Foreword
Malta’s Foreign Policy Agenda in a Changing
Mediterranean
Dr. Tonio Borg, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Malta
The changing socio-political realities in the Mediterranean that
have resulted from the Jasmine Revolution have signalled the
beginning of a new era, not only in the Arab countries involved in
the uprisings but also the wider Euro-Mediterranean region. The
grass-root revolutions particularly in neighbouring Tunisia, Egypt
and Libya are producing a fundamental shift from the traditional
geopolitical setting to a newly emerging political landscape. The
Arab Spring has necessitated a change in the policy outlook
undertaken by the European Union and its member states, and in
this context, Malta has been at the forefront to advocate a more
comprehensive approach to the countries of the Southern
Mediterranean, whilst taking into account the respective
sensitivities of the countries concerned.
In this regard, the review of the European Neighbourhood
Policy has a vital role to play in providing these countries with
considerable assistance in their transition processes towards
democratic governance. Failing to do so with the necessary
determination would allow a power-vacuum that will seriously
compromise democracy and stability in the region for years to
come.
The recently reviewed ENP must continue to support
sustainable stability based on the respect of democratic values,
human rights and fundamental freedoms but at the same time, it
remains imperative, as past experience has taught us all, to avoid
adopting a patronising attitude. We should avoid accentuating
conditionality in relation to EU assistance as a means of inducing
political and economic reform. Rather, the new “more for more”
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approach should be focused on the EU’s readiness to increase
support through stronger incentives; any new approach should
definitely not result in a reduction in financial assistance to
countries needing it most and where specific challenges exist, as
this would only serve to widen already-existing gaps.
The survival of the Union for the Mediterranean, through the
dramatic events we are witnessing in the Southern Mediterranean,
has certainly warranted additional attention to Mediterranean
issues. There exists a real and tangible possibility that democracy
will take root among the EU’s Southern neighbours and the
Mediterranean will move closer to become more politically
homogenous. This opportunity cannot be missed and the UfM has
an important role to play at this moment in history.
Malta remains fully supportive of regional political initiatives,
as eminently demonstrated through the UfM. Malta, for instance,
has fielded one of the six Deputy Secretaries-General of the UfM
Secretariat based in Barcelona, responsible for the Division of
Social and Civil Affairs, including Civil Protection. This Division
is becoming ever busier with a number of project proposals that
are being submitted to the Secretariat for its consideration.
Malta’s commitment to the regional politics of the
Mediterranean is also evident in its active participation in the
Western Mediterranean Dialogue, better known as the 5+5
Dialogue. Malta will be honoured to host in Valletta the Second
5+5 Summit in 2012. Preparations are well under way and we are
receiving very positive responses from partner countries. The
Summit was scheduled for June 2011 but had to be postponed due
to fast developing events in the region. The 5+5 complements the
UfM in so far as it also includes sectoral initiatives in fields such
as defence, education and transport which have continued to
function, despite the socio-economic turmoil and the freezing of
activity in other regional fora.
Malta’s relations with the countries of the Southern
Mediterranean have been strengthened following the wave of
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democratic transition. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia provided
the initial stimulus which resulted in a reverberating popular call
for democratisation across the Southern Mediterranean. In Tunisia,
the ongoing transition has already brought about changes of
considerable magnitude. The 23 October 2011 elections for the
Constituent Assembly have been the first truly democratic
elections since Tunisia’s independence.
On the political level, as one of the first European Foreign
Ministers to visit Tunisia following the revolution, Malta had the
satisfaction to announce a modest package of assistance granting a
number of scholarships in a varied array of fields, as a
demonstration of Malta’s solidarity with a neighbouring country in
transition, and in view of the role played by the younger
generation. On the electoral front, Malta also sought to provide its
support by contributing three Maltese electoral observers within
the European Electoral Observer Mission, as well as one
diplomatic observer.
Since the beginning of the Libyan crisis, and fully conscious of
the overarching consequences of the Libyan conflict, the
Government of Malta took a clear decision on taking the
responsibility to provide humanitarian aid and assistance to the
Libyan people. Malta had, from the outset, maintained that it
would continue providing humanitarian assistance where and
when needed, and had shown this by assisting in the evacuation of
over 20,000 people of different nationalities from Libya when the
conflict started. Malta’s early statement about the loss of
legitimacy by the Libyan Regime and later the recognition of the
NTC as the sole and legitimate interlocutor of the Libyan people,
followed by the recognition of the NTC as the ad hoc government
of Libya, have earned the admiration and appreciation by the most
prominent NTC representatives, who found in Malta a friendly EU
partner willing to assist Libya generously in her path towards
freedom and democracy.
