Contents
Nasser Algheitta ............................................................................................................................................ 2
Baldur Thorhalsson ....................................................................................................................................... 2
Andrew Geddes............................................................................................................................................. 3
Gilbert Achcar ............................................................................................................................................... 3
Angelos Katsaris ............................................................................................................................................ 3
Đana Luša ...................................................................................................................................................... 4
Stelios Stavridis ............................................................................................................................................. 4
Alfred Tovias ................................................................................................................................................. 5
Charalambos Tsardanidis .............................................................................................................................. 5
Susannah Verney .......................................................................................................................................... 6
Marcello Carammia and Petra Bishtawi ....................................................................................................... 6
Nasser Algheitta
Challenges to Transition in Post-Revolutionary Libya
Four years has passed since the regime of Gaddafi was removed from power in Libya. A combination of
internal uprisings and an international military intervention led by France, the UK and USA ended the
forty years of his absolute rule. The expectation of both Libyans and others were high that Libya will be a
success story of the Arab Spring. With its vast wealth, small population and lack of sectarian and
religious divisions many hoped that these were the factors that would perhaps pave the way for a
smooth transition towards stable, democratic and prosperous Libya.
The constitutional declaration passed by the Transitional Council which led Libya during the uprising and
which detailed the process of the transition calls for a permanent constitution to be adopted within a
year and a half of the fall of the regime.
However, many challenges have emerged that not only prolonged the transitional process, but also
threatened to derail it, thus casting a dark shadow on the future of Libya and its ability to emerge as a
united and stable country.
Libya today is in a declared civil war with two or more factions fighting for power and claiming
legitimacy. The failure to build strong security and national armed forces and the current political
division led to extreme and radical groups treating Libya as a safe haven for them to flourish in.
In this paper, I will examine the constitutional steps prescribed by the constitutional declaration and
what has been achieved so far. The paper shall also examine the challenges that have sprung up on the
way that jeopardized the process, whether these were legal or political. The paper aims to highlight the
failures of the successive governments and political establishment to address the important issues
which led to the current political stalemate.
Baldur Thorhalsson
Are Scandinavians Not Good Europeans? The reluctance of the Nordic nations to take full part in the
European project
Four of the Nordic nations (Icelanders, Norwegians, Greenlanders and the Faeroese) are not members of
the European Union. In fact, Greenland is the only entity that has left the Union. Sweden and Denmark
have important exceptions from the founding EU Treaties. Finland is the only Nordic state that takes full
part in the European project but is at present shaken by increased Euroscepticism. The lecture will
make an attempt to answer why these small states on the northern periphery of Europe are reluctant to
take part in European integration. It will look at their responses to the project and discuss important
topics such as the Nordic model, Nordic cooperation, national identity, the concept of sovereignty, the
economy, security, history and the effects of geographical location.
Andrew Geddes
EU External Migration Governance after the Arab Uprisings – Changing the Path
This presentation analyses the dynamics of EU and European responses to migration in the wake of
migration and displacement linked to conflict in the Middle East and North Africa. The presentation
draws from work conducted as part of the ERC-funded project Prospects for International Migration
Governance (MIGPRSOSP) to analyse the ways in which actors within European and EU governance
systems understand the causes and consequences of migration and displacement in the Middle East and
North Africa and what these understandings mean for policy and institutional responses.
Gilbert Achcar
The Dynamics of the Arab Uprising and its Lessons for the EU
The huge upheaval that has been unfolding in Arab-speaking countries since the initial spark in Tunisia in
December 2010 was mistaken for a brief, smooth and relatively peaceful democratic transition, which
was euphorically called "Arab Spring". However, a correct appraisal of the socio-economic propellants of
the uprising and of the complex political dynamics created by the pre-existence of dissident forces of a
religious fundamentalist character should have indicated that 2011 was only the beginning of a longterm revolutionary process that might well drag on for decades. The dangers inherent for Europe in this
situation, as illustrated most vividly by the events in Syria-Iraq and in Libya, underline the degree to
which Europe's failure to address the root causes of the explosion and to help keeping the process on
the democratic track has been detrimental to its own interest.
