Volume 8, Issue 2
WGDS Newsletter
University of Warwick
September 2011
Rounding Up the Year...
2011 has definitely been
an interesting year for us all.
With issues such as the US
debt ceiling, the Wikileaks
scandal, and the Middle East
revolutions, it is easy for one
to feel burdened under the
weight of current events occurring both domestically and
globally. However, do not be
dismayed for the Warwick
Global Development Society
has great news for you—- the
second issue of the newsletter is out! And as usual, we
promise to deliver to you an
exciting edition filled with
insightful articles written by
our peers and colleagues.
We had a spectacular symposium in March which covered many topics including
the rise of the ‗BRICS‘ and of
course the Wikileaks debacle.
Now Wikileaks… that is one
story that will remain on the
minds of many due to the
various perspectives that
could be taken on it. After
reading the Wikileaks articles
from our contributors, it
would be interesting to know
your take on this issue.
One thing that we in the
WGDS Newsletter Editorial
Committee strive to do is to
present our readers with
thought-provoking, interesting and diverse articles. In
doing that, this newsletter
thanks to our contributors,
will discuss the relationship
between the US debt ceiling
and foreign aid, examine the
link between the arms trade
and international development, and consider the plight
of Colonel Gaddafi. That‘s not
all. In this issue, we will also
explore the gender bias in
macro economic policies,
illustrate the ways in which
the TRIPs Agreement possibly
constitutes neo-imperialism,
and demonstrate how the
rise in world energy prices
have led to growth in Russia.
We are also bringing to you
an interview with Professor
Shirin Rai and an assessment
of hydro electric power in
Chile. How‘s that for diversity?
The WGDS Newsletter Editorial Committee consisting of
myself– Temitayo Dada, Marta Lillo, and Iqbal Basant,
would like to thank all our
contributors who took time
out of their busy schedules to
provide us with amazing articles. We want to thank Professor Rai and Dr. Pirie for
their tutelage, support and
direction in this past year.
A Final Word from the President
As this is the final newsletter
for Global Development Society 2010/11, I would like to
thank all Politics and International Studies MA candidates,
especially the Global Governance and Development Class
for their support in making
this year a success. As the
President, I am very grateful
for a wonderful committee
who put extra time and effort
in organizing informative lectures with speakers from Warwick University and University
College London; movie nights
with intellectual conversations; the exhibition by the
President of the International
Guild of Visual Peacemakers;
and the most important event
of the society— our symposium.
By all measures, the symposium was a great success. We
had four great panels with
interesting views on issues
pertaining to globalisation and
development. The fun activities
in form of our role play were
very exciting and the ‗global
village‘ which involved a colourful display and tasting of
cuisine from different backgrounds wrapped up the symposium beautifully.
I would also like to thank Professor Rai, Professor Hughes,
Professor Scholte and the Post
graduate Administrative staff
for their support and effort
provided throughout the year.
Also, a big thank you to a devoted editorial team and everyone who has submitted a piece
for our autumn and summer
Newsletter.
Justina Alao
2010-2011 WGDS President
‗Globalization,
Governance
Development‘ was personally
one of my favourite classes
and I believe we all learnt so
much. We want to also appreciate the post graduate office,
the members of the WGDS,
our executive board, and of
course, you the reader.
Now that dissertations are
submitted and results are
anticipated, the big question
is ―What‘s next‖? While we all
tackle what‘s ahead, I want to
wish everyone success in all
endeavours pursued. 20102011 was a great year and
2012 will be even better. See
you all on top!
Temitayo Dada
2010-2011 WGDS Editor
INSIDE THIS ISSUE
US debt celling puts strain on
foreign aid
2
Dangerous Liaisons : The Global
Arms Trade and International
Development - By Joseph Haigh
3
A Graceful exit for Gaddafi? - By
Edward Okatcha
4
Engendering macro economic
policies
5
The role of the TRIPs Agreement
on public health crises : a form of
neo-imperialism
- By Kiran Sharma
6
Oil Living on a Fountain
- By Michael Burr
7
Wikileaks—Harbinger of a changing world?
