Public Economics: Poverty and Inequality Andrew Hood © Institute for Fiscal Studies Overview • Why do we use income? • Income Inequality – The UK income distribution – Measures of income inequality – Explaining changes in income inequality • Income Poverty – Measuring income poverty – Universal Credit and poverty • Summary and conclusions © Institute for Fiscal Studies Why income? • Economic analysis tends to focus on income inequality and income poverty – not because income is the only thing that matters... – ...but because it is arguably the best measure of living standards we’ve got • Consumption is conceptually a better indicator of living standards – Income snapshots can be misleading © Institute for Fiscal Studies Those with the lowest incomes do not have the lowest consumption £490 £420 Median Expenditure £350 £280 £210 £140 £70 £0 £0 £100 £200 £300 Income Source: Brewer and O’Dea (2012) £400 £500 Why income? • Economic analysis tends to focus on income inequality and income poverty – not because income is the only thing that matters... – ...but because it is arguably the best measure of living standards we’ve got • Consumption is conceptually a better indicator of living standards – Income snapshots can be misleading – but consumption is much harder to measure and the data is much better (and more up-to-date) for income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Measurement of income • Income as measured by government in “Households Below Average Income” (HBAI) • Income is measured net of direct taxes and benefits • Measured at the household level (implicitly assumes income sharing) • Adjusted for household size (equivalised) • Adjusted for inflation • Based on Family Resources Survey (from 1994-5 onwards) – 25,000 households across the UK – Subject to sampling error © Institute for Fiscal Studies Income Inequality © Institute for Fiscal Studies The UK income distribution in 2011–12 Household income (£ per week) 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 10 20 30 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 40 50 60 Percentile point 70 80 90 The UK income distribution in 2011–12 Household income (£ per week) 2,500 2,000 1,500 50th percentile: £427 1,000 500 0 10 20 30 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 40 50 60 Percentile point 70 80 90 The UK income distribution in 2011–12 Household income (£ per week) 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 50th percentile: £427 10th percentile: £221 500 0 10 20 30 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 40 50 60 Percentile point 70 80 90 The UK income distribution in 2011–12 Household income (£ per week) 2,500 2,000 90th percentile: £865 1,500 1,000 50th percentile: £427 10th percentile: £221 500 0 10 20 30 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 40 50 60 Percentile point 70 80 90 The UK income distribution in 2011–12 Household income (£ per week) 2,500 2,000 90th percentile: £865 1,500 1,000 50th percentile: £427 10th percentile: £221 500 0 10 20 30 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 40 50 60 Percentile point 70 80 90 Gross annual earnings required to reach certain percentiles of the UK income distribution Single individual One-earner couple, no children Two-earner couple,a no children 50th £18,000 £29,000 £26,000 One-earner couple, two children under 14 £39,000 90th £41,000 £66,000 £59,000 £94,000 99th £125,000 £198,000 £174,000 £290,000 a With each partner earning the same amount. Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) • Equivalisation makes a really big difference • The gap between the 90th and the 99th percentiles is pretty significant © Institute for Fiscal Studies Measuring income inequality • Broadly 2 types of inequality measures 1. Ratio measures – compare incomes at different points of the distribution 2. Summary measures – attempt to collapse the whole income distribution into a single number © Institute for Fiscal Studies Measuring income inequality: ratio measures 6.0 5.5 5.0 Ratio 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993-94 1995-96 1997-98 1999-00 2001-02 2003-04 2005-06 2007-08 2009-10 2011-12 1.5 90/10 ratio Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 99/50 ratio Measuring income inequality: the Gini coefficient 100 Perfect equality Share of total income (%) 90 Gini = 80 70 A A + B 60 50 A 40 30 UK Lorenz curve in 2011-12: Gini = 0.34 20 B 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Percentage of population, ranked by income 90 100 Gini coefficient: 1979 to 2011–12 Gini coefficient 0.40 0.35 0.30 2011-12 2009–10 2007–08 2005-06 2003–04 2001-02 1997–98 1995–96 1993-94 1991 1999-2000 Source: Cribb et. al. (2013) 1989 1987 1985 1983 1981 1979 0.25 • Gini rose dramatically in the 1980s (0.25 in 1979 to 0.34 in 1990) • Big fall in recent years (0.36 in 2007–08 to 0.34 in 2011–12) © Institute for Fiscal Studies Why has income inequality risen? • Lots of explanations – Skills-biased technological changes [see Acemoglu (2002), Machin (2001) and Goldin and Katz (2008)] – Labour market institutions: weaker trade unions and a decline of collective bargaining (Goodman and Shephard 2002) – More inequality in employment status across households (Gregg and Wadsworth, 2008) – Changes in the tax and benefit system • How can we test them? © Institute for Fiscal Studies Example 1: decomposition of inequality by household employment structure • Take overall inequality as measured by the mean log deviation: • If we divide the population into g