Angelos Katsaris
Unraveling Ariadne’s Thread: The Three Governing Logics of Climate Change in the Mediterranean
This paper investigates how climate change is governed in the Mediterranean region and whether EuroMediterranean governance structures can respond to the challenges of climate change. Mediterranean
climate governance is structured around complex arrangements, whereby various actors attempt to
integrate the issue of climate change. Various initiatives offer several opportunities for integrated
climate governance. However, overlapping elements define each initiative. Three governance logics
attempt to clarify Euro-Med climate governance complexity: i) multilateral relations, ii) bilateral
contractual agreements, and iii) projects. This article attempts for the first time to examine whether
climate governance is achieved in the Mediterranean. The analysis is based on empirical evidence from
regional actors and assess the strengths and weaknesses of these three governance logics.
Đana Luša
Small Western Balkans States in the EU: “Buck Passers” or Proactive Smart States?
Western Balkans present a region with a remarkable linking and transitional function, great ethnic,
cultural and civilizational heterogeneity, political fragmentation and rather low level of economic
development, which has mostly been an object of concern in international relations. At the Thessaloniki
summit in 2003 the European Council declared that the future of the Balkans lies within the European
Union, which provided for a strong incentive for Western Balkans states. More than a decade later, the
promise is still unfulfilled. Opinion polls display growing skepticism among citizens in EU member states
towards future enlargement. At the same time, the EU continues to play a strategic game of
conditionality stretching. The first part of presentation addresses several potential scenarios for the
European future of the Western Balkans: the continuation of the current dynamics (regatta approach),
big bang enlargement and finally the lasting stagnation (two-tier Balkans) empowering new players in
the region. At the time when geopolitics are back on the agenda, the situation of the Western Balkans
should return to the limelight. The EU’s fading attractiveness has opened up opportunities for other
actors to engage with the Western Balkans, not just economically, but also politically and strategically.
Russia and Turkey are keen to strengthen old ties and friendships, while China and several Gulf States
are relative newcomers to the region. Currently the main challenge in the Western Balkans is
overcoming inertia, keeping in mind that EU enlargement fatigue created an ideal environment for
short-term and ultimately self-destructive politics in the region.
Croatia’s accession to the EU marked an important turning point for EU enlargement policy in Western
Balkans. Within the EU Croatia is in the position to discuss some of the most pressing global issues.
However, there is substantial variation among small EU member states in the extent to which they have
pursued an outsized foreign policy. Therefore, following questions are raised: Why have some small
states demonstrated a higher level of foreign policy activism in EU than others? Which criteria mostly
influence small states initiatives and leadership role in the EU foreign policy making? In which areas of
EU foreign policy could small Western Balkans states show leadership potential? Are small Western
Balkan States ready to use the window of opportunity created by the structure of the policy process as
well as the existence of generally accepted norms and act as a proactive smart states in the EU foreign
policy? Therefore, the second part of the presentation specifically explores possible niches which allow
Croatia as a small state to focus on a specific foreign policy issues in which it can excel and make
substantial contribution. For Croatia possible niches are Vishegrad countries, the Mediterranean and
Western Balkans as natural areas of interest, as well as transfer of knowhow of post-conflict building
and the experience gained in almost a decade long process of negotiating with the EU to be passed on to
the countries in the region.
Stelios Stavridis
Responsibility to Protect and the Arab Spring: what role for parliamentary diplomacy?
R2P is a revolutionary concept that has emerged on the international scene in recent years, best
illustrated by the 2011 military intervention in Libya (one of the "Arab Spring" countries). At that time
the European Parliament acted as a strong supporter of R2P. This presentation deals with the role that
parliamentary diplomacy can play in the promotion of R2P. It focuses on that particular example back in
2011 by showing how important parliamentary input into International Relations decisions can be under
specific circumstances.
Alfred Tovias
Political, Economic and Demographic Commonalities and Interactions between the Political Crisis in
the Southern Shores and the Economic Crisis in the Northern Shores of the Mediterranean
Apparently the twin crises pervading the Arab world and Southern Europe have different causes and
consequences. In the Southern Mediterranean scholars speak about a political and security crisis. In the
Northern Mediterranean experts focus on economic recession and austerity as well as the euro crisis.