- By Jana Chammaa
8
A matter of (cyber) sovereignty
- By Fariha Saqib
9
A Case Against Wikileaks
- By Callum Varian
WGDS interview—Professor
Shirin Rai
10
Hydro Electric Power in Chile :
Low Carbon Growth versus Environmental Conservation
- By George Lindley
11
US debt ceiling puts strain on foreign aid
By Donovan Wood
A
t the time this article was written,
the United States Congress was still
debating two foreign aid reform bills
that threatened to cut the resources
destined for all of the government‘s obligations,
to address budget shortfalls and the current
debate on the US debt ceiling.
The development community in the United
States and the world was
already sounding the alarm
on August 2nd when the
Treasury
Department
warned that it could no
longer finance all of the
government‘s obligations.
America‘s Human Rights
commitments range from
cutting greenhouse emissions, assisting democratization efforts in the aftermath of the (US led) Iraq
and Afghanistan Wars, and
assisting refugees fleeing
the Israel-Palestinian conflict, among others.
But the current negotiations regarding the debt
ceiling in the US threaten
the continuity of US assistance on a major scale.
US lawmakers have been
focusing the discussion of
the 2012 fiscal year budget
predominantly on
whether to raise the debt
ceiling and whether or not the Constitution should be amended to force the
government to balance the budget.
In this process, the incumbent congressional
committees and subcommittees were presented
with the Obama Administration‘s recommendations on development known as the ―smart
power" approaches, which elevate diplomacy
and development alongside military power as
guarantors of U.S. security, according to a report
by Reuters.
Yet, at the House of Representatives both the
Sub-Committee on State, Foreign Operations
and related programs, and the Foreign Affairs
Committee, have passed bills that display a lack
of sense of responsibility for underdevelopment
while placing foreign policy dogmatism ahead of
pragmatism and concern for the poor worldwide.
These potential cutbacks are, as Better World
Campaign Chairperson Peter Yeo puts it, ―a
major retreat from [the United States‘] obligations.‖
Most lawmakers agree that cuts are necessary, but the proposed cutbacks are shortsighted and they disproportionately reduce
programs that will affect the world‘s neediest
populations. For example, the Foreign OperaPage 2
tions Subcommittee proposed withholding all
funds from the UN Human Rights Commission
and the UN Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCC), cutting this Official Development
Assistance
(ODA)
to
US$ 758 million in fy2012 (a 12 per cent decrease) and reducing emergency refugee assistance by a staggering 36 per cent.
Other cuts and conditions on aid show a lack
of creativity at best, and of consideration at
worst. These include assurances from the Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, that no ―foreign
terrorist organizations‖ should have any part to
play in the new governments of Egypt, Lebanon,
Libya, and Yemen before aid is provided to any
of those states. Meanwhile, the US will destine
no aid at all to the perceived allies of Venezuela:
Argentina, Nicaragua, Ecuador, and Bolivia; no
aid for the poorest country in South America,
really?
Rep. Connie Mack (R-FL), chair of the Western
Hemisphere subcommittee has argued successfully, for now, that the United States should stop
making payments to the Organization of American States (OAS) altogether, treaty obligations
aside, because the institution allegedly ―was
bent on destroying democracy in South America.‖ Perhaps the United States needs to scale
down its international commitments, but that
should start with the military, not the OAS.
Pro-Israel sentiment is also strong, as the new
bills require the Palestinian Authority to stop
pressing for statehood in the United Nations, for
the US to move its embassy from Tel Aviv to
Jerusalem, and that no dollar is to be cut from
the president‘s request of US$ 3.1 billion in the
largest ―military aid‖ to Israel.
In parallel, Hamas should have any part in the
Palestinian government, which is also required
to recognize the Jewish nature of Israel and be
―actively halting
anti-Israel incitement.‖ So much
for being ―an
honest broker.‖
Egypt as well also
risks losing all of
its aid if its new
government violates any part of
the Camp David
agreement.
American aid has
always come with
conditions, so in
essence maybe
these new demands
coming
from the Legislative are nothing
new.
But that is the
problem. Humanitarian aid and
development
assistance,
whether effective
or not, whether a duty or
not, is an expression of
care, and cutting it so
drastically while actually increasing military aid
and ―counter-drug‖ aid would be a slap in the
face to the people of the emerging world.
These bills still need to be approved by the
Senate, where Sen. (D) John Kerry has proposed
a very different foreign operations budget, and
where certainly the White House will lobby
against it.
What they represent, however, is a frightening
starting point from which Republicans in Congress plan to negotiate over America‘s commitments, obligations, and compassion to the
world.
