as Untermenschen are getting more
attention. The discussion of whether Gypsies and Jews were the victims of the
same murderous persecution is likely to continue, as the studies by Wolfgang
Wippermann and Guenter Lewy demonstrate. 119 The first synthesis of the
persecution of the Gypsies came out only in 1996. Michael Zimmermann's
well documented study puts the number of murdered Gypsies considerably
lower than the generally accepted total of one half million. 120 More important is
his conclusion that the history ofNational Socialist persecution ofthe Gypsies
does not coincide with the historical experiences of the Sinti and Roma: "Der
Historiographie wird sich deshalb sHirker als bisher bemiihen miissen, die
Erinnenmgen der lTberlebenden festzuhalten, die vielleicht mehr vom Leben
der Ermordeten bewahren als jene Dokumente der Verfolgung, die von den
Tatem stammen." There also seems to be a growing interest in the plight of
such persecuted minorities as the asocials and Jehovah's Witnesses. 121
Reconstructing the reactions ofthe survivors and integrating the perspective
ofthe victims in a comprehensive comparative analysis ofthe Nazi persecution
would require taking an inventory of the never-ending stream of memoirs
about the concentration camps and prisons. Gie van den Berghe got the ball
rolling for Belgiurn, compiling a bibliography of 1,600 eyewitness accounts 122.
Inga Clendinnen stresses in her study the problematical nature of eyewitness
accounts and memoirs of survivors. 123
The treatment of another group of victims, the POW's, was decisively worse
than that compared with their position some thirty years earlier in the First
World War. Particularly shocking is the treatment of the Africans and
African-Americans, whose fate David Killingray traces in the collection Priso­
ners of War and Their Captors in World War 11. 124 The Germans and the
Italians held that the Geneva Convention did not apply to "aborigines"; often
they did not even bother to take these prisoner and just shot them on the spot,
as was the fate of the 500 black soldiers whom the Germans executed on the
side of the road near Lyon in June of 1940. Unfortunately, Killingray does not
discuss the significance of the war experiences in shaping the self­
consciousness ofthe black soldiers and future African leaders such as Senghor,
Bokassa, Kenyatta and Nkrumah. Leopold Sedar Senghor considered the two
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Dick van Galen Last
years he spent as a POW as a decisive period in his intellectual pilgrimage
toward negritude. Having fought in Europe, they returned home determined to
continue the struggle that had begun against Hitler. 125
The Russian POW's were treated the worst. Of the 5.7 million, 3.3 million
did not survive the German camps. More research is needed, both to document
their experiences and those of their German counterparts who eventually
wound up as POW's in the Soviet Union '26 and in the West.
The tactic of pitting different groups of victims against one another, the
deployment of a "hierarchy of suffering", is the subject of a study by the
philosopher and sociologist Jean-Michel Chaumont, who investigated the
struggle of individuals and groups for recognition. 127 Dan Diner affirms that the
Jews occupy a special place in Western conscioiusness. " ...The mass murder
of Jews," he writes, "ultimately appears to touch deeper psychological levels
and to evoke more powerful emotions than the victimization of others by the
Nazi machinery of destruction". 128
Systematic research on the attitude of the Christian Churches has been done
primarily in Germany: the dividing line within the Protestant churches lay
between collaboration l29 and resistance as it manifested itself in the
Kirchenkampf 30 and the persecution of the Catholic church '31 . Since com­
prehensive studies on the functioning of the local churches for the rest of
Europe are mostly lacking, so are the preconditions for a more general
comparative approach among the countries themselves.
Under the Nazi regimes the Churches could still maintain a certain
autonomy as havens for alternative communication during and after the
services. Being that effective buffer between the individual and the state, the
Churches were in many countries the only institution to have strengthened its
position during the war. For example, churches were never as full as under the
Vichy government. Etienne Fouilloux placed the reactions of the church in
France in a larger continuum - from 1937 to 1947 - - in order to get a better
insight in the evolution of the Catholic world. 132 Fouilloux, and before him­
Halls 133, have shown more understanding than other historians for what the
fonner calls "the paradoxes of French Catholicism," without, however,
glossing over the collaboration of the Church with Vichy rule.
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Art and culture
Already in 1935 Walter Benj amin called fascism the "estheticizing of
politics." Many studies bear out that the Nazis took seriously the concept ofthe
Gesamtkunstwerk, the Wagnerian ideal in which all fonns of art merge into a
fonn of communal art which would no longer be distinguishable from society
at large '34 . For a long time it was considered inappropriate, to say the least, to
mention esthetics and culture in the same breath as fascism and Nazism. No
longer. M. S. Stone, for one, treats fascism as a serious cultural phenomenon
pursuing a conscious policy of "aesthetic pluralism". 135
As Gunter Berghaus shows, the relationship between Futurism and fascism
was a complicated one. The many nuances within fascism and Nazism make it
wellnigh impossible to speak of a single artistic direction with regard to the
arts. Similarly, Michael Kater found a surprising measure of variation and
autonomy in the Nazi world ofmusic 136 . The status of musicians went up and
music by amateurs was encouraged. Much depended on the taste of the
individual leaders, not all of whom were keen on agitprop. An analysis of the
attitude of eight composers toward Nazism and democracy wraps up Kater's
absorbing trilogy. 137
That totalitarian regimes well understood the importance of symbols, myths,
ritual and aesthetics in mobilizing the masses is a recurring theme in the work
of George Mosse, the pioneer in the cultural interpretation offascism who died
in 1999. 138 His The Image ofMan 139 showed how the history ofmodem virility,
suitably expressed in the martial statues by Amo Breker, came to a climax in
the Second World War. Lately, the representation of the body and fascist
virilities seems to fascinate many scholars. '4o Not surprisingly, film, theater
and opera have been found to have played equally important roles in the
aestheticizing ofpolitics. 141 "We need to interpret fascist aesthetics as founded
on the sublimation of the body and the alienation of sensual life", writes
Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi in her study of fascism as a discourse. 142
And then there are the usual volumes exploring the relationship between
film and photographs and history and memory. 143 Sylvie Lindeperg
investigated the heroic myths propagated in postwar French films and
demonstrates how the past was continually reinvented 144, while Pierre Dannon
found that occupied Paris actually offered more scope for film-makers than did
Not only German writers and philosophers 146 sympathized with fascism and
National Socialism; French intellectuals were not far behind in perceiving
fascism as the embodiment of irrational and instinctive creativity. 147 Except for
Drieu la Rochelle, most of the writers were writers of the second tier,
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according to Jeannine Verdes-Leroux. 148 How the Germans attempted to
achieve cultural hegemony in Europe is the subject of a monograph on "Aktion
Ritterbusch", the Kriegseinsatz mounted by German scholars in the humanities
to displace the French. '49 In this context, a significant contribution is Gisele
Sapiro's synthesis inspired by Pierre Bourdieu's sociological "field" approach.
In treating the ever-intriguing topic of the attitude of the French writers, she
clearly shows that ideological motives were not always as decisive in shaping
their attitude as is commonly thought. 150
The Israeli historian Limore Yagil analyzed the mythical symbolism of the
"New Man" with which Vichy sought to further its goal of bringing about a
Revolution nationale l51 , a spiritual renaissance, as well as the regime's use of
art, the media and the theater in support of this effort. Petain himself saw
education as an important component in the cultivation of this "New Man.,,152
In the past decades, writes Perry Willson, Italian historiography has seen
"an increased professionalisation and the emergence of'women's history' as a
small but assertive section of historical study".153 The same holds for other
countries. New research challenges the idea that the violent aspects of the
resistance were the most important ones. A new emphasis on the unarmed,
mainly female, role of civilians has yielded a number of studies about women
in the German, 154 French, 155 Italian 157 and Greek 157 resistance. Their authors are
mostly women. Gender studies are no exception to the growing interest in
exploring subjective attitudes to the war. Tools are borrowed from other
disciplines to analyze the symbolic meaning of deeds and emotions and how
these are remembered and reported. Such studies, Willson notes, detail how
interviewees remember fear and courage and resort to modesty and pride,
jokes, understatement, dialect or metaphor in order to tell difficult or painful
stories. 158
Although French women only obtained the right to vote after the liberation
in 1945, they were far from powerless in determining social policies before
that, argues Sian Reynold in her feminist perspective of French history. IS?
Francine Muel-Dreyfus writes in Vichy et l'eternel feminin that part of the
regime's "treatment for national purity" was to condemn women to the kitchen,
and that in so doing it was at the same time condemning the ideals of the
French Revolution. 160 Miranda Pollard's Reign of Virtue also tells the story of
Vichy's attempt to reshape the position of women in French society.161 To
judge from several collections focusing on the relationship between women
and Nazism '62 , and women and fascism '63 , one might
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The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
conclude that the picture of the role of women was less clearly defined in the
latter than in the former. 164
The Axis Powers
Surveys and anthologies on the Third Reich are appearing in rapid
succession. '65 Ulrich von Hehl has given us a solid introduction, an excellent
summary of the recent debates, and a representative bibliography of 500
titles '66 . Racism is the most important strand in both Michael Burleigh's
collection and the monograph by LudolfHerbse 67 . Pierre Ayyoberry analyzes
the mechanisms of terror and violence which permeated society in the Third
Reich and cuts a clear path through the current thicket of historiographical
debates '68 . Eric Johnson's excellent study on the mechanism of terror in a
dictatorship portrays the Gestapo as a relatively small organization which
directed its terror almost exclusively at Communists and Jews. The "ordinary"
German had little to fear. 169
The trend toward individualization is so marked in the literature on the
Third Reich that Hermann Graml, taking stock on the occasion of the fiftieth
anni versary of the Munich lnstitutfur Zeitgeschichte, felt compelled to issue a
warning against "a privatization ofthe confrontation with National Socialism"
and the potential for "kollektiver Drtickebergerei".'70
Resisting the determinism which historians tend to impute to Hitler's advent
to power, Henry Turner's book on January 1933 attributes the successful
Machtubernahme to a fortuitous conjunction of circumstances in which the
specific character traits of the protagonists - Hindenburg, father and son,
Schleicher, Papen en Hugenberg - all played major roles. '71
William Brustein, in the sequel to the research into the social backgrounds
of the Nazis by his colleague Falter, concludes that the Germans became Nazis
for economic reasons. 172 In the economic program of the Party they saw the
potential for improving their standard of living.
There are many new general histories of fascism,173 as well as studies
comparing Nazi Germany with fascist Italy or other fascist states - Stanley
Payne for example makes a convincing case for the political weakness of
Spanish fascism. 174 Renzo De Felice has finished his monumental work on
Mussolini, which is surely a cornerstone in the historiography of fascism by
making the distinction between fascism as a movement and fascism as a
regirne.'75 The oft-repeated claim that industrialists enthusiastically backed
fascism does not hold up well, either for Gelmany or, as Franklin Adler
showed, for Italy; the industrialists were too committed to the existing
economy. 176
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To dub Edwin Hoyt's study revisionist would not seem improper, given its
spirited celebration ofMussolini's diplomatic talents. In Jasper Ridley is more
critical, but he too observes that Mussolini was often right, as when he
predicted that the Second World War would end in the division of, and the
struggle between, two super-powers, the US and the Soviet Union. 178 "The
world today is not one ofthe History but one ofthe Myth", Pierre Milza quotes
Mussolini as saying in his biography of the Duce. '79 Milza further makes the
point that Mussolini, in contradistinction to what happened in Germany,
allowed the state to prevail over the party. What Mussolini and Hitler had in
common was an ability to make the average person feel that he or she was
taking part in a great historical and social enterprise '80 .
There is a growing body of work by Italian, American and British histori­
ans such as Emilio Gentile, Richard Bosworth' 81 and Denis Mack Smith '82
whose focus is the Italian fascist regime and its mechanisms of control. The
political culture of fascist Italy has prompted several fascinating studies that
led to real advances in our understanding of the fascist experience. Emilio
Gentile's masterly analysis of the fascist political liturgy as a means of self­
representation, or the aforementioned study by M.S. Stone on its estheticizing
policies '83 are two of these. Stone found that the fascist regime literally
exhibited itself to the public. The author of Dictating Demography, C. Ipsen,
has produced yet another history ofpolitical culture by taking into account the
common positions of fascism's demographic theory and of the Catholic
Church. '84
The regime's last chapter, the Republic of Sal6 and the final accounting
with Mussolini, has not been neglected, either. 185 Hans Woller estimates that
until 1946 between 10,000 and 12,000 Italians fell victim to the so-called
purges - this in addition to the 20,000 to 30,000 trials of those held responsible
for the Duce's regime. '86 The postwar transition and the division among the
anti-fascists on questions relating to Italy's future are treated in various
works. '87
More than ideology, it was common international interests that brought Nazi
Germany and fascist Italy together. That interest began with the Italian
conquest of Ethiopia in 1935. Haile Larebo's evaluation of Italy's colonial
policies is a mixed bag. The negative components (racism and violence)
contributed significantly to its failure; the positive elements, such as the
establishment of infrastructure, turned out to be of capital importance for the
modernization ofEthiopia. 188 Albert Sbacchi concurs. The conqueror toppled,
"the Ethiopians appreciated Italian contributions in industry, transpOli, and
government administration". 189
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Vichy France
A history of occupation well worth emulating is Etienne Dejonghe's and
Yves Le Maner's study of the two northwestern departments of France. This
region is special for two reasons: the strong German military presence and the
experiences of the First World War. 190
The English literary historian Ian Ousby used literary sources to depict life
in France during the occupation. 191 Dominique Veillon provides a more
representative picture. l92 Philippe Burrin burrowed into German and French
archives to probe the extent to which the French adjusted to or productively
cooperated with the occupier. 50,000 children plus was the harvest from
liaisons dangereuses between French women and German soldiers. 193 Research
on the ways in which war and occupation changed sexual life and attitudes has
hardly begun. Thanks to Ludger Tewes, however, we do know what the
German soldiers thought about life as "Gott in Frankreich".194
Burrin's study leaves no doubt that nearly all the institutions and their
leaders adapted handily. The many studies that have since subjected these
institutions to detailed analyses confirm this assessment. Marc Olivier Baruch
examined the attitude of the French governmental apparatus vis-a-vis Vichy
and was left to wonder why only a small minority (0.2% of the 900,000 civil
servants) remained true to republican principles and went over to the
resistance. 195 Gerard Noiriel, however, inquired whether the Vichy regime
really was as decisive a break with the Third Republic as has generally been
assumed. Additional studies of Vichy's discriminatory measures against
France's foreign-born would shed more light on how the adherents of the
Revolution nationale legitimized their policies by appealing to the Republic. 196
The moral question ofthe limits of obedience was screwed a little tighter in
the course of the "second purge" (Rousso) in the eighties and the nineties,
when several highly-placed Vichy bureaucrats and collaborators were put on
trial. 197 Orner Bartov asked the same questions, albeit more generally, about the
police in modem states. 198 A similar concern is evident in a collection of
articles on the political police in European nation-states that includes a
contribution on the Tokko and political police in Japan. 199 There is also a
separate study on Japan's dreaded military police, the Kempeitai/ oo The active
involvement of the French police in the deportations 20I ; the collaboration ofthe
Milice202 ; the attitude of French physicians203 , entrepreneurs and banks 204 - all
these have found their historians.