subgroups (each containing ng members) overall inequality can be decomposed into a “withingroups” and a “between-groups” term (Shorrocks, 1980): © Institute for Fiscal Studies Example 1: decomposition of inequality by household employment structure • Brewer, Muriel and Wren-Lewis (2009) use this decomposition to examine the impact of changes in household employment structure on inequality – Groups defined according to number of adults, number of earners and age of household head • Conclude that the growing disparity between “work-rich” and “work-poor” households contributed significantly to the increase in inequality during the 1980s © Institute for Fiscal Studies 0.05 0.40 0.04 0.03 0.30 0.02 0.25 0.01 Source: Adam and Browne (2010). Note: Tax and benefit systems from previous years have been uprated in line with the Retail Prices Index. Years up to and including 1992 are calendar years; thereafter, years refer to financial years. 2008 2006 2004 2002 2000 1998 1996 1994 1992 1990 1988 1986 1984 1982 0.20 1980 0.00 Gini coefficient 0.35 1978 Increase in Gini relative to 2009-10 Example 2: replacing tax/benefit system with those from previous years (UK) Example 2: replacing tax/benefit system with those from previous years (UK) • The tax and benefit system matters for the level of income inequality – if Labour had left the system they inherited unchanged, the Gini in 2009–10 would have been 0.39 rather than 0.36, higher than the US (assuming no behavioural response) • Other things matter more than the tax and benefit system for the level of income inequality – Inequality rose during the 2000s despite inequality-reducing changes to the tax and benefit system © Institute for Fiscal Studies Poverty © Institute for Fiscal Studies What is poverty? • Destitution, relative deprivation, capability or functioning in society, livelihood sustainability? – but what can we measure? • Economists have tended to define poverty as having income below a certain “poverty line” • One alternative is a “poverty gap” measure – weights people according to how far they are below the poverty line – but the data towards the bottom of the income distribution is not good enough © Institute for Fiscal Studies Poverty lines • 2 kinds of poverty lines are used 1. Absolute Poverty lines – defined as a certain level of real-terms income – egs. $1 a day poverty line (in 1990 prices) (Ravallion et al 1991), US government basket of goods and services © Institute for Fiscal Studies Calculating absolute poverty Count the proportion of people below that poverty line Draw a line of real-terms income Lowest Highest Income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Absolute poverty over time Count the proportion of people below that poverty line Draw a line of real-terms income Lowest Highest Income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Absolute poverty over time Count the proportion of people below that poverty line Draw a line of real-terms income Lowest Highest Income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Poverty lines • 2 kinds of poverty lines are used 1. Absolute Poverty lines – defined as a certain level of real-terms income – egs. $1 a day poverty line (in 1990 prices) (Ravallion et al 1991), US government basket of goods and services 2. Relative Poverty lines – defined as a certain percentage of median income in a country – eg. UK government uses 60% of median income for child poverty targets © Institute for Fiscal Studies Calculating relative poverty Take (e.g.) 60% of that amount. Everyone with income less than this is in relative poverty. Find the middle person’s income (the median) Lowest Income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Highest Relative poverty over time – a moving target ...then “60% of median income” – the relative poverty line – grows too... If median income grows... ...even with no change to incomes of low-income people, relative poverty goes up Lowest © Institute for Fiscal Studies Income Highest Why look at relative and absolute poverty? • Relative poverty is really a measure of inequality between the middle and the bottom – particularly problematic when median income is falling • Absolute poverty lines become irrelevant in the long run – often moved on an ad hoc basis eg. 2010 baseline for 2020 child poverty targets • Changes in absolute poverty perhaps more significant in the short run, with changes in relative poverty more significant in the long run © Institute for Fiscal Studies Poverty and government policy: a case study • Universal Credit is a major reform to the UK benefits system aiming to: – simplify the system – improve work incentives • How does it work? – Universal Credit will replace 6 major working-age benefits and tax credits with a single monthly payment – So-called “legacy benefits” are Jobseeker’s allowance, employment and support allowance, income support, housing benefit, child tax credit and working tax credit • Roughly revenue-neutral on an entitlements basis © Institute for Fiscal Studies Universal Credit: improving work incentives • Universal Credit has larger earnings disregards... – You can earn more before your benefit starts to be withdrawn • ... and a lower maximum withdrawal rate – Single rate of 65% on post-tax earned income ( maximum 76.2% effective marginal tax rate) © Institute for Fiscal Studies Budget constraint for a lone parent with 2 children £500 £450 Weekly net income £400 £350 £300 £250 Existing system £200 Universal Credit £150 £100 £50 £0 0 10 20 30 40 50 Hours