References
- Upinews.net/news.asp?idnews=56855. Jvly 27, 2011.
- www.devex.com/en/aruicles/ire-greets-latest-hovse-votes-on-vs-foreignaid?sovrce=AruicleHomepage_Headline
WGDS N ew s l ette r
New Developments
are Coming
this (AIESEC)
Dangerous
Liaisons: The
Global Arms
Trade Way
and International Development
By Marta Lillo
I
I
t was a typical sunny November morning
in Halandri square, somewhere in Northern Athens,
Greece.
By Joseph
Haigh
(WIDS)Local pedestrians
were going about their business, but
something was amiss. Loud music started to
n recent years, the international community
sound out of the blue, a Red Bull advertisement
has been saturated by discussion of those
truck was parked in the middle of the square,
infamous Weapons of Mass Destruction
and what used to be a very quiet area with tradi(WMDs). Whilst these are a genuine contional cafes and small shops, all of the sudden
cern and do pose a significant challenges to
turned into a festival venue in a flash. Young
global security, the threat of such weapons has
people in colourful T-shirts were dancing their
been significantly exaggerated and, as a result,
feet away, shouts in different languages filled
tends to divert attention away from the Small
the air, and food from everywhere in Europe was
Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs)
displayed in various counters.
These
areclueless
anything
from handguns
andyelling
shotTo many
ntopious
(locals), the
guns
to rocket propelled
grenades
– weapons
was unintelligible.
But then
one common
word
often
are owned
1 in AIESEC.
7 people
startedforgotten
to standthat
out from
all the by
noise:
(FCO
2010)
on the
planet
- the
An old
woman
came
up to
me,majority
and in abeing
mixcivilians.
It is and
by such
weapture of Greek
English,
asks me ―What‘s this
ons
that Ione
every to start: That we
AIESEC?‖
didn‘tperson
know where
minute
killed, and
whichthe world‘s largest
were allismembers
of by
AIESEC,
numerous
crimeswith
are60 years of experistudent-run other
organization
perpetrated.
ence developing high-potential students into
globally minded responsible leaders; that all this
Does arms trade have affuss was the result of gathering more than 100
fect development‘? The trafteam leaders from all over Western Europe and
ficking of arms to developing
North America to attend WeGrow 2010, five day
countries can, in fact, pose
conference to improve their leadership skills.
considerable challenges to
And that what she was witnessing was Global
development which are maniVillage, a typical AIESEC party where all memfold and complex.
bers get to share part of their culture and dance
impossible
steps
passed often
from one generation to
Developing
nations
another; the
latter, AIESECers who read this
allocate
disproportionately
articleamounts
will definitely
understand.
large
of expenditure
even amounts
more clueless
to Anarms;
that stare
are made me realize
I had to
told her about AIESEC
often
farbein clearer.
excess So
of Ithose
being on
established
in 1948
spent
social welfare
pro- to foster cultural
understanding
between ecoyoung people from
grammes
and effective
different stimulus.
countries, so
prevent war from dividnomic
In tomany
ing the such
world again.
That the
cases
expenditure
is aim is to provide
youth-driven
experience by giving
seen
as being impactful
vital to preservmembers
anorder
activeinrole
in are
locally run programs,
ing law and
what
and that
an international
internship experience
often
nations
emerging from
is at the
coreinof which
the structure.
civil
wars,
social,
Afterand
a lot
of confused
gestures,
racial
ethnic
divides arehand
sometimes
pro-I
thoughtbut
I had
gotten
themerely
message
through. But
found,
more
often
exaggerated
for
her observations
me speechless:
―But why?
political
purposesleft
(Mueller
2000).
Is AIESEC any good?
Arguably,
the purchase
of arms
in such
situaWhile standing
there, looking
at her
perplexed
tions
not
only
has
the
effect
of
‗fanning
the
face, I could not come up with a straight answer.
flames‘
of
conflict
(Pierre
1982)
but
compromisI had joined AIESEC Warwick only a month ago,
es
to bridge
that are
frequently
andefforts
because
of my divides
professional
experience
in
founded
in
social
and
economic
problems.