Finally, many of the best scholars in the field have contributed to France at
War which not only examines how the experience of war and occupation
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shaped the everyday lives of people but also the ways in which the historians
have analyzed the historical legacy of Vichy.205
Occupation and Resistance: Comparative Perspectives?
How carefully an historian has to tread when he or she tackles history and
collective memory is apparent from Nicholas Doumanis' ethnographic research
in an outpost of Europe, the Dodecanese archipelago. 206 Local historiography
depicts the Italian occupation of these islands as a period of barbarization,
exploitation and corruption. The memories of eyewitnesses Doumanis
interviewed were rather more tinged with nostalgia; as these remembered it,
relations with the Italian occupier were much more pleasant and human than
with their Gennan and British counterparts.
Albania was another country that experienced both a German and an Italian
occupation. Where the Italians attempted to win the Albanian elites for
themselves, the Gennans did their utmost to destroy the political and social
structures. 207 Other occupation histories include the Nazi occupation of
Austria208 , Greece 209 , Luxemburg 210 and Itall ll , and a collection of articles
focuses on Hungary in "the age of total war" (1938-1948 ).212
The many specialized studies on the resistance of groups and individuals in
Nazi Germany done by Germans have been joined by some English-language
publications 213 . Reflecting more recent interests is the collection of articles that
focus on the attitude of the German military resistance towards the "Jewish
problem" and war crimes on the Eastern frone l4 ; America's ties with the
German resistance are coming into focus as well. 215 Leonid Grenkevich has
taken the essential first step in reconstructing the real nature and impact ofthe
Soviet partisan struggle by synthesizing the best available Western and Eastern
sources. 216
Rab Bennett's comprehensive guide to the harrowing ethical choices that
confronted people in the occupied countries includes a detailed discussion of
Jewish resistance and "collaboration".217 Jean-Franyois Muracciole's engaging
study of the spiritual ambitions of the resistance in France - a pioneer effort in
comparative research into the resistance as a subculture - reflects the shifting
interest in the legacy of the Resistance. 2J8
The debate on the place of the resistance in Italian and in French history
continues. This reflects the highly politicized nature of historical writing in
Italy, a country rife with institutions devoted to the history of the resistance and
anti-fascism, especially in the northern and central cities. To a lesser degree,
this is also true of France, where publications often are the product of academic
conferences during which notions on what constituted the resistance
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 25
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
are challenged. The evolution toward more social and anthropologically-based
studies of the resistance is noticeable here as well. 219
The compilations on the resistance in Germany and other Western
European 22o countries, as those on the German struggle against the resistance in
Western and Southern Europe 22l , offer little that is new from a comparative
perspective. Though the heroic, nationalistic phase in its historiography may be
long past, there are still too few studies on the different interpretations of the
term resistance to be able to subject them to systematic comparative criticism.
A good foundation for such comparative study has been laid in Resistance in
Western Europe, a collection of articles edited by Bob Moore. 222 In his
thoughtful conclusion, Moore urges to take up the challenge issued by Jacques
Semelin and others to place the resistance in a wider framework than that of
the national and international social histories of World War II.
However, as Semelin has shown, earlier resistance was highly dependent
upon community cohesion. The articles in Opposing Fascism. Community,
Authority and Resistance in Europe show that centralized, nationally led
resistance movements never originated from below. The historiography of
Italian resistance has been emiched by Philip Morgan's important
methodological contribution contesting De Felice's conclusions on the quantity
and quality of 'consent' and 'dissent' under the fascist regime. 223
The final volumes of the documentary series Europa unterm Hakenkreuz
contains a very useful overview of the sources and a bibliography on the
politics of occupation. 224 This series can be read as an interesting attempt to
investigate the nature ofthe general traits of the German occupation. In this it
differs from the now-completed series Nationalsozialsische Besatzungspolitik
in Europa 1939-1945225 , which clearly shows that since there was no overall
leadership, we cannot really compare one country with another. Only where the
persecution of the Jews was concerned and (after 1942) the conscription of
labor did the Gennans attempt to lay down a central policy, with variable
The nine volumes of the ESE (European Science Foundation) owe their
methodological consensus and content coherence to the workshops and
conferences which preceded its publication. The ESE has plans to research the
profound consequences of National Socialist and fascist occupations for the
European populations using the same intensive international cooperation - an
important objective in that the collective memory of National Socialist
occupation is central to the historical and moral beliefs that link people in
Europe. This becomes very clear in Pieter Lagrou's outstanding comparative
study of the consequences of the Second World War in three Western
European countries. He concludes that the memory of the Second World War
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to a profound transformation ofWestern Europe's concepts ofnational identity,
citizenship and human rights. 226
Gabriel Kolko claimed in his Century o/War (1994) that it is only through
our comprehension of the traumatizing impact of war on society that one can
begin to understand the political upheavals and ideological cleavages that have
produced so many cataclysmic "peacetime" changes in the twentieth century.227
Kolko contends that any useful conception of social change must be rooted in
empirical studies of war.
Reflecting the same high standards of the previous volumes, Dietrich
Eichholtz's third and final volume of the Geschichte der deutchen
Kriegswirtschaft is a study of great importance for the economic policy of the
occupation 228 • It is becoming increasingly clear that the Gennans failed to
establish a continental "Grossraumwirtschaft". That their economic
exploitation of the occupied areas was not nearly as successful as is generally
thought is the thrust ofa collection of articles published in the aforementioned
ESF series under the title Die "Neuordnung" Europas 229 - a conclusion more
than borne out by Comi and Gies' solid study on agricultural policy and food
provisioning in Germany.230
At last we have a contribution on the economic history ofthe Second World
War which illuminates the perceptions of six of its participants. 231 Italy seems
to have spent the least percent of its national income on military expenditures,
a maximum of23% (1941), which accounts for its rapid collapse in 1943. The
numbers Mark Harrison furnishes in the introduction leave no doubt whatever
that there was no way the Allies could lose the war once they had mobilized
their economic resources. Richard Overy and Alan Milward had already come
to the same conclusion earlier, however much they differed in their assessment
of the Blitzkrieg.
Second World War: Causes and Consequences
Thanks to some new tools, the cluttered forest of literature on the Second
World War has now been made a little easier to penetrate. One of these is an
all-English-language sources handbook listing the most important events. 232
Nor have books on the causes of the Second World War in Europe become
extinct. 233 We also have a healthy new crop of new books on the eve ofthe war,
appeasement politics and Munich. 234 A fine evaluation of the historical
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The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
debates gives Pierre Grosser. 235 Archive materials of recent vintage are bound
to stimulate re-interpretations 236 , and many studies claim to have made new
discoveries in hitherto inaccessible depositories. 237
"Stalin distrusted everyone," told Ivan Maisky, the longstanding Soviet
ambassador who had sent Stalin repeated warnings that Hitler was planning to
attack Russia, "the only man he trusted was Hitler".238 Both German and
Russian sources confirm that there never existed any Soviet plans for a surprise
attack on Germany in 1941. 239
Russian archive material, kept secret until recently, indicates, among other
things, that the Russian losses were much greater than previously believed. 240
Roger Reese's gripping social history of the Red Army explains how the Red
Army, the world largest armed force, had failed to successfully defend its
borders and had allowed an enemy to conquer most ofEuropean Russia. Reese
concludes: "The armed forces had outrun the capacity of a still predominantly
peasant society to provide (on a mostly volunteer basis) cadres capable of
leading and managing a modem mass army". In some ways, the regime failed
the army. In other ways, the army high command failed the soldiers: "It lost
sight ofthe individual and his needs, forgetting that the foundation of military
success is the motivated and trained soldier".241 The military historian David
Glantz confirms that the Red Army was poorly trained, inadequately equipped
and inaptly organized. 242
Relyingon statistics and new documents, Mark Harrison analyzed the
economic toll of the war24J • Richard Overy points to the enormous Russian
achievement in transferring its factories behind the Urals - the year was
1941 - and shifting to the mass production of simple but effective tanks,
weapons and airplanes. 244
The Russian historian Falin asked why the Allies waited so long to open up
the Second Frcmt 245 , and Walter Dunn's study of the Red Army, modernized by
the Weimar Republic and armed on American advice, came to the not so
startling conclusion that the map of postwar Europe would have looked a lot
less favorable to the Soviet Union had the Allies invaded France in 1943. 246
However, the lesson of David Glantz's study of Zhukov's offensive of March
1942 is never to start an offensive before its time, unless you're willing to pay a
heavy price. 247
The historian ofwar, Kiesling, explains why the French had good reasons to
feel secure behind their Maginot Line. 248 But they were also defeatist. These
are two contradictory, yet frequently heard explanations for the French collapse
of May 1940. Robert Young sorts it all out in a monograph, while other
historians do the same collectively under the editorship of Joel Blatt. 249
In London, too, things could have taken an entirely different tum in the
spring of 1940, when not even all of the Tories solidly backed Churchill's
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film stand on Hitler and many European politicians were prepared to accept the
end of parliamentary democracy, writes John Lukacs. 25o Luckacs, who has little
patience for revisionist Churchill literature, recalls Churchill's prediction that
the 1980's would see the end of Communism in Eastern Europe, and
concludes: "we must understand that the history ofthe fifty years from 1940 to
1990 was inseparab Ie from what happened in 1940, just as the Co ld War too
was but the result of the Second World War. At best, civilization may survive,
at least in some small part due to Churchill in 1940."251
"There is only one thing worse than fighting with Allies, and that is fighting
without them", Churchill is reported to have said. As is well known, the
tension between England and America persisted throughout the war years, a
tension which has been assessed by a number of historians, each in his or her
own way.252 We owe it to the published documents from Stalin's personal
archives that we now know more about Russia's role in "the making of the
Grand Alliance.,,253
The end of the war in Europe and Asia is the subject of a number of
anthologies 254 ; individual studies on the same topic have come out on
Germanl 55 and France. 256 The fiftieth anniversary ofthe Nuremberg Tribunal
afforded the occasion for a critical evaluation of the historical significance of
the War Crimes trial. 257
David Kennedy has contributed a new and broad ranging history covering
all aspects of Roosevelt's America258 arid there is also a collection of articles
worth noting, The War in American Culture. Society and Consciousness during
World War II. 259 It is becoming quite clear that the war had a far greater impact
on the collective and private lives of Americans than historians had imagined.
John Dower's analysis ofUS and Japanese racism not only shows how the war
changed people's thinking on racial differences, but also whets one's appetite
for more comparative studies of home fronts spanning different eras and
places. One such is the collection edited by Jeremy Noakes 260 ; another is Birthe
Kundrus' work on family policies and the position of the German woman on
the home front in the First and Second World War261 ; yet another is Women
and War in the Twentieth Century.262 That the war period seems to have been
no less a radical time for the Australians is the upshot of a work with a taste for
social history.26J
Many more gaps remain to be filled. Still barely explored, for example, is
the functioning of local and regional structures and institutions under the
occupation and the question of their continuity. The mass migrations ofpeople
likewise are waiting to be included in the research on the impact of war and
occupation on the lives of the occupied peoples. In 1945 the ethnic map of
Europe was drastically redrawn.
WWTSA Newsletter
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The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
The war was a catalyst of change. Its long-term economic consequences,
according to Mark Harrison, were an integrated world economy, capital
accumulation and mass production. 264 The war also initiated the decolonization
process, which concluded with Western countries having to adjust to a post­
imperial role. The economic crisis and the Second World War had led to a
consensus on the necessity of social services and stable political institutions. It
was the irony of history that it took Hitler's hubris, which brought down not
only Hitler himselfbut a whole slew ofpeoples, to rehabilitate democracy as a
bastion of human dignity.
Military History
In one of his war stories, Tolstoy related that he was more interested in
knowing what drove a soldier to kill another soldier, and how he felt about
that, than he was in knowing exactly how the armies were deployed at
Austerlitz. Interest in the lives of the soldiers at the front is still growing, and
many such memoirs are being published on the premise that the most violent
episodes of humanity are best understood by means of individual experience. 265
Andere Helmen - Andere Menschen kills two birds with one stone: it furnishes
both an important collection of the war experiences of soldiers and civilians
from various countries as well as a comparative perspective. 266 For Japanese
war experiences, there is the English translation of Senso (war).267
World War II did far more societal damage beyond the battlefield than did
World War I. Not surprisingly, given the reliance on new technologies,
especially of the advent of air power, and the extension of submarine warfare.
Robert Buderi argues that while the atomb bomb may have ended World War
II, it was radar that won it. 268 Clay Blair's two-volume work on V-boat warfare
attempts to undermine the belief that Hitler's submarines at any time posed a
serious danger to the Allies. 269 David Evans and Mark Peattie persuasively
explain in their important new study on the Japanese Navy how the Japanese
failed to prepare properly for the war in the Pacific: " ...the most serious
strategic failing of the Japanese navy was to mistake tactics for strategy and
strategy for the conduct ofwar".270
If the war at sea keeps pens stirring271 , so does the war in the air. Eric
Bergerud's analysis of the air war in the Pacific is rich in detail of what it was
like to fly and fight under primitive conditions so different from the massive
air war in Europe. 272 A previous work described the downward spiral toward
barbarization of the war in the Pacific, beginning with the land war on the
Solomon Islands and in the jungles of New Guinea, with neither the Japanese
nor the Americans bothering to take POWs. 273
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Another striking difference from the First World War were the doctrines
that accompanied the new technologies. These doctrines encouraged a "total
war" mentality, which meant converting the entire enemy civilian population,
along with its industrial and urban infrastructure, into permissible military
targets. Stephen Spender once remarked that the bombed cities of the Second
World War were the trenches of the First World War. The discussion over the
effectiveness and morality of the Allied bombardments is far from dead. 274 A
very high proportion of the 50 million people killed in the Second World War
were civilians, in contradistinction to the 10 million casualties of the First
World War, nearly all of whom were combatants.