worked per week, at £6.50 per hour Source: Browne and Roantree (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 60 Average participation tax rates by earnings 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% Before After 15% 10% 5% 0% £0 £10,000 £20,000 Source: Browne and Roantree (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies £30,000 £40,000 £50,000 Universal Credit: improving work incentives • Universal Credit has larger earnings disregards... – You can earn more before your benefit starts to be withdrawn • ... and a lower maximum withdrawal rate – Single rate of 65% on post-tax earned income ( maximum 76.2% effective marginal tax rate) • Average participation tax rates are substantially reduced for low earners – this should increase labour supply and hence reduce poverty © Institute for Fiscal Studies Universal Credit: increasing take-up • Take-up rates for benefits and tax credits are surprisingly low – below 70% for Jobseeker’s allowance – around 80% for Housing Benefit • Universal Credit should increase take-up – system will be easier to understand – those currently only claiming one benefit but entitled to more will automatically get their full entitlement • All else equal, higher take-up rates will reduce poverty © Institute for Fiscal Studies Universal Credit: increasing take-up • We can isolate the projected impact of introducing Universal Credit on child poverty – we assume no behavioural response ie. work incentives don’t matter – we assume everyone who currently claims any legacy benefit claims their full Universal Credit entitlement © Institute for Fiscal Studies The effect of Universal Credit on relative child poverty (UK) 26% 24% 22% 20% 18% 16% 14% Universal Credit no Universal Credit 12% 10% 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Notes: Poverty line is 60% of median before-housing-costs (BHC) income. Years refer to financial years. Source: Browne, Hood and Joyce (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 2015 2016 Universal Credit: increasing take-up • We can isolate the projected impact of introducing Universal Credit on child poverty – we assume no behavioural response ie. work incentives don’t matter – we assume everyone who currently claims any legacy benefit claims their full Universal Credit entitlement • Universal Credit is projected to reduce relative child poverty by 2 percentage points in 2016-17 – this is basically just the result of increased take-up (as reform is revenue-neutral and we don’t model behavioural response) • Overall fiscal consolidation increases poverty substantially © Institute for Fiscal Studies The effect of tax and benefit reforms since April 2010 on relative child poverty (UK) 26% 24% 22% 20% 18% 16% 14% 12% UK (actual) 10% 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 UK (no reforms) 2015 2016 2017 2018 Notes: Poverty line is 60% of median before-housing-costs (BHC) income. Years refer to financial years. Source: Browne, Hood and Joyce (2013) © Institute for Fiscal Studies 2019 2020 Summary • Income inequality rose quickly across the distribution in the 1980s, and has been increasing at the very top since – decompositions and counterfactual analysis can help us to understand why • Poverty can be defined according to an absolute or relative income measure • The introduction of Universal Credit has the potential to reduce poverty through improved work incentives and higher take-up rates – but the fiscal consolidation overall is likely substantially increase poverty rates © Institute for Fiscal Studies References (1) Acemoglu, D. (2002)“Technical Change, Inequality and the Labor Market”, Journal of Economic Literature 40 (1) Adam, S., and Browne ,J. (2010) “Redistribution, work incentives and thirty years of UK tax and benefit reform”, IFS Working Paper 10/24 Brewer, M., Muriel, A. and Wren-Lewis, L. (2009) “Accounting for changes in inequality since 1968: decomposition analyses for Great Britain”, Government Equalities Office, London. Brewer, M., and O’Dea, C. (2012) “Measuring Living Standards with income and consumption: Evidence from the UK”, IFS Working Paper W12/12 Browne, J., Hood, A. and Joyce, R. (2013) “Child and working-age poverty in Northern Ireland from 2010 to 2020”, IFS Report R78 Browne, J. and Roantree, B. (2013) “Universal Credit in Northern Ireland: what will its impact be, and what are the challenges?”, IFS Report R77 © Institute for Fiscal Studies References (2) Cribb, J., Hood, A., Joyce, R., and Phillips, D. (2013) “Living Standards, Poverty and Ineqaulity in the UK: 2013” IFS Report R81 Goldin, C., and Katz, L. (2008) “The Race Between Education and Technology”, Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA Goodman, A. and Shephard, A. (2002), Inequality and living standards in Great Britain: some facts, IFS Briefing Note 19 , Institute for Fiscal Studies, London Gregg , P. and Wadsworth ,J. (2008) “Two Sides to Every Story: Measuring Polarization and Inequality in the Distribution of Work”, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society Series A Machin, S. (2001) “The Changing Nature of Labour Demand in the New Economy and SkillBiased Technology Change”, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 63 (S1) Ravallion, M., Datt, G., and van de Walle, D. (1991) “Quantifying Absolute Poverty in the Developing World,” Review of Income and Wealth no.37 pp 345-361 Shorrocks, A. (1980) “The Class of Additively Decomposable Inequality Measures”, Econometrica 48 (3) © Institute for Fiscal Studies