In
journalism, I was chosen VP in Communications
many
cases, governments
struggling
to maintain
& Information
Management,
role which
allowed
power
have tended
to resort to
violence
against
me to attend
the conference
and
to witness
the
their
own
peoples
which
is
later
condemned
by
AIESEC way in situ. During my professional expethe
global
community.
rience, I had heard of AIESEC and knew of its
global
and even
interviewed
It is reputation
ironic, therefore,
that had
the sale
of the
former
now
renowned
business
weaponsAIESECers,
used to fuel
intrastate
conflicts
has
leaders and
Yet, I had but
no real
typically
beenpoliticians.
not only permitted,
evenclue
enabout the by
difference
the same
organization
couraged
these very
nations.has
Themade
willin
its 60+ years
of existence.
ingness
to supply
weapons to nations
So
I
attended
first
dayofofathis
conference
(sometimes eventhe
both
sides
conflict)
during
with a series of questions in my head. Had
AIESEC made any difference at all since its
conception in 1945? Did the Association Internationale des Etudiants en Sciences
Economiques et Commerciales’s (the French
acronym is now the official name) really expand
war has many unpredictable consequences
to be more than just economics and commercial
which are historically difficult to control once
sciences? Approaching the subject from My
transactions have taken place.
Master‘s field of study, other questions
In statesHow
undergoing
significant
transemerged:
was AIESEC
facingpolitical
the challengformation,
states‘ which Do
lackAIESEC
effeces broughtand
up ‗failed
by Globalization?
tive
central
governance,
have historiyoung
professionals
helpweapons
Development
when
cally
been
stolen
from unguarded
caches and
they go
abroad
to emerging
countries?
dispersed
amongst
the general
population,
The leadership
at AIESEC
International,
headthereby
any chance
of monitoring
quarteredeliminating
in Rotterdam,
Netherlands,
has the
proliferation.
Perhaps
the most
widespread
same questions.
Its student
structure
and the
occurrence
of resilience
this scenario
in War
the
organization‘s
duringoccurred
the Cold
Balkan
statescrucial
after the
War, with economic
the rapid
have been
to Cold
its surviving
collapse
the Sovietconflicts
Union and
equally
rapid
crises andofdiplomatic
between
member
countries. But by 2005, its leaders became
aware that the postwar love-peace momentum
had long gone; that the organization was living
off its past successes and that current
AIESECers live now in a different international
arena. Something needed to be done to revamp
the association.
And so emerged Vision 2015, which was set
five years ago with very ambitious objectives:
double figures such as the number of members,
the international internships it provided, the
leadership roles to continue the work, the number of countries and/or territories, and both
leadership & internship (L&I) experiences. But
above all, the strategy has decided to engage
every young person in the world in the AIESEC
experience.
Almost all of these goals have been checked
off the list except L&I and the latter. Impressive
as they are, during the conference it was clear
why they are so difficult to achieve. Eager and
optimistic at all times, many of my fellow team
leaders recognized it‘s easy to get lost along the
AIESEC way. Not only they must try to recruit
new members constantly and keep their people
motivated, they also have studies, friends and
family to tend to as well. The pressure is not for
regime
changes
that were
by many
everybody,
and many
dropexperienced
out long before
the
Eastern
It was
quite normal befor
end of European
the year. states.
Lack of
communication
weapons
to be leftregional,
unguarded
or alternatween thecaches
international,
national
and
tively
seized by military
seeking to
sell
local committees,
typical officials
of any institution
with
a
the
weapons
under make
their control
for easier.
personal
global
reach, doesn‘t
the job any
profit
the filmisLord
of War
a particuBut –AIESEC
aware,
nowprovides
more than
ever,
larly
portrayal
of this.
that good
events
in global
politics and international
relations are having a direct impact on its apWe will never know how many weapons were
proach to achieve ―Peace and fulfilment of huacquired by this method, or indeed by whom
mankind‘s potential‖. Engaging ―every young
they were acquired, but it is highly likely that
person in the world‖ before 2015 also requires
they helped to fuel the ensuing violence in the
a lot more than just optimism and the allure of
region.
working abroad. This feeling percolated throughout the past event in Greece: It‘s just not
enough anymore to provide the world with a
The Solution
flexible,
global-thinking young labour force.
AIESEC
take the next
step, and
is preGiven needs
these toproblems,
formulating
effective
paring
its
future
leaders
for
it.
solutions continues to be problematic for the
The organization leaders have their minds set
“The organization
leaders have their
minds set on having
a bigger role as
agents of change.”