And yet the Second World War has a silver lining, insists mili tary historian
John Keegan, who believes that "the worst of war is now behind us". In 1941
Hitler mustered 143 divisions to invade Russia, epitomizing that era of mass,
industrialized ground war which, Keegan asserts, has run its historical
course. 275 Another military historian, Martin van Creveld, is less sanguine. His
The Transformation ofWar (1991) maintains that Clausewitz's trinity ofpower
behind modem war - army, government and people -- has ceased to be
relevant. The number of people killed in assorted wars, rebellions, coups,
revolutions, and other massacres since the end of the Second World War has
been estimated to hover between 15 and 20 million, or roughly one-third or
one-half of the total numbers of deaths in the war itself. 276
England completely misread the Japanese aims, writes Anthony Best in his
fine study ofthe struggle between Japan, the revisionist power in the Pacific,
and the champion of the status quo, England. 277 The same might be said of the
USA., although Jonathan Marshall makes the point that more than anything it
was America's dependence on Asia's raw materials that caused the war in the
Pacific. 278 Nicholas Tarling shows rather more understanding for British
policies. For him the world war starts in 1941, with the Japanese occupation of
South-East Asia and the threat posed by the American navy to the Japanese
lines of communication. 279
With an eye on the final struggle in Asia, where they reckoned the Japanese
would go the limit in defending their coasts, both the British and the
Americans strove to keep the losses in Europe to a minimum. And indeed, by
the time America dropped its A-bombs, breaking all resistance, 1.5 million
soldiers had already been killed. 280 The decision to drop the bomb keeps
drawing fire on both sides of the fence. Revisionists reject the view that the
bomb was necessary for victory and explain its use as a political weapon
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The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
designed to intimidate the Soviet Union at the beginning ofthe Cold War. The
controversy has found a sober analyst in Richard B. Frank. 281
Peter Wetzler discloses that emperor Hirohito was well infonned of the
decisions of the military and that his participation was consistent with his
passionate belief in the significance of the imperial tradition for the Japanese
polity (kokutai) in pre-war Japan. 282 Edward Drea's essays resolve that Hirohito
"does not measure up as a fighting generalissimo. He constantly reacted to
military operation; he did not initiate them ... he valued the imperial institution
more than his people, his anny and his empire".283 His subjects' reaction to
capitulation28 \ is well told in John Dower's fine study Embracing Defeat.
Japan in the Wake of World War ll, which concludes: "The ease with which
the great majority of Japanese were able to throw off a decade and a half of the
most intense militaristic indoctrination offers lessons in the limits of
socialization and the fragility of ideology that we have seen elsewhere in this
century in the collapse of totalitarian regimes".284 But it was not only the defeat
and democratization of Japan that changed the political landscape more
fundamentally in Asia than in Europe. The Chinese revolution, the Korean War
and the decolonization of South-East Asia were but the most important
developments directly resulting from the war.
The Japanese Wartime Empire, 1931-1945 traces Japanese efforts at
mobilizing colonial work forces and the colonial people's reactions. 285 Many of
the contributors to this splendid addition to Asian comparative histories of
occupation demonstrate that the Japanese did not generally succeed in winning
over the Asiatic masses, for lack ofwhat Peatty calls "area expertise". That the
history of Japan's modernization is closely tied to the growth of its
imperialism, as Chushichi Tsuzuki argues in The Pursuit ofPower in Modern
Japan, 1825-1995,286 is borne out by the example of Manchuria in
LouiseYoung's study.287
Shigeru Sato, a Japanese-Australian historian, for the first time presents a
picture of the trials of the Indonesian people, specifically the sufferings of the
Javanese fanners and their employment as romusha. So many people died of
hunger and disease in the final stage ofthe occupation as ~. result ofthe misrule
of the Japanese occupier that the population of Java experienced a significant
decline. 288 Scholars have given remarkably little attention to the part played by
food in wartime. Food supplies and the Japanese occupation in South-East Asia
allow us to compare conditions in different South-East Asian countries 289 - a
comparable study for Europe has still to be written. Separate studies afford a
detailed look of the Japanese occupation policies in Malaya290 and Sarawak. 291
The Japanese military interregnum was analyzed in the Netherlands as an
integral part of the process oflong-tenn changes in Southeast Asia. 292
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Dick van Galen Last
Representing the Japanese Occupation ofIndonesia is an exemplary portrayal
of the Japanese occupation as seen through Indonesian, Dutch and Japanese
eyes. 293 Research still has to be undertaken into differences in the experience of
occupation between the peoples of North-East Asia, who had a longer
experience with Japanese colonization, and South-East Asian peoples who
were overrun for a period ofthree years. 294 Also, more attention will have to be
paid to the impact of the experience of war on popular consciousness in the
different Asian regions.
With the Japanese treating the Pacific War as distinct from their continental
war and American scholars focusing on the Pacific War, events in China
usually get lost in the shuffle. But if Edward Drea is right, that situation is
about to change: "If anything is certain," he writes in a useful historiographic
essay, "it is that we can expect more high-quality historical studies of the
momentous events in Asia and the Pacific that occurred between 1937 and
On November 10, 1942. Ernst Junger wrote in his diary regarding the
landing ofthe Americans in North Africa: "Die Art der Anteilnahme, die ich in
mir der zeitgenossischen Geschichte gegenuber beobachte, ist die eines
Menschen, der sich weniger in einen Weltkrieg als in einem Weltburgerkrieg
verwickelt weiss". IfJUnger had not lived in Europe, he might well have made
this observation earlier - at the moment, for example, that China, upon
America's entry into the war, became the battleground of the Second World
War in East Asia. Here, too, spatial distance is translated into distance in time.
For China the Second World War began earlier (1937) and ended later
(September 9, 1945) than in most countries. Nineteen million people died. 296
There is much to be said for dividing the twentieth century into a
catastrophe-ridden first half and a second half of unknown prosperity, at least
in the Western world. The second half is still overshadowed by the memory of
the first half. There is a possibility that future historians of the Second World
War will reinsert it into the context of the European power struggle that was'
ignited in 1914 and again push Auschwitz to the periphery. "The final solution
of the Jewish question was to be merely a prelude to the wholesale
reorganization of Central and Eastern Europe," writes Modris Eksteins
refelTing to the huge migrations that were the consequences of World War 2. 297
Another possibility is that the world wars, in the words ofErnst Junger, will
be regarded as Weltburgerkriege. The intensity of suffering and destruction
which struck civilians for six long years profoundly transfOlmed European and
WWTSA Newsletter
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The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Asian societies. Works like Mazower'sand Kolko's indicate the direction for
research on the impact of the war on social life and its postwar ramifications.
Among the many studies on the twentieth century that have recently
appeared 298 Marc Mazower's stands out for being less teleologically infonned
than the works of others, for he always remains aware of those crucial
moments when things could have turned out quite differently. Historians know
both more and less than the people they study. More, because they know what
the future will bring, less, because they will never quite be able to imagine
what it was like not to have had this foreknowledge - the fact, for example, that
until late 1941 official Nazi policy, at least with respect to Gennan Jews, called
not for extennination but forced emigration. Raymond Aron already dreamed
of a history with the fatalism taken out. With that approach historians would
rather try to understand than explain, a la Vaclav Havel. Understanding, not
judging, should be the watchword of the historian, declared Marc Bloch,
himself a victim of Nazism.
To this end, the historians must be less bound by the political and moral
agendas of the past and strive to overcome the attendant reluctance to draw
more general conclusions. As Orner Bartov puts it: "To employ the knowledge
so meticulously collected by scholars and yet not to get lost in the details and
lose sight of what it is that one is actually confronting".299 There will be new
generations of historians, and new questions posed, and a day may well come
that we ask ourselves why we even bothered with the present historiographical
controversies. Historians should be aware ofthe inevitably revisionist nature of
their work. Therefore, I cannot think of a better piece of advice on which to
close than to echo Nonnan Davies' plea "for a more reflective and imaginative
Translation: Jacob Boas
34 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Bibliographical references
The New York Times, January 29, 1995
Edward T. Linenthal, Tom Engelhardt (eds.), HistolY wars. The Enola Gay and other
battlesfor the American past (New York 1996)
Martin Harwitt, An exhibit denied. lobbying the history ofEnola Gay (NewYork 1996)
Toshiyuki Tanaka, Hidden horrors. Japanese war crimes in World War /1 (Boulder
RJ.B. Bosworth and Patrizia Dogliani (eds.), Italian fascism: history. memory and
representation (New York 1999)
Joy Damousi, The labour of loss. Mourning. memOlY and wartime bereavement in
Australia (Cambridge 1999)
Iris Chang, The Rape ofNanking. The forgotten holocaust of World War /I (New York
Joshua A. Fogel (ed.), The Nanjing massacre in history and historiography (Berkeley
Antony Beevor, Stalingrad (London 1998)
Sarah Farmer, Martyred village:
Oradour-sur-Glane (Berkeley 1999)
Martin Graf, Florence Herve, Oradour Regards au-de-liz de I'oubli. Blicke gegen das
Vergessen (Essen 1995)
Antoine Fleury, Robert Frank (dir.), Le role des guerres dans la memoire des Europeens.
Lear efJet sur la conscience {!'etre europeen (Bern etc 1997)
Martin Evans and Ken Lunn (eds.), War and memory in the twentieth centUly (Oxford
Andrei S. Markovits and Simon Reich, The German predicament. Memory and power in
the new Europe (Ithaca and London 1997)
Helmut Peitsch et al. (eds.), European memories ofthe Second World War (New York
Jay Winter and Ernn1anuel Sivan (eds.), War and remembrance in the twentieth century
(Cambridge 1999)
Life's picture history ofworld war/l (New York 1950)
Gordon Craig, Europe since /8/5 (New York 1974)
See for an explanation:
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 35
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Dan Diner, 'Memory and Method: Variance in Holocaust Narrations', in: Jonathan
Frankel (ed.), Thefate of the European Jews, /939-/945. Continuity or contingency?
Studies in ContemporQly Jewry, Vol. xiii (New York 1997) pp. 84-99
John Cornwell, Hitler's Pope. The secret history ofPius XII (London 1999) p. 95
Howard Adelman & Astri Suhrke (eds.), The path of a genocide. The Rwanda crisis
from Uganda to Zaire (New Brunswick 1999)
Jean-PielTe Chretien. Le deft de I' ethnisme. Rwanda et Bunmdi, /990-/996 (Paris 1997)
Alison Des Forges et aI., Leave none to tell the sto/y. Genocide in Rwanda (London
Philip Gourevitch, We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our
families. Storiesjrom Rwanda (New York 1998)
Mary Fulbrook, German national identity after the Holocaust (Oxford 1999)
Jiirgen Kocka, 'Die Geschichtswissenschaft nach der deutschen Vereilligung' in:
Gestaltungskraft des Politischen. Festschrift fur Eberhard Kolb (Berlin 1998) p. 349
Dan Diner, op.cit.
Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's willing executioners. OrdinQlY Germans and the
Holocaust (London 1996)
Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory. The Nazi Past in the two Germanys, (Cambridge 1997)
See for the debate among others:
Norman Finkelstein and Ruth Bettina Birn (eds.), A nation on trial. The Goldhagen thesis
and historical truth (New York 1998)
Edouard Husson, Une culpabilite ordinaire? Hitler, les Allemands et la Shoah. Les
enjeux de la controverse Goldhagen (Paris 1997)
Julius H. Schoeps (Hrsg.), Die Dokumentation zur Goldhagen-Kontroverse urn die Rolle
der Deutschen im Holocaust (Hamburg 1996)
Frank Schirrmacher (Hrsg.), Die Walser-Bubis-Debatte. Eine Dokurnentation (Frankfurt
Fritz Bauer Institut (Hrsg.), Auschwitz. Geschichte, Rezeption. Jahrbuch /996 zur
Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust (Frankfurt 1996)
Charlotte Kohn-Ley Lund Michael Ley (Hrsg.), Auschwitz. Versuche eine Anndherung
(Wien 1996)
Alphons Silbennann, Manfred Stoffers, Auschwitz: Nie davon gehort? Erinnern und
vergessen in Deutschland (Berlin 2000)
Enzo Traverso, L'histoire dechiree. Essai sur Auschwitz et les intellectuels (Paris 1997)
36 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Del' Denkmalstreit - Das Denkmal? Eine Dokumentation (Berlin 1999)
Mark Mazower, Dark continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (London 1998) p. 194
Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American life (BostonlNew York 1999)
See also:
Tim Cole, Images of the Holocaust. The myth of the 'Shoah business' (Boston 1999)
Idem, Selling the Holocaust. From Auschwitz to Schindler (New York 1999)
Hilene Flanzbaum (ed.), The Americanization of the Holocaust (Baltimore 1999)
Richard Chaim Schneider, Fetisch Holocaust. Die Judenvernichtung -verdrangt and
vermarktet (Munchen 1997)
Shmuel Trigano, L'ideal democratique
a I 'epreuve de la Shoa (Paris
Dan Diner, op.cit.
Alvin H. Rosenfeld, 'Holocaust, popular culture and memory' in: Paolo Amodio
a.o.(eds.), La Sho'ah tra interpretazione e memoria (Napoli 1999) pp. 239-254
Henry Rousso, La hantise du passe (Paris 1998)
J6m Rusen, 'Sinnverlust und Sinnbildung im historischen Denken am Ende des
Jahrhunrderts' in: Wolfgang Kuttler et a!. (Hrsg.), Geschichtsdiskurs Band 5: Globale
Konflikte, Erinnerungsarbeit und Neuorienterungen seit 1945 (Frankfmi 1999) p. 373
Berel Lang, The future of the Holocaust. Between history and memory (Ithaca 1999)
Another carefully argued contribution of Berel Lang is to be found in yet another
collection on the representation of the Holocaust:
Andrew Leak and George Paizis (eds.), The Holocaust and the text. Speaking the
unspeakable (Basingstoke 1999)
For example: Saul FriedHinder, 'Auseinandersetzung mit der Shoah: einige
Uberlegungen zum Thema Erinnerung und Geschichte' in: Wolfgang Kuttler et a!.