The appointment of a Maltese Special Envoy, a further step in
reaffirming Malta-NTC relations, laid the ground for my visit to
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Benghazi in July 2011, where a substantial package of assistance
was communicated, focusing mainly on a number of scholarships.
The opening of a Malta Liaison Office in Benghazi, as well as the
consecutive visits to Malta by NTC Chairman Jalil and Executive
Council Chairman Jibril, have subsequently ensured a deeper
understanding of the emerging situation. The prospective
convening of the Maltese-Libyan Joint Commission will further
cement the existing strong ties of friendship and respect.
In the short term, it is essential to address the security situation
and to ensure that law and order is established. The Libya
Coordinated Needs Assessment agreed in Paris on 2 September
2011 that is aimed at identifying areas where the international
community will assist the NTC is crucial if this revolution is to be
brought to a successful completion.
In the longer term, one can look forward to the first democratic
elections in Libya. The road ahead is long and winding but the
odds are in Libya’s favour. In this context, Malta welcomes the
leading role being taken by both the EU and the United Nations in
supporting the aspirations of the Libyan people. In spite of the fact
that it is ultimately up to the Libyans to sketch their own future,
Malta will continue to be a supporting friend to our good
neighbours walking with them down a road of freedom and
democracy.
The Egyptian version of the Arab Spring is characterised by
very interesting developments. While the establishment of a
democratic system of government in Egypt would result in the
largest democracy in the Arab World, the economic situation
needs to be urgently addressed. We very much welcome the €100
million approved by the Commission directed at job creation and
improving living conditions.
It is clear that Egypt is adopting a more independent foreign
policy line, including vis-à-vis its neighbourhood. Nonetheless,
Egypt’s importance as a strategic Middle East partner remains
critical. Irrespective of the political forces that may prevail in the
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coming months, Egypt continues to act as a broker for peace in its
immediate region.
Syria, on the other hand, is a country in turmoil. The near-daily
reports that have continued to filter out, exposing the alarming
brutality and lethal force being used against civilian protestors, are
causing grave concern. There has been no concrete proof of the
regime’s professed willingness to reform. Persisting in blaming
“armed terrorist groups” for the unrest, the regime continues to
tread up the path of delegitimisation.
At the same time, Syrian opposition groups are expanding
ranks and becoming better organised. The creation of the ‘Syrian
National Council’ is an encouraging development in the effort to
establish a united and viable opposition platform. The opposition
forces both in Syria and abroad need to be encouraged to combine
and coordinate their efforts in order to come across as a strong and
unified group.
A UNSC Resolution is long overdue. It is still not easy to get
consensus on an international level. The League of Arab States is
an important interlocutor and has become more vocal on the
Syrian regime’s repression of its own people. It is hoped that the
LAS will play a central role in bringing about the overdue reforms
and breaking the current cycle of violence.
The Middle East Peace Process has dominated the agenda of
Mediterranean politics for decades now. It has been through long
periods of deadlock, where the only foreseen movement was down
a spiral of violence. It is unclear how the issue of the Palestinian
bid to Statehood, at the level of the United Nations and its
agencies will continue to develop.
The dramatic developments related to the so-called “Arab
Spring” make progress on the Israeli-Palestinian track even more
urgent. While Arab neighbours claim their right to democracy, and
popular gains are being attained in some countries, the people of
Palestine have the same needs and rights, including the right to a
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representational government. The reality of the present situation is
that a Palestinian state is ready to come into being from the
institutional perspective. What continues to prove elusive is a
breakthrough on the political track. The creation of a Palestinian
state living in peace and security with Israel would surely be the
apex of the Arab Spring.
What is important now is that both sides do not act against the
spirit of a durable solution to this longstanding conflict. Resorting
to violence, as we still see now and again in Gaza will not yield
any fruits, likewise building settlement units in the Occupied
Territories will continue to present a major stumbling block on the
road to peace. Such unilateral and illegal actions continue to
undermine the resumption of negotiations and the goal of two
viable states living side by side in peace. At the end of the day, it
is the political will on both sides to resume meaningful
negotiations that matters most.
Malta must continue to fulfil its vocation of promoting stability
and dialogue in the Mediterranean, inspired by newly-reinforced
values and driven by a shared vision of durable stability in a
common neighbourhood.
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