V ol um e 8 , I ss ue 2
on having a bigger role as agents of change. The
pressure will be even greater with AIESEC adjusting its structure to adapt better to the challenges of social networking, and face new developments in global issues like terrorism, the
global community.
global financial crisis, climate change and
Advocates
of restrictions upon the sales of
health
pandemics.
arms
developingat nations
often
lobbied
The toorganizers
WeGrowhave
2010
were
fully
western
to responsibilities
ban the sale of in
arms
to
aware ofgovernments
the mounting
order
developing
which there
oftenon.
a
to live a fullnations,
AIESECtoexperience
fromis now
common
response:
we didn‘t group
sell arms
to
Either with
games, ifworkshops,
discusdeveloping
countries,
someone
else would,
sions, or even
the small
talk during
lunch and
indeed
other countries
would
in taking
dinner breaks;
they made
sure delight
the atmosphere
the
fromconstant
such demand
– as thetosaying
was profit
filled with
encouragement
meet
goes,
‗war is good
the objectives
set for
for business‘.
Vision 2015. It is just the
preamble for what will be expected of AIESEC in
Whilst such an answer is ‗not morally persuathe following years.
sive‘ (Wheeler and Dunne 1998), it does provide
By the end of this conference, I realized that
illumination on one of the key
the revamped ―AIESEC way‖ could be an improblems of regulating the
portant agent of Development as well. The ortrade and demonstrates the
ganization already provides a window of opporpotential insufficiency of
tunity to improve leadership skills and it has
unilateral restrictions, and
already made more than 50,000 young people
even multilateral ones.
behave like and believe themselves as ―citizens
of the world‖.
The illicit trade in arms is a
With the right leadership
a skilful to
plan,the
it
significantand
problem
could become an restriction
ideal partnerofin arms
development
sales,
programs that need
the itenthusiasm
and universince
provides nations
wishsity background AIESECers
provide.
Thewith
organiing to acquire
arms
an
zation could become
a genuine
referalternative
to point
stateof based
ence and a socialsolutions.
tool for public
and private
Therefore,
those
institutions and policymakers
envinations suchtoassupport
Zimbabwe,
ronmental policies,upon
poverty
reduction
which
thereand
is health
a UN
programmes.
arms embargo, can still obYes, this AIESECtain
plan
could beillegally
many thanks
things.
weapons
But WeGrow reminded
of something
I know
to anme
increasingly
globalised
well as professional
of the
field: Whilst
communication
black
market.
UN arms
is crucial. The leaders
at the top
communiembargoes
aremust
legally
binding
cate better and under
more fluently
with the
international
law, local
they
committees, and vice
are versa.
also easily avoided by the
I ask myself, what
go wrong
an organusecould
of other
‗legal‘innations
as
ization with a global
scope, set
up to bring
out
trafficking
conduits,
to which
the best in young weapons
people, that
to haveapa
canwants
be passed
bigger role in global
issues?asThe
―AIESEC
way‖ in
parently
their
final destinathe
promised
to contribute
to and
lead
tion,1940s
and then
later passed
onto the
intended
change in the global community. It has done so
nation.
by preparing students to become active memEqually
problematic
forwait
suchand
embargoes
bers
of society.
We must
see what are
the
so
calledway
‗dual-use
as theI
AIESEC
brings technologies‘
about in this which,
next cycle.
name
canto have
eagerlysuggests,
look forward
it.  multiple purposes
making the granting of licences according to
internationally recognised embargoes, challenging.
Perhaps, the most famous example of this
was the sale by Britain of ‗industrial tubing‘ to
Iraq prior to the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Whilst
this tubing could well have been used for industrial purposes, it was actually being used to
create the experimental ‗super gun‘ by Iraq,
much to the embarrassment of the British government.
CONTINUES
CONTINUES ON
ON P.4
P.4
Page 3
CONTINUED FROM P. 3
Dual-use technologies pose a dilemma with
regard to what developing nations may legitimately appropriate. If, as Max Weber famously
argued, states have ‗the monopoly on the
legitimate means of violence‘ within a polity,
then arguably nations should be allowed to
appropriate the basic firearms and equipment
necessary for the operation of a state.