(Hrsg.), op. cit., pp,. 15-29
See also:
Gulie Ne'eman Arad (ed.), Passing into history. Nazism and the Holocaust beyond
memory. In honor ofSaul Friedlander on his sixty-fifth birthday (Bloomington 1997)
Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust. History, theOly, trauma (Ithaca 1994)
Omer Bartov, Murder in our midst. The Holocaust, industrial killing, and representatiOll
(New York 1996)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 37
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Geoffrey H. Hartman, The longest shadow.
(Bloomington 1996)
Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking about
(Bloomington 1997)
Paolo Amodio et al.(eds.), La Sho'ah tra interpretazione e memoria (Napoli 1998)
Michael Steinlauf, Bondage to the Death. Poland and the MemOlY ofthe Holocaust (New
York 1997)
Wolfgang Benz, Del' Holocaust (MUnchen ] 995)
of the
After half a
Idem. The Holocaust. A German historian examines the genocide (New York] 999)
Eric Joseph Epstein and Philip Rosen (eds.), Dictionary of the Holocaust. Biography,
geography and terminology (Wesport 1997)
Dan Michman, 'Research on the Holocaust: Belgium and General', in: Dan Michman
(ed.), Belgium and the Holocaust, Jews, Belgians, Germans (Jerusalem 1998) p. 2
Stepane Courtois et aI., Le livre noir du communisme: crimes, terreur et repression (Paris
Franyois Furet, Ernst Nolte, Fascisme et communisme (Paris 1998)
Pierre Rigoulot, Un pave dans I 'histoire. Le debat j"ranr;ais sur Ie livre noir du
communisme (Paris 1998)
33 FriedheIm Boll (Hrsg.), Veljolgung und Lebensgeschichte. Diktaturerfahrungen unter
nationalsozialistischer und stalinistischer Herrschaft in Deutschland (Berlin 1997)
Jilrgen Danyel (Hrsg.), Die geteilte Vergangenheit.
Nationalsozialismus und Widerstand in beiden deutschen Staaten (Berlin 1995)
Jeffrey Herf, Divided memory. The Nazi past in the two Germanys (Cambridge Ma.
GUnther Heydemann und Eckhard Jesse (Hrsg.), Diktaturvergleich als Herausforderung.
TheOl'ie und Praxis (Berlin 1998)
Hans Hockerts (Hrsg.), Drei Wege deutscher Sozialstaatlichkeit: NS-Biktatur,
Bundesrepublik und DDR im Vergleich (Milnchen 1998)
Wolfgang Wippermann, Totalitarisrnus-theorien (Darmstadt] 997)
34 See: Dick van Galen Last, 'Fifty years of writing the history of the Second World War'
in: Bulletin of the International Committee for the History of the Second World War,
No.29 (1996/1997) p. 38
35 Richard J. Evans, Rereading German histOlyI800-1996.
reunification (London 1997)
Joachim Fest, Speer. Eine Biographie (Berlin 1999)
Peter Hoffman, Stauffenberg. A family history (Cambridge 1995)
Peter Hoffman; Stauffenberg und del' 20. Juli (Milnchen 1998)
38 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Guido Knopp, Hiders Krieger (Munchen 1998)
Gitta Sereny, Albert Speer. His battle with truth (London 1995)
Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi. The life and lies ofAlbert Speer (London 1997)
Wolfgang Venohr, Stauffenberg. Symbol des Widerstands. Eine politische Biographie 3.
Oberarb. Neuauflage (Munchen 2000)
Victor Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten. Tagebiicher /933-/94/,
/942-/945 (Berlin 1995) in English transJation: / shall bear witness. The diaries of
Victor Klemperer (London J998)
Kenneth Angst (Hrsg.), Del' Zweite Weltkrieg und die Schweiz (ZUrich J997)
Peter Ferdinand Koch, Geheim-Depot Schweiz: wie Banken am Holocaust verdienen
(MUnchen 1997)
Jonathan Steinberg, Why Switzerland? (New York 1996)
Jean Ziegler, Die Schweiz. das Gold und die Toten (MUnchen 1997)
Tom Bower, Bloodmoney. The Swiss. the Nazis and the looted millions (London 1997)
Jorg Stadelmann, Umgang mit Fremden in bedrangter Zeit. Schweizerische
Fluchtlingspolitik /940-/945 und ihre Beurteilung bis heute (ZUrich 1998)
Gerard Aalders and Cees Wiebes, The art of cloaking ownership. The secret
collaboration and protection of the German war industry by the neutrals: the case of
Sweden (Amsterdam 1996)
39 Annie Lacroix-Riz, Le Vatican.I'Europe et Ie Reich de la Premiere Guerre mondiale ala
guerre Foide (Paris 1996)
Michael Phayer, 771e Catholic Church and the Holocaust, /930-/950 (Bloomington 2000)
Marc Andre-Chargueraud, L 'etoile jaune et /a CroL,-Rouge. Le Comite international de
la CrOix-Rouge et I'Holocauste /939-/945 (Paris 1999)
See also the updated English edition of:
Jean-Claude Favez, The Red Cross and the Holocaust (Cambridge 1999)
As it is impossible to quote all the case-histories of German enterprises here, just some
general works:
VoJker R. Berghahn, Quest for economic empire. European strategies of German big
business in the twentieth century (Providence 1998)
Lother Gall und Manfred Pohl (Hrsg.), Unternehmen im Nationalsozialismus (Munchen
Herve Joly, Patrons d'Allemagne. Sociologie d'une elite industrielle /933-/989 (Paris
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 39
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
David S Wyman (ed.), The world reacts to the Holocaust (Baltimore 1996)
Sebastian Conrad, Aufder Suche nach der verlorenen Nation. Geschichtsschreibung in
Westdeutschland und Japan 1945-1960 (Gottingen 1999)
Dan Diner, op. cit. p. 91
Konstantin Akinsha and Grigorii Kozlov, Stolen treasures. The huntfor the world's lost
masterpieces (London 1995)
Thomas Buomberger, Raubkunst Kunstraub. Die Schweiz und der Handel mit
gestohlenen Kulturgiitern zur Zeit des Zweiten Weltkriegs (Ziirich 1998)
Reinhard Engel und Joana Radzyner, Sklavenarbeit un term Hakenkreuz. Die verdrangte
Geschichte der Ostel7'eichischen Industrie (Wien 1999)
Peter Libennan, Does conquest pay? The exploitation of occupied industrial societies
(Princeton 1996)
Hector Feliciano, Le musee di~paru (Paris 1996)
Arthur L. Smith, Hitler's gold. The stOIY ofthe Nazi war loot (New York 1996)
Jonathan Petropoulos, Art as politics in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill 1996)
Idem. The Faustian bargain. The art world in Nazi Germany (London 2000)
Elizabeth Simpson (ed.), "The Spoils of War ". World War II and its aftermath. The loss.
reappearance and recovelY ofcultural property (New York 1997)
Willem de Vries, Sonderstab Musik. Music confiscations by the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter
Rosenberg under the Nazi occupation of Western Europe (Amsterdam 1996)
46 Bob Moore, Victims and survivors. The persecution ofJews in the Netherlands during
the Second World War (London 1997)
47 Richard H. Weisberg, Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France (Amsterdam 1996)
Le droit antisemite de Vichy (Paris 1996)
Robert Badinter, Un antisemitisme ordinaire. Vichy et les avocats juifs (1940-1944)
(Paris 1997)
Rene Remond, Le "fichier Juif" (Paris 1996)
Philippe Verheyde, Les mauvais
entreprises juives (Paris 1999)
Denis Peschanski, Vichy 1940-1944. Controle et exclusion (Bruxelles 1997)
Renee Poznanski, Les Juifs en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Paris 1997)
Simon Schwarzfuchs, Aux prises avec Vichy. Histoire politique des Juifs de France.
1940-1944 (Paris 1998)
Dan Michman (ed.), Belgium and the Holocaust. Jews. Belgians. Germans (Jerusalem
40 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Wolf Gruner, Der geschlossene Arbeitseinsatz deutscher Juden. Zur Zwangsarbeit als
Element der Verfolgung 1938-1943 (Berlin 1997)
Franciszek Piper, Arbeitseinsatz der Hafllinge aus dem KL Auschwitz (Oswiecim 1995)
Hermann Kaienburg (Hrsg.), Konzentrationslager und deutsche Wirtschaji 1939-1945
(Opladen 1996)
Robert-Jan van Pelt and Deborah Dwork, Auschwitz. 1270 to the present (London 1996)
See also: Waclaw Dlugoborski (ed.), Auschwitz 1940-1945. Studien zur Geschichte des
Konzentrations- and Vernichtungslagers Auschwitz (Oswiecim 1999)
Hans-Christian Harten, De-Kulturation and Germanisierung. Die nationalsozialistische
Rassen- lind Erziehungspolitik in Polen 1939-1945 (Frankfurt 1996)
Franciszek Piper, Teresa Swiebocka (Hrsg.), Auschwitz. Nationalsozialistisches
Vernichtungslager (Auschwitz 1997)
Michael Marrus, 'Auschwitz: new perspectives on the Final Solution' in: Jonathan
Frankel (ed.), op.cit., p. 82
Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 19411944.
Organisation and Durchfuhrung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens (Munchen 1996)
See also:
T. Piotrowski, Poland's Holocaust. Ethnic strife, collaboration with occupyingforces and
genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-47 (Jefferson 1998)
Thomas Sandkuhler, "Endlosung" in Galizien. Del' Judenmord in Ostpolen and die
Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz 1941-/.944 (Bonn 1996)
Richard Breitman, Official secrets. What the Nazis planned, what the British and
Americans knew (New York 1999)
Wolfgang Benz, Marion Neiss (Hrsg.), Judenmord in Litauen. Studien und Dokumente
(Berlin 1999)
Alex Faitelson, Heroism and bravely in Lithuania 1941-1945 (Jerusalem 1996)
The days ofmemO/y. International conference in commemoration ofthe 50th anniversary
ofthe liquidation ofthe Vilnius Ghetto. October 11-16, 1993 (Vilnius 1995)
Andrew Ezergailis, The Holocaust in Latvia, 1941-1944 (Ithaca 1996)
Bernhard Press, Judenmord in Lettland (Berlin 1995)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 41
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Knut Stang, Kollaboration und Massenmord. Die litauische Hilfspolizei, das
Rollkommando Hamann und die Ermordung del' litauischen Juden (Frankfurt etc 1996)
60 Martin Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust. Crimes of the local police in Belorussia
and Ukraine, /94/-44 (New York 2000)
Z. Gitelman (ed.), Bitter legacy. Confronting the Holocaust in the USSR (Bloomington
Jens Banach, Heydrichs Elite. Das Fiirhrerkorps del' Sicherheitspolizei und des SD
/936-/945 (Paderbom 1998)
Wolfgang Benz u.a. (Hrsg.), Einsatz im "Reichskommissariat Ostland". Dokumente zum
Va/kermord im Baltikum und in WeissRusland /94/-/944 (Berlin 1998)
Wlodzimierz Borodziej, Terror und Politik. Die deutsche Polizei und die Polnische
Widerstandsbewegung im Generalgouvernement /939-/944 (Mainz 1999)
Peter Klein (Hrsg.), Die Einsatzgmppen in del' besetzten Sowjetunion /94/-/942. Die
Ti.itigkeits- und Lageberichte des Chefs del' Sicherheitspolizei und des SD (Berlin 1997)
Friedrich Wilhelm, Die Polizei im NS-Staat. Die Geschichte ihrer Organisation im
Oberblick (Paderborn etc 1997)
Ralf Ogorreck, Die Einsatzgruppen und die "Genesis del' EndlOsung" (Berlin 1996)
Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Einsatzgruppe A del' Sicherheitspolizei und des SD /94/­
/942 (Frankfurt etc 1996)
Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschafts- and Vernichtungspolitik
in Weissrussland /94/ bis /944 (Hamburg 1999)
Christian Gerlach, Krieg, Erndhmng, Valkermord. Forschungen zur deutschen
Vernichtungspolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg 1998)
Shalom Cholawsky, The Jews ofBielorussia during World War II (Amsterdam 1998)
Jakov Khonigsman, Katastrafa evreistva zapadnoi Ukrainy: Evrei vostochnoi Galitsii,
zapadnoi Volyni, Bukoviny i Zakarpat'ia 1933-/945 (L'vov 1998)
66 Randolph L. Braham and Attila P6k (eds.). The Holocaust in Hungary fifty years later
(New York 1997)
Randolph L. Braham (ed.), The destmction ofRomanian and Ukrainian Jews during the
Antonescu era (New York 1997)
Idem (ed.), The Nazi's last victims. The Holocaust in Hungary (Detroit 1998)
Idem, Romanian nationalists and the Holocaust: the political exploitation ofunfounded
rescue accounts (New York 1998)
42 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
David Cesarani (ed.), Genocide and rescue. The Holocaust in Hungary (Oxford 1997)
Del' Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers 1941/42 (Hamburg 1999)
Wolfgang Benz, Juliane Wetzel (Hrsg.), Solidaritat and Hilfe flir Juden wahrend del'
NS-Zeit 3 Bde (Berlin 1996-1999)
Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck (eds.), The Holocaust and history. The known,
the unknown, the disputed, and the reexamined (Bloomington 1998)
Peter Longerich, Politik del' Vernichtung.