The assumption is that both were and continue to be disconnected. But is that so? There are some
overlapping features common to most Mediterranean countries and their own crisis. For instance the
Northern and Southern states bordering the Mediterranean suffer from endemic corruption of their
elites, massive youth unemployment and similar environmental problems. Have these features played a
role in both crises? The paper will try to answer this question first. But even assuming that the origin and
possible explanation of the twin crises are wide apart are there mutual interactions between the two
crises, given the geographical, economic and cultural proximity of the Northern and Southern shores of
the Mediterranean? And if so, do the two crises reinforce each other? Do they neutralize each other? If
they reinforce each other, which of the two rims of the Mediterranean is hurt most or
alternatively which of the two rims wins out of the two crises? The paper analyses what is the likely net
effect of the two seemingly disconnected crises. At the centre of the paper is the cultural, demographic
and migratory dimension. But the paper also discusses other dimensions of this interaction, such as
trade in goods, trade in services (mainly tourism), FDI, aid flows, bilateral relations between the EU and
Mediterranean countries and, last but not least, political and economic governance.
Charalambos Tsardanidis
“Energy Security in the Eastern Mediterranean: The Geopolitical Myth”
Geopolitical visions/myths in Gertjan Dijkink’s words, refer to any idea concerning the relation between
one’s own and other places, involving feelings of (in) security or (dis)advantage (and/or) invoking ideas
about a mission or foreign policy advantage. Geopolitical visions/myths do not remain constant and
stable but change. And change can be so radical that within a rather limited period of time, a
vision/myth can be completely replaced by another. Energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean is a
particularly interesting and controversial case for the discussion of the Eastern Mediterranean states’
foreign policy and geopolitical narratives.
The paper will critically investigate the implications of the recent gas discoveries in Eastern
Mediterranean to geopolitical visions/myths. It seems that the reason behind change is not only the
external milieu, but also what policy-makers believe the external milieu to be. Foreign policy analysis has
described the cognitive processes that affect the ways new information is processed and incorporated
into existing belief systems. It seems that natural gas discoveries are able to reshape the geopolitical
map of the area of Eastern Mediterranean and might generate a number of new challenges and
opportunities for each player in the region. Especially given the heightening energy demands in the EU,
the role of these countries is becoming even more important. The paper will explain how the
relationship between geopolitical visions/myths and energy security actions of the Eastern
Mediterranean countries (mainly Greece, Cyprus, Israel and Turkey) could change the belief systems of
the decision-makers of the countries analyzed and create new opportunities for cooperation or may
infuse new dimensions to the existing conflicts.
Susannah Verney
‘A PRO-EUROPEAN REGION UNDER STRESS: THE ECONOMIC CRISIS AND POPULAR EUROSCEPTICISM
IN SOUTHERN EUROPE’
Southern European societies have traditionally been regarded as strongly pro-integrationist, displaying
high levels of public support for the European Union. However, during recent years their proEuropeanism has come under pressure as this region has found itself at the forefront of the eurozone
crisis. Three of the six South European member-states of the EU – Greece, Portugal and Cyprus – have
been the subject of EU/IMF sovereign debt bailouts while a fourth – Spain – received a bank bailout. In
all cases, the international loans were accompanied by strict economic conditions with the result that
unpopular austerity policies appeared to have been ‘Made in the EU’. This paper examines the impact of
the economic crisis on public opinion in Southern Europe. In particular, it investigates whether there has
been a rise in negative sentiment towards the EU and whether this may have consequences for
European integration. The paper examines public opinion in all six South European member-states,
including non-bailout recipients Italy and Malta.
Marcello Carammia and Petra Bishtawi
Protective Capacity and Responsibility Sharing in EU Asylum Policy
In recent years, Mediterranean EU countries (MEUCs) have been the destination of an increasing
number of asylum-seekers and have re-launched the call for a fairer sharing of responsibility among
Member States. Any acceptable responsibility sharing mechanism, however, should be based on an
objective assessment of what is a fair distribution of the responsibility for asylum seekers and refugees.
Such an assessment, in turn, is far from obvious. We suggest that the notion of ‘protective capacity’
could be used for determining the fair distribution of responsibility for asylum-seekers and refugees in
the EU, and we develop indicators of protective capacity based on physical (territory, population size
and density), economic (GDP, unemployment), social (ethno-linguistic and religious identities), and
political (openness toward migration) variables. We then use those indicators to measure how
responsibility is currently distributed in the EU. We focus particularly on MEUCs to establish whether
and to what degree they actually face disproportionate migratory pressure, as individual countries and
as a group.