However, weapons that may be used legitimately to preserve order may (and have on
numerous occasions) also be used in mass
repression. What classifies as an aid to repression has also been problematic: it has for
example been noted that the weapon responsible for many deaths during the Rwandan
genocide was the humble machete (Goose
and Smyth 1994), and that in Somalia, radio
equipment helped the perpetrators of violence
against the wider population to instigate their
plans with brutal efficiency.
Where should we draw the line at restricting
the sale of equipment to developing nations
on the basis that it could be used for illegitimate violence? That is not to say that we
should be seeking to limit the sale of radio
equipment to developing nations, for as Valerie Msoka argued at the Warwick International Development Summit 2010, radio
equipment can be a vital tool for combating
infectious disease and preserving fragile
peace agreements.
Arguably, there needs to be a careful consideration of the likelihood that equipment sold
to developing nations will be used for illegitimate repression. Typically, guidelines have
required there to be almost incontrovertible
evidence to suggest that weaponry will be
used for repression, and many critics have
argued that nations selling arms should be
restricted from selling arms to nations which,
evidence to a reasonable degree of probability
suggests that weapons could be used for
repression.
Indeed such an attempt at regulation is on
the cards, and the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) will
be debated at a UN conference in 2012. Once
shunned by the Bush administration, the ATT
has been viewed more favourably by the
Obama Administration, what is undoubtedly a
major breakthrough in terms of creating a
multilateral agreement to curb arms sales to
countries whose sustainable development
might be threatened.
However, only time will tell whether the
various loopholes in existing legislation and
problems with today‘s trade mentioned above
can be ameliorated by the eventual treaty. It
would, nonetheless, be a step in the right
direction. 
Page 4
I
t goes without saying that there is a certain element of unfortunate irony that manifests itself when a leader such as the ―Brother Leader‖ of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
finds himself using atrocious and frankly downright brutal tactics to cling on to power,
whereas just a few short years ago he was painting himself as Libya‘s ―custodian‖ and,
indeed, a de-facto leading force for Africa‘s unification as a single over-arching social, political
and economic entity.
A scant five years ago Colonel (Col.) Muammar Gaddafi was being touted by various world
leaders and international organizations (think the United Nations or a myriad number of thinktanks). Who could blame them really? Perhaps they honestly believed that this one-time global pariah on the world stage had somehow changed his ways.
Besides, he and his government had been accused of having orchestrated or, at the very
least, sheltered the terrorists behind the much-publicized Lockerbie bombing. In fact, it took
well over 20 years before the suspects involved in that attack were handed over to the Scottish authorities for trial. However, in 2009, through the efforts of one of Gaddafi‘s sons, Saif
al-Islam Gaddafi, the major suspect still being held in Scotland was released through a court
ruling based on ―Compassionate grounds‖.
Of course it emerged later that this act was as a result of some ulterior motives, especially
on the part of the British government, concerning lucrative oil prospecting interests with Libya‘s state-owned petroleum corporations. Despite this, however, the ―Arab Awakening‖ began to unravel soon after, kicked off in Tunisia with the self immolation of a disgruntled youth
trying to drive home, a point concerning the high rates of unemployment, lack of various
modern freedoms taken for granted almost everywhere else, and blatant corruption by the
Tunisian government.
A Graceful Exit for
Gaddafi? Edward Okatcha
No one should really be surprised that when this wave of ―dissidence‖ hit Libya‘s populace,
especially in the relatively impoverished East that serves as the country‘s breadbasket (most,
if not all its oil wealth is centered here), the Brother Leader and his cronies decidedly attempted to quell the uprising with a heavy hand. This is, of course, after misguided insistence by
Col. Gaddafi that the entire Libyan populace was behind him and his family. In fact the main
reason cited by Gaddafi for his forces feeling the might of international Coalition forces spearheaded by NATO is the supposed objective of securing lucrative oil fields and even further
outrageous (or simply not proven claims) that the Libyan authorities considered using oil as
the new de-facto currency valuation standard as opposed to gold bullion! (somewhat absurd,
but perhaps worth thinking about if it ever proves to be true).
This quagmire of accusations and counter-accusations, conspiracies and facts emanating
from the various camps i.e. the Coalition forces, the Libyan Rebels and the Libyan government continue serving to make an already complex narrative even more convoluted.