nationalsozialistischen Judenvelfolgung (Miinchen 1998)
Ulrich Herbert, Nationalsozialistische Vern ichtungspolitik, 1939 bis 1945. Neue
Forschungen und Kontroversen (Frankfurt 1997) in English translation:
National-socialist extermination policies. Contempormy German perspectives and
controversies (New York 1999)
Saul Friedlander, 'The extermination of the European Jews in historiography:fifty years
later' in: Alvin H. Rosenfeld, op.cit., 3-17, reprinted in Omer Bartov (ed.), The
Holocaust. Origins, implementation, aftermath (LondonlNew York 2000) pp. 79-91
Dick van Galen Last, op.cit., p. 49
Friedlander, op.cit., p. 86
Dan Diner, op.cit., pp. 97-98
G6tz Aly, "EndlOsung". VOIkerverschiebung und del' Mord and den europaischen Juden
(Frankfurt 1995)
Guido Knopp, Hitlers Helfer. Tater und Vollstrecker (1998)
Reinhard Pohanka, P/lichtelfilller. Hitlers Helfer in del' Ostmark (Wien 1997) Hans
Saftian, Eichmann und seine Gehilfen (Frankfurt 1995)
Gerhard Schreiber, Deutsche Kriegsverbrechen in ltalien. Tiiter, Opjer, StrajiJeljolgung
(Miinchen 1996)
Victoria 1. Barnett, Bystanders. Conscience and complicity during the Holocaust
(Westport 1999)
Heiner Lichtenstein und Otto R. Romberg (Hrsg.), Tater - Opfer - Folgen. Del'
Holocaust in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Bonn 1997)
Lew Besymenski, Wehrmachtsverbrechen. Dokumente aus sowjetischen Archiven (K61 n
Hannes Heel', Klaus Naumann (Hrsg.), Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen del' Wehr;nacht,
1941-1944 (Hamburg 1995)
Walter Manoschek (Hrsg.), Die Wehrmacht im Rassenkrieg. Del' Vernichtung hinter del'
Front (Wien 1996)
Rolf-Dieter Miiller und Hans-Erich Volkmann (Hrsg.), Die Wehrmacht. Mythos und
Realitdt (Miinchen 1999)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 43
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Karl Heinrich Po hi (Hrsg.),
Wehrmacht und
nationalsozialistischen System (Gottingen 1999)
Gerd R.Ueberschar (Hrsg.), Hitlers militiirische Elite 2 Vois. (Dmmstadt 1998)
Dalia Ofer and Leonore J.Weitzman (eds.), Women in the Holocaust (New Haven 1998)
Judith Tydor Baumel, Gender and the Holocaust (London 1998)
Annette Wieviorka, L 'ere du temoin (Paris 1998)
idem et Claude Mouchard (eds.), La Shoah: temoignages, savoirs, oeuvres (Paris 1999)
See for example:
M. Rainer Lepsius, 'Pladoyer fUr eine Soziologisierung der beiden deutschen Diktaturen'
in: Christian Jansen et al. (Hrsg.), Von der Aufgabe der Freiheit. Politische
Verantwortung und biirgerliche Gesellschaft im /9. und 20. lahrhundert. Festschriftfiir
Hans Mommsen zum 5. November /995 (Berlin 1995) pp. 609-615
Orner Bartov, 'Propositions d'approches nouvelles pour l'etude de I'Holocauste' 111:
Catherine Nicault (dir.), Les cahiers de la Shoah. Conferences etseminaires sur I 'histoire
de la Shoah No.4 (Paris 1997) pp. 151-181
Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin (eds.), Stalinismand Nazism. Dictatorships in comparison
(Cambridge 1996)
Henry Rousso (dir.), Stalinisme et nazisme. Histoire et memoire comparees (Paris 1999)
Alain Besanyon, Le Malheur du siele. Sur Ie communisme, Ie nazisme et l'unicite de la
Shoah (Paris 1998)
Robert Streibel und Hans Schafranek (Hrsg.), Strategie des Oberlebens.
Hiiftlingsge-sellschaften in KZ und Gulag (Wien 1995)
Alain Brossat, L'epreuve du desastre. Le XXe siecle et les camps (Paris 1996)
Ulrich Herbert et al. (Hrsg.), Die nationalsozialistischenKonzentrationslager.
Entwicklung und Struktur 2 Bde (Gottingen 1998)
See also:
Franyois Bedarida (dir.), La deportation.Le systeme concentrationnaire nazi (Nanterre
Karin Orth, Das System der nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager. Eine politische
Organisationsgeschichte (Hamburg 1999)
Wolfgang Sofsky, The order of terror. The concentration camp (New Haven 1999)
Alfred S. Rosenbaum (ed.), /s the Holocaust unique? Perspectives on comparative
genocide (Boulder 1996)
Steven T. Katz, The Holocaust in historical context, vol. 1 (New York 1994)
44 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Saul Friedlander, 'The extermination of the European Jews in historiography. Fifty years
later' in: Alvin Rosenfeld (ed.), op.cit., p. 14
Sebastian Haffner, Germany: Jekyll & Hyde. /939 - Deutschland von innen betrachtet
(Berlin 1996)
Karl-Joseph Hummel, Deutsche Geschichte /933-/945 (Miinchen 1998)
Ian Kershaw, Hitler /889-/936: Hubris (London 1998)
Jane Caplan, 'The historiography of National Socialism' in: Michael Bentley (ed.),
Companion to Historiography (London 1997) p. 568
Raoul Hilberg, Perpetrators, victims. bystanders ­ The Jewish catastrophe (New York
1993) p. 16
Ulrich Herbert, Best.
Biographische Studien aber Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und
Vernunjt, /903-/989 (Bonn 1996)
Michael Wildt (Hrsg.), Die Judenpolitik des SD /935 bis /938. Eine Dokumentation
(Miinchen 1995)
Saul FriedHinder, Nazi Germany and the Jews. Vol. /: The years ofpersecution
/933-/939 (New York 1997)
See also:
David Bankier, Probing the depth of German antisemitism (Jerusalem 2000)
Klaus P. Fischer, The histOly ofan obsession. German Judeophobia and the Holocaust
(London 1998)
Marion A. Kaplan, Between dignity and despair. Jewish life in Nazi Germany (Oxford
Otto Dov Kulka (Hrsg.), Deutsches Judentum unter dem Nationalsozialismus. Band
/: Dokumente zur Geschichte der Reichsvertretung der deutschen Juden 1933-/939
(Tiibingen 1997)
John Weiss, ideology ofdeath. Why the Holocaust happened in Germany (Chicago
Joachim Kohler, Wagners Hitler. Der Prophet und sein Vollstrecker (Miinchen 1997)
See also:
Jean-Pierre Faye, Le siele des ideologies (Paris 1996), pp. 17-23
100 Michael Ley und Julius S. Schoeps (Hrsg.), Der Nationalsozialismus als politischl!
Religion (Wien 1997)
Michael Ley, Genozid und Heilserwartung. Zum nationalsozialistischen Mord am
europliischen Judentum (Wien 1995)
101 Claus-Ekkehard Barsch, Die politische Religion des Nationalsozialismus (Munchen
See also:
WWTSA News/etter
Fall 2000 - 45
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Frank Lothar Kroll, Utopie als Ideologie. Geschichtsdenken und politisches Handeln im
Dritten Reich. Hitler - Rosenberg - Dam! - Himmler - Goebbels (Paderbom 1998)
102 Paul Nolte, Die Ordnung der deutschen Gesellschaft·
Selbstbeschreibung im 20. Jahrhundert (MGnchen 2000)
Selbstentwwf und
103 Gunnar Heinsohn, Warum Auschwitz? Hitlers Plan und die Ratlosigkeit del' Nachwelt
(Reinbek 1995)
104 Geoff Eley, 'What are the contexts for German antisemitism?' in: Jonathan Frankel (ed.),
op. cit.. p. 125
See also:
Thomas Rohrkramer, Einer andere Moderne? Zivilisationskritik, Natur und Technik in
Deutschland, 1880-1933 (Paderbom 1999)
105 Christoph Beck, Sozialdarwinismus, Rassenhygiene, Zwangssterilisation und
Vernichtung "lebensunwerten" Lebens. Eine Bibliographie zum Umgang mit behinderten
Menschen im "Dritten Reich" - und heute (Bonn 1995)
Stefan KGhl, Die internationale der Rassisten. Auj~·tieg and Niedergang del'
internationalen Bewegungfur Eugenik und Rassenhygiene im 20.Jahrhundert (Frankfurt
Anne Harrington, Reenchanted science. Holism in German culture from Wilhelm il to
Hitler (Princeton 1996)
Rainer Sprengel, Kritik der Geopolitik. Ein deutscher Diskurs 1914-1944 (Berlin 1996)
106 Paul Weindling, Epidemics and genocide in Eastern Europa. 1890-1945 (Oxford 1999)
107 Henry Friedlander, The origins ofNazi genocide (Chapel Hill 1995)
108 Dick de Mildt, In the name ofthe people. Perpetrators ofgenocide in the reflection of
their post-war prosecution in West-Germany: the 'Euthanasia' and 'Aktion Reinhardt'
trial cases (The Hague 1996)
See also:
Hanno Loewy (Hrsg.), NS- "Euthanasie" vor Gericht. Fritz Bauer und die Grenzen
juristischer Bewiiltigung (Frankfurt 1996)
Joachim S. Hohmann, Gunther Wieland, MjS-Operativvorgang
"Euthanasie "-Arzt Otto Hebold vor Gericht (Berlin 1996)
109 Edouard Conte et Cornelia Essner, La qwite de la race. Une anthropologie du nazisme
(Paris 1995)
James M. Glass, "Life unworthy of life". Racial phobia and mass murder in Hitler's
Germany (New York 1997)
Andre Pichot, La societe pure. De Darwin
aHitler (Paris 2000)
110 Michael Burleigh, Ethics and extermination. Reflections 0/1 Nazi genocide (Cambridge
46- WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
111 Lisa Pine, Nazi family policy /933-/945 (Oxford 1997)
See also:
Catrine Clay and Michael Leapman, Master race.· the Lebensborn experiment in Nazi
Germany (London 1995)
112 Horst Biesold, Crying hands. Eugenics and deafpeople in Nazi Germany (Washington
Ute Deichmann, Biologen unter Hitler. Portriit einer Wissenschafl im NS-Staat (Frankfurt
Uwe Gerrens, Medizinisches Ethos und theologischen Ethik (Milnchen 1996)
Peter-Ferdinand Koch, Menschen-Versuche. Die todlichen Experimente deutscher A'rzte
(Milnchen 1996)
Dorothee Roer, Dieter Henkel (Hrsg.), Psychiatrie im Faschismus. Die Anstalt Hadamar
/933-/945 (Frankfurt 1996)
Wolfgang Weyers, Death of medicine in Nazi Germany
dermatopathology under the swastika (Philadelphia 1998)
Dermatology and
113 Mark Walker, Nazi science. Myth, truth and the German atomic bomb (New Yark 1995)
114 Ernst Klee, Auschwitz. Die NS-Medizin und ihre Opfer (Frankfurt 1997)
115 Giorgio Israel and Pietro Nastasi, Scienza e razza nell'/talia fascista (Bologna 1998)
116 Karl Acham et a!. (Hrsg.), Erkenntnisgewinne, Erkenntnisverluste. Kontinuitiiten und
Diskontinuitiiten in den Wirtschafis-, Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaflen zwischen den
20er und 50er Jahren (Stuttgart 1998)
Eva Douma, Deutsche Anwalte zwischen Demokratie und Diktatur /930-/955 (Frankfurt
Christopher M. Hutton, Linguistics and the Third Reich. Mother tonguefascism, race and
the science of language (London 1999)
Raimond Reiter, Nationalsozialismus
Verbrecherstaates (Frankfurt 1996)
117 Gotz Aly, Macht, Geist, Wahn. Kontinuitiiten deutschen Denkens (Berlin 1997)
Martin Kroger, Roland Timmer, Die Geschichtsbilder des Historiker Karl Dietrich
Erdmann. Vom Dritten Reich zur Bundesrepublik (Milnchen 1996)
Peter SchOttler, Geschichtsschreibung als Leg itimationswissenschafl /9/8-/945
(Frankfurt 1997)
Winfried Schulze, Otto Gerhard
Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt 1999)
118 Michael Gliittner, Studenten im Dritten Reich (Paderbom etc 1995)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 47
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Richard J. Pope, Benveen Pope and Duce. Catholic students infascist Italy (New York
119 Wolfgang Wippem1ann, "Wie die Zigeuner". Antisemitismus und Antiziganismus im
Vergleich (Berlin 1997)
Guenter Lewy, The Nazi persecution ofthe gypsies (Oxford 2000)
120 Michael ZiIllil1ermann, Rassenutopie und Genozid. Die nationalsozialistische 'Lasung
del' Zigeunerfrage' (Hamburg 1996)
121 Wolgang Ayass, "Asoziale" im Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart 1995)
Guy Canonici, Les temoins de Jehova face
aHitler (Paris
Hans Hesse (Hrsg.), "Am mutigsten waren immer wieder die Zuegen Jehovas ".
Veljolgung und Widerstand del' Zeugen Jehovas im Nationalsozialismus (Bremen 1998)
122 Gie van den Berghe, Getuigen. Een case-study over ego-documenten. Bibliograjie van
egodocumenten over nationaal-socialistische kampen en gevangenissen, geschreven of
getekend door 'Belgische' (ex-)gevangenen: Belgen, personen die in Belgie gedomicileerd
waren of verbleven, en andere uit Belgie gedeporteerde personen (Brussel 1995)
123 Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge 1999)
See also:
Giorgio Agamben, Remnants ofAuschwitz. The witness and the archive (New York 1999)
David Patterson, Sun turned to darkness. Memory and recovery in the Holocaust memoir
(Syracuse 1998)
124 Bob Moore and Kent Fedorowich (eds.), Prisoners of War and their captors in World
War 1f. (OxfordlWashington 1996)
Lewis H. Carlson, We were each other's prisoners. An oral history of World War 11
American and German prisoners of war (New York 1997)
125 Martin Thomas, The French empire at war, 1940-45 (Manchester 1998)
126 Stefan Kamer, 1m Archipel GUPVf Kriegsgefangenschaft und fnternierung in del'
Sowjetunion 1941-1956 (Wien/Mtinchen 1995)
Klaus-Dieter Muller u.a. (Hrsg.), Die Trag6die del' Gefangenschaft in Deutschland und
in derSowjetunion 1941-1956(K6In 1998)
Reinhard Otto, Wehrmacht, Gestapo und sowjetische Kriegsgefangene im deutschen
Reichsgebiet 1941-42 (Mtinchen 1998)
127 Jean-Michel Chaumont, La
reconnaissance (Paris 1997)
128 Dan Diner, op.cit., p. 90
129 Doris L. Bergen, Twisted cross. The German Christian movement in the Third Reich
(Chapel Hill 1996)
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130 Hubert G. Locke and Marcia Sachs Littell (eds.), Holocaust and church struggle.
