The syntactic integration of pointing signs from a developmental perspective [ENGLISH] Kata Kolok is a village sign language of North Bali that is unrelated to any other sign language (Marsaja 2008). This language has been the primary means of communication of at least five subsequent generations of deaf signers in social, liturgical, professional, and educational settings. It has a number of structural characteristics that are unusual compared to other sign languages; most notably, Kata Kolok signers prefer an absolute Frame of Reference in spatial description. Perhaps less surprisingly, one in six signs is an index finger point in Kata Kolok, and these pointing signs come to serve a wide range of functions including, but not restricted to, colour indications, time adverbial constructions, and place and person reference (de Vos 2012). These different pointing types appear grammaticalised ‐ i.e. syntactically integrated and/or morphemised to varying degrees. At any rate, the ubiquity of pointing signs and their high degree of functional diversification suggest that pointing signs are a key aspect in learning to use the language appropriately. While all infants use communicative pointing gestures, pointing signs in sign languages come to serve grammatical functions, particularly in the domain of place, time and person reference. Adopting a developmental perspective, what language‐specific evidence can be identified in support of the syntactic integration of different pointing types? Petitto (1987) showed that children acquiring American Sign Language start to differentiate first and second person pointing by 24‐27 months, in parallel to hearing children acquiring English pronouns in terms of timing and acquisition errors. This study is based on monthly video recordings of a deaf preschooler between the ages of 24‐36 months, as he acquires Kata Kolok. Based on the analysis of 5.5 hours of video data, it explores the use of index finger pointing in spontaneous conversations between the child and his caregivers, relatives, and older siblings. Transcription activities have thus far resulted in the identification of 1,119 manual signs, of which 458 (41%) are pointing signs. Following Petitto's (1987) study, I highlight some of the developments that indicate the transition from pre‐linguistic gesture to pointing sign. For example, the child starts to produce multiple grammatical facial expressions alongside index finger points, such as the perfective marker 'pah', around 25 months, suggesting that the syntactic integration of pointing signs starts as early as 25 months. This finding matches previous observations on the syntactic acquisition of pronominal pointing signs made by Petitto (1987). These initial results suggest that the ontological development of pointing may provide additional evidence for the grammatical status of pointing in adult signing, as instantiated in language‐specific ways, and for different pointing types. References de Vos, C. 2012. Sign‐Spatiality in Kata Kolok: how a village sign language of Bali inscribes its signing space. PhD Dissertation. Nijmegen: Radboud University Marsaja, I. G. 200. Desa Kolok ‐ a deaf village and its sign language in Bali, Indonesia. Nijmegen: Ishara Press. Petitto, L. A. 1987. On the autonomy of language and gesture: evidence from the acquisition of personal pronouns in American Sign Language. Cognition 27. 1–52.