Former US President Ronald Reagan once referred to Col. Muammar Gaddafi as the ―Mad
Dog‖ of Africa. Unfortunately, this claim, no matter how rash, is proving increasingly true. The
reason for this is pretty simple – a leader who hitherto had been painted himself as his people‘s guardian, protector and relative ―Father figure‖ cannot honestly absolve himself of allegations of attacking his own citizenry to keep them ―in line‖ . When you have multiple international news outlets even those with Arab solidarity leanings showing pictures of Libyan airforce assets attacking educational institutions (during the early days of the conflict) on suspicion of harboring dissenters then you know that there IS a serious problem. Add to this the
death of one of Gaddafi‘s sons in a bombing raid on his (former now obviously) main compound in Tripoli and it‘s no shock to find him channeling all his grief towards the Coalition
forces accusing them of actually mounting the bombing raid as a blatant assassination attempt.
This developing story still has a very long way to go, the conflict in a most realistic sense is
just going to become more protracted, the calls by the two main proponents of the military
efforts (France and the United States) that Gaddafi must step down are about all the international community can do at this point and Gaddafi himself, indeed his entire family, will continue proving to be belligerent and unco-operative, if only to prove a point. One thing remains
certain, however, whichever exit that Col. Gaddafi finds himself making, because an end to all
this is inevitable, then it certainly will NOT be pretty.
WGDS N ew s l ette r
Engendering macroeconomic policies
By Temitayo Dada
O
verworked, underpaid and stressed
to the maximum without the option
of breaking, women in developing
countries often silently bear the
burden of adjustment policies and economic
reforms. Ironically, the magnitude of their pain
stems from the ripple effects of simple assumptions—the assumption that macro-economic
indicators are gender neutral, the assumption
that women‘s labour is infinitely elastic, the
assumption that women have the same access
to the markets as men, the assumption that the
development policies that work in the North will
automatically work in the South. The list is endless.
From the mid-1980s till today, the IMF and
World Bank‘s involvement in developing countries have been under fire for a plethora of reasons. One of the most prominent criticisms is
targeted at the structural adjustment programs
which accompany the financial assistance provided by these multilateral organizations.
These policies have arguably led to the impoverishment and destabilization of many developing economies, trapping them in seemingly
unending cycles of borrowing and debt. In assessments of the impact of structural adjustments and IMF / World Bank reforms, unabashed, poignant phrases like ‗economic genocide‘, ‗political repression‘ and ‗market colonialism‘ have been thrown around—with good cause
(see Chossudovsky 1997). On the economic
level, it is evident that SAPs have led to the
V ol um e 8 , I ss ue 2
manipulation of market forces and undermined
national economies.
As Bakker (1994, p. 3) notes, SAPs have
―failed to solve the primary economic challenges
of improving productivity, employment and the
standard of living‖, thus promoting resistance
and calls for alternative methods of development. Structural adjustment programs provide a
prime example of one of the impasses in development theory as on one hand, dependency
theorists argue that structural adjustment policies hamper true development and keep the
third world in a peripheral or semi-peripheral
role (Scott 1996, p. 2) constantly exploited by
the North; and on the other hand, a major flaw
of these adjustment programs is the globalization-based assumption that neo-liberal, marketoriented policies which work in the North will
automatically work in the South (Riain 2000).
This assumption is anchored within modernization theory which not only promotes western
ideologies but advocates limited state intervention, the division between public and private,
and the separation of men from the household,
while neglecting the role of women, family, and
community in a quest to advance the modern
development of a male-dominated economy
(Scott 1996, pp. 23-24).
According to Chossudovsky (1997, pp. 42-43),
the World Bank is aware of the less than desirable social impacts of adjustment in terms of
gender and has made efforts to address these
issues in a show of morality and ethical cogni-
zance as evidenced by their Women in Development (WID) initiative. Yet, with these issues
being addressed separately from the neoliberal
policies and macro-economic frameworks that
actually cause them, the effectiveness of these
drives for sustainable development is questionable. As a result of extensive research including
feminist critiques of the gendered impacts of
structural adjustment policies, it has become
evident that the development process needs to
encompass women in its core and not just attempt to add the ‗women factor‘ to existing
policies (Momsen 1991, p. 3).