Religion, power and the politics ofresistance (Lanham 1996)
131 Marc Steinhoff, Widerstand gegen das Dritte Reich im Raum del' katholische Kirche
(Frankfurt 1997)
132 Etienne Fouilloux, Les chretiens franr;ais entre crise et Liberation /937-/947 (Paris
See also:
Renee Bedarida, Les catholiques dans la guerre, /939-/945. Entre Vichy et la Resistance
(Paris 1998)
Michele Cointet, L' egJise :>'Gus Vichy /940-/945. La repentance en question (Paris 1998)
133 W.D. Halls, Politics, society and christianity in Vichy France (Oxford 1995)
134 Sabine Behrenbeck, Die Kult urn die toten Heiden. Nationalsozialistische Mythen, Riten
und Symbole /923 bis /945 (Vierow 1996)
Gunter Berghaus, Futurism and politics. Between anarchist rebellion andfascist reaction,
/909-/944 (Oxford 1996)
Gunter Berghaus (ed.), Fascism and theatre: comparative studies on the aesthetics and
politics ofperformance in Europe, 1925-/945 (Providence 1996)
Hubert Christian Ehalt (Hrsg.), Inszenierung del' Gewalt. Kunst und Alltagskultur im
Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt 1996)
Eric Michaud, Un art de I 'eternite. L 'image et Ie temps du national- socialisme (Paris
Lionel Richard, L'art et la guerre. Les artistes confrontes
(Paris 1995)
ala seconde guerre mondiale
135 M.S. Stone, The patron state. Culture and politics in fascist Italy (Princeton 1998)
136 Michael H. Kater, The twisted Muse. Musicians and their music in the Third Reich (New
York 1997).
137 Michael H. Kater, Composers ofthe Nazi era (New York 2000)
138 George L. Mosse, Thejascist revolution. Toward a general theory offascism (New York
139 George L. Mosse, The image ofman. The creation ofmodern masculinity (New York etc
140 Andrew Hewitt, Political inversions. HomosexualityJascism and the modernist imagery
(Stanford 1996)
l.A. Mangan (ed.), Shaping the Superman. Fascist body as political icon. Aryan faSCism
(London 1999)
Karen Pinkus, Bodily regimes. Italian advertising under fascism (Minneapolis 1995)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 49
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Barbara Spackman, Fascist virilities. Rhetoric, ideology, and social fantasy in Italy
(Minneapolis 1996)
Daniel Wildmann, Begehrte Karper. Konstruktion und Inszenierung des "arischen
Miinnerkarpers" im "Dritten Reich" (Wi.irzburg 1998)
Hans Daiber, Schaufenster der Diktatur. Theater im Machtbereich Hitlers (Stuttgart
Jeremy Tambling, Opera and the culture offascism (Oxford 1996)
Jo Fox, Filming women in the Third Reich (Oxford 2000)
Thomas Hanna-Daoud, Die NSDA P and del' Film bis zur Machtergreifung (Ko In etc
Ulrich von der Osten, NS-Filme im Kontext sehen' "Staatspolitisch besonders wertvolle"
Filme del' Jahre 1934-1938 (Mi.inchen 1998)
Eric Rentschler, The ministry ofillusion. Nazi cinema and its afterlife (Cambridge Mass.
Linda Schulte-Sasse, Entertaining the Third Reich. Illusions ofwholeness in Nazi cinema
(Durham 1996)
142 Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist spectacle. The aesthetics ofpower in Mussolini's
1taly (Berkeley 1997)
See also:
S. Cavazza, Piccole patrie. Feste populari tra regione e nazione durante il fascismo
(Bologna 1997)
143 John Whiteclay Chambers II and David Culbert (eds.), World War II. Film and history
(New York 1996)
Caroline Brothers, War and photography (London 1997)
Eduardo Cadava, Words oflight. Theses on the photography ofhistory (Princeton 1997)
James Chapman, The British at war. Cinema. state and propaganda, 1939-1945 (London
Andrea Liss, Trespassing through shadows. Memory, photography, and the Holocaust
(Minneapolis 1998)
Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to forget. Holocaust memory through the camera's eye
(Chicago 1998)
144 Sylvie Lindeperg, Les ecrans de l'ombre. La seconde guerre mondiale dans Ie cinema
fralU;ais (1944-1969) (Paris 1997)
145 Pierre Darrnon, Le monde du cinema sow; I 'occupation (Paris 1997)
Rene Chateau, Le cinema francais sous I 'occupation, 1940-1944 (Courbevoie 1995)
Charles Rearick, The French in love and war. Popular culture in the era of the World
Wars (New Haven/London 1997)
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146 Ilse Korotin (Hrsg.), "Die besten
Nationalsozialismus (Wien 1994)
Jan-Pieter Barbian, Literaturpolitik im "Dritten Reich". Institutionen, Kompetenzen,
Betiitigungsfelder (Munchen 1995)
Christiane Caemmerer und Walter Delabar (Hrsg.), Dichtung im Dritten Reich? Zur
Literatur in Deutschland 1933-/945 (Opladen 1996)
Gunther Ruter (Hsrg.), Literatur in der Diktatur (Paderbom 1997)
147 David Caroll, French literary fascism. Nationalism, antisemitism and the ideology of
culture (Princeton 1995)
Francine de Martinoir, La litterature occupee. Les annees de guerre, /939-1945 (Paris
148 Jeannine Vedes-Leroux, Refits et violences. Politique et litterature
annees trente aux retombees de la Liberation (Paris 1996)
aI 'extreme droite des
149 Frank-Rutger Hausmann, "Deutsche Geisteswissenschaft" im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Die
"Aktion Ritterbusch" (1940-1945) (Dresden 1998)
See also:
Wolfgang Geiger, L"image de la France dans l'Aliemagne nazie: /933-/945 (Rennes
150 Gisele Sapiro, La gtlerre des ecrivains /940-/953 (Paris 1999)
151 Limore Yagil, "L'Homme nouveau" et la revolution nationale de Vichy (/940-1944)
(Paris 1997)
152 Remy Handourzel, Vichy et /'ecole 1940-1944 (Paris 1997)
153 Tim Kirk and Anthony McElligott (eds.), Opposing Fascism. Community, authority and
resistance in Europe (Cambridge 1999) p. 192
154 Christl Wickert (Hrsg.), Frauen gegen die Diktatur. Widerstand und Verfolgung im
nationalsozialistischen Deutschland (Berlin 1995)
155 Margeret Collins, Sisters in the resistance. How women fought to Fee France,
/940-/945 (New York 1995)
156 Jane Slaughter, Women and the Italian resistance (Denver 1997)
PelTY R. Willson, 'Saints and heroines: re-writing the history of Italian women in the
Resistance' in: Tim Kirk (ed.), op. cit., pp. 180-198
157 Janet Hart, New voices in the nation. Women and the Greek resistance, /94/-/946
(London 1996)
158 Perry R. Willson, op. cit., p. 194
See also:
Jean Gallagher, The world wars through the female gaze (London 2000)
159 Sian Reynolds, France between the wars. Gender and politics (London 1996)
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 51
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
160 Francine Muel-Dreyfus, Vichy et I'hemel jeminin (Paris 1996) p. 371
See also:
Hanna Diamond, Women and the Second World War in France 1939-1948. Choices and
constraints (London 1999)
Miranda Pollard, Reign o/virtue. Mobilizing gender in Vichy France (Chicago 1998)
162 Liliane Kandel (dir.), Feminismes et nazismes (Paris 1997)
Kirsten Heinsohn et al. (Hrsg.), Zwischen Karriere und Ver/olgung. Handlungsrdume von
Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland (Frankfurt 1997)
163 Robin Pickering-Iazzi (ed.), Mothers a/invention. Women, Italian/ascism and culture
(Minneapolis 1995)
164 Birgit Jurgens, Zur Geschichte des BDM von 1923 bis 1939 (Frankfurt 1996)
Haide Manus, Frauenjiir den Nationalsozialismus. Nationalsozialistische Studentinnen
und Akademikerinnen in del' Weimarer Republik und im Dritten Reich (Opladen 1997)
Gudrun Schwarz, Die Frau an seine Seite. Die Ehejiau in del' SS-Sippengemeinschajt
(Hamburg 1997)
165 Wolfgang Benz et al.(Hrsg.), Enzyklopddie des Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart 1997)
Enrico Syring, Das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933-1945. Fiihrertum und
Gejolgschajt (Bonn 1997)
John Hiden, Republican and fascist Germany. Themes and variations in the history
Weimar and the Third Reich (London 1996)
Hans Gunther Hockerts, Weimarer Republik, Nationalsozialismus, Zweifel' Weltkrieg
(Darmstadt 1996)
Hans Mommsen (ed.), The Third Reich between vision and reality (Oxford 2000)
Michael Ruck, Bibliographie zum Nationalsozialismus (Ko 1n 1995)
Berndt Jurgen Wendt, Deutschland 1933-1945. Das 'Dritte Reich'. Handbuch zur
Geschichte (Hannover 1995)
166 Ulrich von Hehl, Nationalsozialistische Herrscha/t (Munchen 1996)
167 Michael Burleigh (ed.), Confronting the Nazi past. New debates on modern German
history (London 1996)
LudolfHerbst, Das nationalsozialistische Deutschland /933-1945. Die EntJesselung del'
Gewalt: Rassismus und Krieg (Frankfurt 1996)
168 Pierre AY90berry, La societe allemande sous Ie Ille Reich 1933-1945 (Paris 1998) in
English translation: The social history ofthe Third Reich, 1933-/945 (New York 1999)
169 Eric A. Johnson, Nazi terror. The Gestapo, Jews. and ordinmy Germans (New York
1999) See for repression in Russia and Spain:
52 -
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
Sarah Davies, Popular opinion in Stalin's Russia. Terror, propaganda and dissent
1934-1941 (Cambridge 1997)
Michael Richards, A time ofsilence. Civil war and the culture ofrepression in Franco's
Spain. 1936-1945 (Cambridge 1998)
170 Horst Mo lIer, Udo Wengst (Hrsg.), 50 Jahre 1nstitut fiir Zeitgeschichte. Eine Bilanz
(Miinchen 1999) p. 83
171 Henry A. Turner, Hitler's thirty days to power. JanualY 1933 (London 1996)
Reinhard Opitz, Faschismus und Neofaschismus (Bonn 1996)
Samuel W. Mitcham, Why Hitler? The genesis of the Nazi Reich (Westport 1996)
Peter Lambert, The Weimar Republic and the rise ofHitler (London 1997)
172 William Brustein, The logic of evil. The social origins of the Nazi party, 1925-1933
(New Haven 1996)
173 George P. Blum, The rise offascism in Europe (Westport 1998)
Angelo Del Boca (a cura di), Il regimefascista: storia e storiografla (Roma 1995)
Jerzy W. Borejsza, Schulen des Hasses. Faschistische systeme in Europa (Frankfurt
M. Isnenghi, L 'Italia del fascio (Florence 1996)
Walter Laqueur, Fascism. presentJuture (New York 1996)
Philip Morgan, 1talian fascism 1919-1945 (Basingstoke 1995)
George L. Mosse, The fascist revolution. Toward a general theoly offascism (New Yark
Stanley G. Payne, A histoly offascism (London 1995)
Jens Petersen, Wolfgang Schieder (Hrsg.), Faschismus und Gesellschaji in ftalien. Staat.
Wirtschaft. Kultur (Ko 1n 1998)
John Whittam, Fascist Italy (Manchester 1995)
174 Richard Bessel (ed.), Fascist 1taly and Nazi Germany. Comparisons and contrasts
(Cambridge etc 1996)
Alexander 1. De Grand, Fascist 1taly and Nazi Germany. The 'fascist' style of rule.
(London 1995)
Christof Dipper et al. (Hrsg.), Faschismus and Faschismen im Vergleich. Wolfgang
Schieder zum 60. Geburtstag (Ko I n 1998)
Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain 1923-1977 (Madison 2000)
Hans Wolter, Rom, 28, Oktober 1922: die faschistische Herausforderung (Miinchen
Renzo De Felice, Mussolini 7 vols. (Torino 1965-97)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 53
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
i 76
Franklin Hugh Adler, Italian industrialists flom liberalism to fascism. The political
development ofthe industrial bourgeoisie, 1906-1934 (Cambridge 1995)
177 Edwin P. Hoyt, Mussolini's empire. The rise andfall ofthefascist vision (New York etc
178 Jasper Ridley, Mussolini (London 1997)
179 Pierre Milza, Mussolini (Paris 1999)
180 Franz Janka, Die braune Gesellschafl. Ein Volk wird fonnatierl (Stuttgart 1997)
181 RJ.B. Bosworth, Italy and the wider world, 1860-1960 (London 1996)
Richard Lamb, Mussolini and the British (London 1997)
182 Denis Mack Smith, Modern Italy. A political history (New Haven/London 1997)
183 Emilio Gentile, The sacralization ofpolitics in fascist Italy (Cambridge Mass. 1996)
See also:
Mabel Berezin, Making the fascist self The political culture of interwar Italy (Ithaca
184 C. Ipsen, Dictating demography. The problem olpopulation inlascist Italy (Cambridge
185 Renzo de Felice, Rosso e Nero (Milano 1995) in French translation: Les rouges et les
noirs. Mussolini, la Republique de Sala et la Resistance (Geneve 1999)
Francesco Germinario, L 'altra memoria. L 'Estrema destra, Sala e la Resistenza (Torino
S. Luzzatto,!l corpo del duce. Un cadavere tra immaginazione, storia e memoria (Torino
Karl Mitterrnaier, Mussolinis Ende. Die Republik von Sala 1943-1945 (Miinchen 1995)
186 Hans Woller, Die Abrechnung mit dem Faschismus in Ita lien 1943-1948 (Miinchen
187 Riccardo Anfossi, La Resistenza spezzata (Roma 1995)
Claudio Pavone, AIle origini della Repubblica: scritti su juscismo, antifascismo e
continuita dello Stato (Torino 1995)
Gian Enrico Rusconi, Resistenza e postfascismo (Bologna 1995)
David Ward, Antifascisms. Cultural politics in Italy 1943-46. Benedetto Croce and the
Liberals, Carlo Levi and the 'Ac!ionists' (Madison 1996)
188 Haile M. Larebo, The building ofan empire. Italian land policy and practice in Ethiopia,
1935-1941 (Oxford 1994)
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Dick van Galen Last
189 Alberto Sbacchi, Legacy of bitterness. Ethiopia and fascist Italy,
(Lawrenceville 1997) p. 330
/935- / 94/
190 Etienne DeJonghe, Yves Le Maner (dir.), Le Nord-Pas-de-Calais dans la main
allemande /940-/944 (Lille 1999)
Ian Ousby, Occupation. The ordeal of France /940-/944 (London 1997)
See also:
Wolfgang Drost et al. (rdir.), Paris sous I 'occupation = Paris unter deutscher Besatzung:
actes du 3e colloque des Universites d'Orleans et de Siegen (Heidelberg 1995)
Jean Grenier, Sous I 'occupation (Paris 1997)
192 Dominique Veillon, Vivre et survivre en France (Paris 1996)
193 Philippe Burrin, La France a l'heure allemande, /940-/944 (Paris 1995) in English
translation: France under the Germans. Collaboration and compromise (New York
Ebba D. Drolshagen, Nicht ungeschoren davonkommen. Das Schicksal der Frauen in den
besetzten Landern, die Wehrmachtssoldaten liebten (Hamburg 1998)
Jean-Pierre Azema et Olivier Wieviorka, Vichy /940-/944 (Paris 1997)
194 Ludger Tewes, Frankreich in der Besatzungszeit /940- /943. Die Sicht deutscher
Augenzeugen (Bonn 1998)
195 Marc Olivier Baruch, Servir / 'Etatfranr,;ais. L'administration en France de /940
(Paris 1997)
Franyois Bloch-Laine, Claude Gruson, Hauts fonctionnaires sous I 'occupation (Paris
196 Gerard Noiriel, Les origines republicaines de Vichy (Paris 1999)
Vicki Caron, Uneasy Asylum. France and the Jewish refugee crisis /933- / 942 (Stanford
197 Jean Bruno et Frederic de Monicault, l'Affaire Papon. Bordeaux /942-/944 (Paris 1997)
Franyois Bedarida (dir.), Touvier, Vichy et /e crime contre / 'humanite (Paris 1996)
Richard 1. Golsan (ed.), MemO/y, the Holocaust and Frenchjustice. The Bousquet and
Touvier affairs (Hanover 1996)
Jean-Noel Jeanneney, Le passe dans Ie pretoire. L'historien, Iejuge et lejournaliste (Paris
198 Orner Bartov, Murder in our midst. The Holocaust, industrial killing, and representation
(New York 1996)
George C. Browder, Hitler's enforcers. The Gestapo and the SS Security Service in the
Nazi revolution (Oxford 1996)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 55
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Gerhard Paul et al. (Hrsg.), Die Gestapo. Mythos und RealWit (Darmstadt 1995)
Patrick Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft ohne Verbrecher. Konzeptionen und Praxis del'
Kriminalpolizei in del' Zeit del' Weimarer Republik und des Nationalsozialismus
(Hamburg 1996)
Friedrich Wilhelm, Die Polizei im NS-Staat. Die Geschichte ihrer Organisation im
Uberblick (Paderbom etc 1997)
199 Mark Mazower (ed.), The policing ofpolitics in the twentieth centuly (Providence 1997)
200 Raymond Lamont-Brown, Kempeitai: Japan's dreaded military police (Stroud 1998)
20 I Maurice Rajsfus, La police de Vichy. Les forces de l'ordre franr;aises au service de la
Gestapo 1940/1944 (Paris 1995)
202 Pierre Giolitto, Histoire de la Milice (Paris 1997)
203 Bruno Haliouna, Blouses blanches, etoiles jaunes. L'exlusion des mr:'!decins juifs en
France sous I 'occupation (Paris 2000)
204 Annie Lacroix-Riz, Industriels et banquiers sow' I 'occupation. La collaboration
economique avec Ie Reich et Vichy (Paris 1999)
Renaud de Rochebrune et Jean-Claude Hazera, Les patrons sous I 'occupation (Paris
Sarah Fishman et al. (eds.), France at war. Vichy and the historians (Oxford 2000)
206 Nicholas Doumanis, Myth and memOlY in the Mediterranean. Rememberingfascism's
empire (London 1997)
207 Bemd J. Fischer, Albania at war, 1939-1945 (London 1999)
208 Evan Burr Bukey, Hitler's Austria. Popular sentiment in the Nazi era 1938-1945 (Chapel
Hermann Hagspiel, Die Ostmark. Osterreich im Grossdeutschen Reich 1938 bis 1945
(Wien 1995)
Tim Kirk, Nazism and the working class in Austria. Industrial unrest and political dissent
in the 'national community' (Cambridge 1996)
209 Costas Stassinopoulos, Modern Greeks. Greece in World War Il, the German occupation
and national resistance, the civil war (Washington 1997)
210 Mathias Wallerang, Luxemburg unter nationalsozialistischer Besatzung (Mainz 1997)
211 Lutz Klinkhammer, L'occupazione tedesca in Italia: 1943-1945 (Torino 1996)
212 Nandor Dreisziger (ed.), Hungmy in the age oftotal war (/938-1948) (New York 1998)
213 Andrew Chandler (ed.), The moral imperative. New essays on the ethics ofresistance in
National Socialist Germany, 1933-1945 (Boulder 1998)
Joachim Fest, Plotting Hitler's death. The stOlY ofthe German resis·tance (Metropolitan
Books 1997)
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Dick van Galen Last
Theodore S. Hamerow, On the road to the Wolf's Lair. German Resistance to Hitler
(Cambridge Ma., 1997)
Martyn Housden, Resistance and conformity in the Third Reich (London 1997)
214 Gerd R. Ueberschar (Hrsg.), NS- Verbrechen und del' militiirische Widerstand gegen Hitler
(Darmstadt 2000)
215 Jilrgen Heideking and Christof Mauch (eds.), American Intelligence and the German
Resistance to Hitler (Boulder 1996)
Neal H. Petersen (ed.), From Hitler's doorstep. The wartime Intelligence reports ojAllen
Dulles 1942-1945 (Pennsylvania 1996)
216 Leonid Grenkevich, The Soviet Partisan Movement 1941 - 1944 (London 1999)
217 R. Bennett, Under the shadow of the swastika. The moral dilemmas of resistance and
collaboration in Hitler's Europe (Basingstoke 1999)
See also:
Ruby Rohrlich (ed.), Resisting the Holocaust (London 1998)
Ingrid Strobl, Die Angst kommt erst danach. Jiidische Frauen im Widerstand 1939-1945
(Frankfurt 1998)
218 Jean-Franqois Muracciole, Les enfants de la defaite. La Resistance, I 'education et la
culture (Paris 1998)
219 Laurent Douzou, et al. (dir.), La Resistance ef les Franr,:ais. Villes, centres et logiques de
decision (Paris 1995)
Jean-Marie Guillon et Pierre Laborie, Memoire et histoire: la Resistance (Toulouse 1995)
F. Marcot (dir.), La Resistance et les Francais. Lulie armee et Maquis. Colloque
international de Besanr,:on 15-17 juin 1995 (Paris 1996)
Antoine Prost (dir.), La Resistance, une histoire sociale (Paris 1997)
J. Sainclivier et C. Bougeard (dir.), La Resistance et lesfranr,:ais: enjeux strategiques et
environnement social (Rennes 1995)
Olivier Wieviorka, Une certaine idee de la resistance. Defense de la France, 1940-1949
(Paris 1995)
Michael Kissener et al. (Hrsg.), Widerstand in Europa. Zeitgeschichtliche Erinnerungen
und Studien (Konstanz 1995)
Ahlrich Meyer (Hrsg.), Repression und Kriegsverbrechen. Die Bekiimpfimg von
Widerstands- und Partisanenbewegungen gegen die deutsche Besatzung in West- und
Siideuropa (Berlin 1997)
222 Bob Moore (ed.), Resistance in Western Europe (London 2000)
Tim Kirk, Anthony McEligott (eds.), Opposing fascism. Community, authority and
resistance in Europe (Cambridge 1999)
224 Werner Rohr (Hrsg.), Europa un term Hakenkreuz. 8 Bde, Band 8: Okkupation und
Kollaboration (Heidelberg 1996)
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 57
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
225 Wolfgang Benz, Johannes Houwink ten Cate, Gerhard Otto u.a. (Hrsg.),
Nationalsozialistische Besatzungspolitik in Europa /939-/9459 Bde (Berlin 1996-1999)
226 Pieter Lagrou, The legacy o/nazi occupation. Patriotic memory and national recovery
in Western Europe (Cambridge 2000) p. 306
227 Gabriel Kolko, Century of War. Politics, conflict and society since /9/4 (New York
228 Dietrich Eichholtz, Geschichte der deutschen Kriegswirtscha[t /933-/9453 Bde (Berlin
229 Richard Overy et al. (Hrsg.), Die "Neuordnung" Europas. NS-Wirtschaftspolitik in den
besetzten Gebieten (Berlin 1997)
See also:
Philip Giltner, In the friendliest manner. German-Danish economic cooperation during
the Nazi occupation of 1940-1945 (New York 1998)
Fritz Petrick, "Ruhestorung n. Studien zur Nordeuropapolitik Hitlerdeutschlands (Berlin
Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel and Ostpolitik. German foreign trade policies in
Eastern Europe from Bismack to Adenauer (Oxford 1997)
230 Gustavo COl11i, Horst Gies, Brat - Butter - Kanonen. Die Erniihrungswirfschaft in
Deutschland unter der Diktatur Hitlers (Berlin 1997)
Mark Harrison (ed.), The economics of World War 1/. Six great powers in international
comparison (Cambridge 1998)
Lloyd Lee (ed.), World War II in Europe, Africa, and the Americas with general
sources. A handbook ofliterature and research (Westport 1997)
Idem, World War /I in Asia and the Pacific and the War's aftermath, with general
themes. A handbook ofliterature and research (Westport 1998)
See also:
Mark M. Boatner III, The biographical dictionary of World War II (Novato 1996)
Yves Durand, Histoire generale de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale (Bruxellles 1997)
Michael Salewski (Hrsg.), Deutsche Quellen zur Geschichte des Zweiten Weltkrieges
(Darmstadt 1998)
David T. Zabecki (ed.), World War /I in Europe. An encyclopedia 2 vo1s. (New York
233 Andrew J. Crozier, The causes of the Second World War (Oxford 1997)
Patrick Finney (ed.), The origins ofthe Second World War (London etc 1997)
Frank McDonough, The origins ofthe First and Second World Wars (Cambridge 1997)
58 - WWTSA News/etter Fall 2000
Dick van Galen Last
234 Scott Newton, Profits ofpeace. The political economy of Anglo-German appeasement
(Oxford 1996)
Michael Dockrill and Brian McKercher (eds.), Diplomacy and world power. Studies in
British foreign policy, /890-/950 (Cambridge 1996)
N.J. Crowson, Facing Fascism. The Conservative Party and the European dictators
/935-/940 (London 1997)
Frank McDonough, Neville Chamberlain. appeasement and the British road to war
(Manchester 1998)
John Strawson, Churchill and Hitler. /n victory and defeat (London 1997)
Anthony Adamthwaite, Grandeur and misery. France's bid jor power in Europe.
/9/4-/94/ (London 1995)
R. Boyce (ed.), Frenchjoreign and defence policy, /9/8-/940. The decline andfall ofa
great power (London 1998)
P.M.H. Bell, France and Britain. /900-/940. Entente and estrangement (Harlow 1997)
Idem. France and Britain. /940-/994. The long separation (Harlow 1997)
235 Pierre Grosser, Pourquoi la 2" Guerre mondiale? (Bruxelles 1999)
236 Paul-Marie de La Gorce, 39-45. Une guerre inconnue (Paris 1995)
237 Geoffrey Roberts, The Soviet Union and the Origins of the Second World War.
Russo-German relations and the road to war, /933-/94/ (London 1995)
Igor Lukes, Erik Goldstein (eds.), The Munich crisis, /938. Prelude to World War lf
(London 1999)
238 Modris Ecksteins, Walking since daybreak. A story ojEastern Europe. World War // and
the heart of the twentieth century (London 2000) 130
239 Gerhard Baumfalk, Obeljall oder Prdventivschlag? Der deutsche Angnff auf die
Sowjetunion am 22. Juni 194/: eine Untersuchung iiber die Hintergriinde und Ursachen
(Frankurt 1997)
David M. Glantz, Stumbling colossus. The Red Army on the eve of World War (Lawrence
Gabriel Gorodetsky, Grand delusion. Stalin and the German invasion of Russia (New
Haven 1999)
Aleksandr M. Nekrich, Pariahs. partners. predators. German-Soviet relations.
/933-/94/ (New York 1997)
Bianca Pietrow-Ennker (Hrsg.), Prdventivkrieg? De deutsche Angrif!aufdie Sowjetunion
(Frankfurt 2000)
Gerd R. Ueberschar, Lev Bezymenskij (Hrsg.), Del' deutsche Angji-if! auf die
Sowjetunion /94/ Die Kontroverse urn die Praventivkriegsthese (Darmstadt 1998)
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 59
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
240 David M. Glantz and Jonathan M. House, When Titans clashed. How the Red Army
stopped Hitler (Lawrence 1995)
Bradley F. Smith, Sharing secrets with Stalin. How the A!lies traded Intelligence,
1941-1945 (Lawrence 1996)
Roger R. Reese, Stalin's reluctant soldiers. A social history ofthe Red Army, 1925-1941
(Lawrence 1996) p. 207
David M. Glantz, Stumbling colossus. The Red Army on the eve of World War
(Lawrence 1998)
Mark Harrison, Accounting for war. Soviet production, employment and the defence
burden, 1940-1945 (Cambridge etc 1996)
244 Richard Overy, Russia's war (London 1998)
An update of the Great Patriotic War based on Russian sources gives:
Marius Broekmeyer, Stalin, de Russen en hun oorlog (Amsterdam 1999)
Valentin Falin, Zweite Front. Die Interessenkonjlikte in der Anti-HitlerKoalition
(Miinchen 1997)
Walter S. Dunn, The Soviet economy and the Red Army 1930-1945 (Westport 1995)
In what way Germany and its almy were supported by the Soviets is explained in:
Yuri L. Djakov and Tatjana S. Bushuyeva, The Red Army and the Wehrmacht. How the
Soviets militarized Germany, 1923-33. and paved the wayforfascism (Prometheus 1995)
Edward E. Ericson III, Feeding the German eagle. Soviet economic aid to Nazi Germany,
1933-1941 (Westport 1999)
Tobias R. Philbin III, The lure of Neptune. German-Soviet naval collaboration and
ambitions, /9/9-/94/ (Columbia 1994)
David M. Glantz, Zhukov's greatest defeat. The Red Army's epic disaster in Operation
Mars, I942 (Lawrence 1999)
Eugenia C. Kiesling, Arming against Hitler. France and the limits ofmilitary planning
(Lawrence 1996)
See also:
Martin S. Alexander, 'In defence of the Maginot Line. Security policy, domestic politics
and the economic depression in France' in: Robert Boyce (ed.), op. cit. pp. 164-194
249 Joel Blatt (ed.), The French defeat of I940: reassessment (Oxford 1997)
Maurice Rajsfus, Les Franr;ais de la debacle (Paris 1997)
Robert 1. Young, France and the origins of the Second World War (London 1996)
250 John Lukacs, Five days in London, May 1940 (New Haven 1999)
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John Lukacs, op .cit.,p. 219
252 Cyril Buffet and Beatrice Heuser (eds.), Haunted by history. Myths in international
relations (Providence 1998)
John Charmley, Churchill's Grand alliance. The Anglo-A merican special relationship,
1940-1957 (London 1995)
Barbara Rearden Farnham, Roosevelt and the Munich crisis. A study ofpolitical decision
making (Princeton 1997)
Alexander J Groth, Democracies against Hitler. Myth, reality and prologue (Aldershot
WalTen F. Kimball, Forged in war. Roosevelt, Churchill and the Second World War
(New York 1995)
Ann Lane and Howard Temperley (eds.), The rise and fall of the Grand Alliance,
1941-1945 (London 1995)
BJ.C. McKercher, Transition of power. Britain's loss of global pre-eminence to the
United States 1930-1945 (Cambridge 1999)
Ritchie Ovendale, Anglo-American relations in the Twentieth Century (London 1998)
Steve Weiss, Allies in conflict. Anglo-A merican strategic negotiations 1938-44 (London
253 Oleg A. Rzheshevsky (ed.), War and diplomacy. The making of the grand alliance.
documents from Stalin's archives (Amsterdam etc 1996)
254 Gill Bennett (ed.), The end of the War in Europe 1945 (London 1996)
Charles F. Brower (ed.), World War Il in Europe: thejinalyear (London 1998)
Ulrich HerberUAxel Schildt (Hrsg.), Kriegsende in Europa. Vom Beginn des deutschen
Machtzeljalls bis Zur Stabilisierung der Nachkriegsordnung 1944-1948 (Essen 1998)
Gerhard Krebs/Christian Oberlander (eds.), 1945 in Europe and Asia. Reconsidering the
end of World War fl and the Change of the world order (Munchen 1997)
Fritz Petrick (Hrsg.), Kapitulation und Befreiung. Das Ende des Il. Weltkriegs in Europa
(Munster 1997)
255 Gerhard Hirschfeld und Irina Renz (Hrsg.), Besiegt und befreit. Stimmen vom
Kriegsende 1945 (Gerlingen 1995)
Michael Salewski und Guntram Schulze Wegener (Hrsg.), Kriegsjahr 1944 (Stuttgart
Hans-Erich Volkmann (Hrsg.), Ende des Dritten Reiches . Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges.
Eine perspektivische Riickschau (Munchen 1995)
256 H.R. Kedward (ed.), The liberation ofFrance. lmage and event (Oxford 1995)
Andre Kaspi, La liberation de la France (Paris 1995)
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 61
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
257 Michael R. MaiTUs, The Nuremberg War Crimes Trial 1945-46. A documentary history
(Princeton 1997)
See also:
Eugene Davidson, The trial of the Germans (Columbia 1997)
Gerd Hankel (Hrsg.), Strafgerichte gegen Menschheitsverbrechen (Hamburg 1995)
David M. Kennedy, Freedomftomfear. The American people in depression and war,
1929-1945 (New York 1999)
259 Lewis A. Erenberg and Susan E. Hirsch (eds.), The war in American culture. Society and
consciousness during World War /I (Chicago etc 1996)
See also:
William 1. Barber, Designs within disorder. Franklin D. Roosevelt, the economists and
the shaping ofAmerican economic policy. 1933-1945 (Cambridge 1996)
Stuart D. Brandes, Warhogs. A history of warprofits in America (Lexington 1997)
Keith E. Eiler, Mobilizing America. Robert P. Patterson and the war effort, 1940-1945
(Ithaca 1997)
John W. Jeffries, Wartime America. The World War Two home front (Chicago 1996)
Robert A. Garson and Stuart S. Kidd (eds.), The Roosevelt years New perspectives on
American history, 1933-1945 (Edinburgh 1999)
Michael S. Sherry, 1n the shadow ofwar. The United States since the 1930s (New Haven
Bartholomew Sparrow, From the outside in. World War /I and the American state
(Princeton 1996)
260 Jeremy Noakes (ed.), Nazism 1919-1945. Volume 4: the German homefront in World
War 11. A documentary reader (Exeter 1998)
Birthe Kundrus, Kriegerfrauen. Familienpolitik und Geschlechtsverhiiltnisse im Ersten
und Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg 1995)
262 Nicole Ann Dombrowski (ed.), Women and War in the twentieth century (New York
263 Joan Beaumont(ed.), Australia's war 1939-45 (St Leonards 1996)
Idem, Australia's war 1914-/8 (St Leonards 1995)
264 Mark Harrison, op.cit., pp. 36-40
Paul Addison and Angus Calder (eds.), Time to kill. The soldier's experience of war in
the west 1939-1945 (London 1997)
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Stephen E. Ambrose, Citizen soldiers. The VS Army ji-om the Normandy beaches to the
Bulge to the surrender of Germany, June 7, 1944 - May 7, 1945 (New York 1997)
Joanna Bourke, An intimate histmy of killing. Face-to-face killing in the twentieth
century war/are ( London 1999)
Ji.irgen Engert (Hrsg.), Soldaten jur Hitler (Berlin 1998)
Stephen G. Fritz, Frontsoldaten. The German soldier in World War II (Lexington 1995)
Samuel Hynes, The soldiers' tale. Bearing witness to modern war (New York 1997)
Mark Johnston, At the ji-ont. Experiences of Australian soldiers in World War Two
(Cambridge 1996)
Klaus Latzel, Deutsche Soldaten - nationalsozialistischer Krieg? Kriegserlebnis ­
Kriegserfahrung 1939-1945 (Paderbom 1998)
Gerald Linderman, The world within war. America's combat experience in World War II
(New York 1997)
H. Poeppel (Hrsg.), Die Soldaten del' Wehrmacht (Mi.inchen 1998)
Carl Schi.iddekopf, Krieg. Erzahlungen aus dem Schweigen. Deutsche Soldaten iiber den
Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg 1997)
Peter Schrijvers, The crash ofruin. American combat soldiers in Europe during World
War II (Basingstoke 1998)
266 Detlef Vogel, Wolfram Wette (Hrsg.), Andere Helme - Andere menschen?
Heimateljahrung und Frontalltag im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Ein internationaler Vergleich
(Stuttgart 1995)
Frank Gibney (ed.), Senso. The Japanese remember the Pacific War. Letters to the
editor ofAsahi Shimbun (Armonk 1995)
Robert Buderi, The invention that changed the world How a small group of radar
pioneers won the Second World War and launched a technological revolution (New
York 1997)
269 Clay Blair, Hitler's V-boat war Vol.!' The hunters, 1939-1942 (New York 1996) Vo1.2:
The hunted, 1942-1945 (New York 1998)
Philip Kaplan and Jack Currie, Wolfpack,' V-BoalS at war, 1939-45 (Annapolis 1997)
Nathan Miller, War at sea. A naval history of World War II (Oxford 1996)
Peter Padfield, War beneath the sea (London 1995)
Sonke Neitzel, Del' Einsatz del' deutschen Luftwaffe iiber dem Atlantik und del' Nordsee
(/939-1945) (Bonn 1995)
270 David C. Evans and Mark R. Peattie, Kaigun. Strategy, tactics, and technology in the
Imperial Japanese Navy 1887-1941 (Annapolis 1997) p. 515
See also:
WWTSA Newsletter
Fall 2000 - 63
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
Mark R. Peattie, A historian looks at the Pacific War (1995)
271 Ian Cowman, Dominion or decline. Anglo-American naval relations in the Pacific,
1937-41 (Oxford 1996)
James F. Dunnigan and Albert A. Nofi, Victory at sea. World War If in the Pacific (New
York 1996)
Robert Jackson, The Royal Navy in World War II (Annapolis 1997)
Julian Thompson, The war at sea. The Royal Navy in the Second World War (London
272 Eric M. Bergerud, Fire in the sky. The air war in the South Pacific (Boulder 2000)
273 Eric Bergerud, Touched with fire. The land war in the South Pacific (New York 1996)
See also:
Brian McAllister Linn, Guardians of the Empire. The US Army and the Pacific,
1902-1990 (Chapel Hill 1997)
Stephen R. Taaffe, MacArthur's Jungle War. The 1944 New Guinea Campaign
(Lawrence 1998)
For a bibliography of the war in the Pacific see:
Eugene Rasor, The Southwest Pacific Campaign (Westport 1996)
274 Erick Markusen, David Kopf, The Holocaust and strategic bombing. Genocide and total
war in the twentieth centwy (Boulder 1995)
Denis Richards, The hardest victOly. RAF Bomber Command in the Second World War
(London 1995)
27 5 John Keegan, War and our world. The 1998 Reith lectures (London 1998)
276 Patrick Brogan, The fighting never stopped. A comprehensive guide to world conflict
since 1945 (New York 1990)
277 Anthony Best, Britain, Japan and Pearl Harbor. Avoiding war in East Asia 1936-1941
(London etc 1995)
278 Jonathan Marshall, To have and have not. Southeast Asian raw materials and the origins
of the Pacific War (Berkeley etc 1995)
279 Nicholas Tarling, Britain. Southeast Asia and the onset ofthe Pacific War (Cambridge
Brook Barrington (ed.), Empires, imperialism and Southeast Asia. Essays in honour of
Nicholas Tarting (Clayton 1997)
280 Gunter Bischof and Robert Dupont (eds.), The Pacific War revisited (Baton Rouge 1997)
John D. Chappell, Before the bomb. How America approached the end ofthe Pacific War
(Lexington 1997)
Norman Polmar and Tom Allen, Codename Downfall. The secret plan to invade Japan
and why Truman dropped the bomb (New York 1995)
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David Rees, The defeat ofJapan (Westport 1997)
Stanley Weintraub, The last great victOly. The end of World War /I, July/August 1945
(New York 1995)
Richard B. Frank, Downfall. The end ofthe imperial Japanese empire (New York 1999)
See also:
DetlefBald, Hiroshima, 6. August 1945. Die nukleare Bedrohung (Mtinchen 1999)
Laura Hein and Mark Selden (eds.), Living with the bomb. American and Japanese
cultural conflicts in the nuclear age (Armonk 1997)
Michael 1. Hogan (ed.), Hiroshima in history and memory (Cambridge 1996)
Robert Jay Lifton and Greg Mitchell, Hiroshima in America. Fifty years of denial (New
York 1995)
Robert James Maddox, Weapons for victory. The Hiroshima decision fifty years later
(Columbia 1995)
Robert P. Newman, Truman and the Hiroshima cult (East Lansing 1995)
Philip West a.o.(eds.), America's wars in Asia. A cultural approach to history and
memolY (New York 1999)
282 Peter Wetzler, Hirohito and war. Imperial tradition and military decision making in
prewar Japan (Honolulu 1998)
Edward J. Drea, In the service of the emperor. Essays on the imperial Japanese army
(Lincoln 1998) p. 215
John Dower, Embracing defeat. Japan in the wake of World War II (Harmondsworth
285 Peter Duus et al. (eds.), The Japanese wartime empire, 1931-1945 (Princeton 1996)
See for the consequences of the Japanese occupation:
Gerhard Krebs/Christian Oberlander (eds.), 1945 in Europe and Asia (Mtinchen 1997)
286 Chushichi Tsuzuki, The pursuit ofpower in modern Japan, 1825-1995 (Oxford 2000)
Michael A. Barnhart, Japan and the world since 1868 (London 1995)
Akira Iriye, Japan and the wider world. From the mid-nineteenth century to the present
(London 1997)
Louise Young, Japan's total empire. Manchuria and the culture ofwartime imperialism
(Berkeley 1998)
WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000 - 65
The Second World War Revisited (1995-2000)
288 Shigeru Sato, War, nationalism and peasants. Java under the Japanese occupation
1942-1945 (St. Leonards 1994)
289 Paul Kratoska, Food supplies and the Japanese occupation in South-East Asia
(Houndmills 1998)
290 Paul Kratoska, The Japanese occupation ofMalaya, /94/-/945 (Singapore 1997)
idem, Malaya and Singapore during the Japanese occupation (Singapore 1995)
291 Ooi Keat Gin, Rising sun over Borneo. The Japanese occupation ofSarawak. /94/-/945
(Houndmills 1999)
Bob Reece, Masa Jepun. Sarawak under the Japanese 1941-45 (Kuching 1998)
See also:
Harry 1 Lamley, 'Taiwan under Japanese rule, 1895-1945. The vicissitudes of
colonialism' in: Murray A. Rubinstein (ed.), Taiwan. A new histOly (Armonk 1999)
292 Peter Post and Elly Touwen-Bouwsma (eds.), Japan, indonesia and the war (Leiden
293 Remco Raben (ed.), Representing the Japanese Occupation ofindonesia (Zwolle 1999)
294 Marjorie Dryburgh, North China and Japanese expansion /933-/937. Regional power
and the national interest (Richmond 2000)
295 Edward Drea, op.cit., p. 284
296 Edward L. Dreyer, China at War, /90/-/949 (London 1996)
Dieter Kuhn, Der Zweite Weltkrieg in China (Berlin 1999)
Eugene L. Rasor, The China-Burma-/ndia Campaign, /93/-/945. Historiography and
annotated bibliography (Westport 1998)
297 Modris Eksteins, op. cit., p. 152
298 Norman Davies, Europe. A history (London 1997)
Martin Gilbert, A history of the twentieth century (London 1997)
Michael Howard and Wm. Roger Louis (eds.), The Oxford histOly of the twentieth
centUly (Oxford 1998)
Clive Panting, Progress and barbarism. The world in the twentieth cenhllY (London
1M. Roberts, Twentieth century. The history ofthe world, 1901 to the present (New York
299 Orner Bartov, 'Antisemitism, the Holocaust, and Reinterpretation of National Socialism'
in: Michael Berenbaum (ed.), op.cit., p. 86
300 The New York Review ofbooks June 9, 1994
66 - WWTSA Newsletter Fall 2000