Miles (1985, p. 34) demonstrates that a country‘s gross national product (GNP) which is often
classified as an economic development indicator, was actually developed for economic accounting, not welfare, purposes. However,
based on patriarchical assumptions and generalizations by modernization theorists about the
relationship between growth, poverty and living
standards, GNP and related statistics have
frequently been incorrectly used to measure
development (Miles 1985, p. 35). In order to
minimize the gendered impact of SAPs, policies
need to focus on multidimensional factors such
as human development and not on so-called
‗gender neutral‘ macro-economic indicators like
GDP growth or ‗efficiency‘ which are limited in
scope. Specifically, the gender dimension
should be incorporated into macro-economic
analysis as it will bridge the gap between the
paid and unpaid economic sectors (Roberts and
Hite 2007, p. 143). As Elson (1995, p. viii) suggests:
―The best chance of reducing male bias lies in
a shift to human-centred forms of development
in which there is not only a transformation of the
reproductive economy but also a transformation
of the productive economy to recognise the
community and family responsibilities of both
men and women‖.
If economic models embraced a ‗bottom-up‘
instead of a ‗top-down‘ approach and began
analysis from the micro level building up to the
macro, they would most likely embody relevant
factors that affect individuals in society such as
gender inequalities (see Sarris 1990). Scholars
like Collier (1990, pp. 149-150) maintain that
gender is a relevant factor when analysing the
growth model of a given economy, arguing that
the disaggregation of the economy based on
gender will result in more efficient resource
allocation as it will reflect the limitations that
women face in terms of market access and
income earnings.
However, the problem with gender disaggregation is that it focuses solely on individuals and
not the social institutions that will continue to
advance gender inequalities. Similarly, feminist
research suggests that in order to engender
macro-economic policies, the models that provide the foundations for these policies should
be based on information at the household level
and should not take for granted the notion that
individuals have elastic capacity to bear the cost
of adjustment (Beneria 1995, p. 1846). For
instance, new policies should take into account
the unseen cost of adjustment as reflected in
the education of children—especially girls, who
may have to stop school due to domestic or paid
work. Furthermore, adjustment policies should
be supported by social policy frameworks which
allow for the compensation of individuals bearing the brunt of adjustment costs. For macro
economic policies to be less biased, social policies that promote the rights of women in terms
of employment, income, and education should
all be encouraged.
Page 5
WGDS REPORTS BACK
The role of the TRIPS
Agreement on public
health crises: a form of
neo-imperialism?
By Kiran Sharma
I
ntellectual property rights (IPRs) were first
brought onto the international trade agenda
during the 1986 Uruguay Round of negotiations of the General Agreement on Trade and
Tariffs (GATT). Pressure from industrialised countries, however, ensured that intellectual property
would be included in the framework of the World
Trade Organisation (WTO) and it was finally implemented as the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) in
1994. Industrialised countries, particularly the
US, coerced developing countries to accept the
TRIPS Agreement during the Uruguay Round of
negotiations, which would allow industrialised
countries and Western corporations to legally
enforce patents on developing countries. As
TRIPS is founded on capitalist knowledge production, it infringes on developing countries sovereignty and development goals, especially averting
public health crises but also the promotion of
domestic institutions of innovation and technology, ensuring food security and protection of indigenous knowledge, culture and heritage.
TRIPS have come under significant attack for
the role that it has played in worsening the health
crises in developing countries. Criticisms particularly emerged during the AIDS pandemic, when
patients had limited access to patented drugs,
which contributed to the number of AIDS-related
deaths in developing countries. Lack of access to
antiretroviral (ARV) drugs and other medicines
required by HIV positive patients was mostly attributed to their high prices. Pharmaceutical corporations that are primarily based in developed
nations and profit-motivated do not typically provide cheap medicines needed in poor countries.
Public health and medicines needed to treat
diseases in developing countries are considered
public goods but pharmaceutical corporations
undersupply these medicines because they would
otherwise have to charge lower prices. For this
reason, these corporations do not invest in research and development (R&D) to develop medicines that can treat diseases typically found in
developing countries. Therefore, there is a flaw in
the rationale that IPR protection in the pharmaPage 6
ceutical industry would encourage R&D to create
medicines that can help control the health crises
in developing countries. However, the Declaration
on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health at the
2001 Ministerial Meeting in Doha affirmed the
WTO‘s commitment to ensuring that developing
countries were not bound to the TRIPS Agreement
in the event of public health crises. The Declaration offered developing countries flexibilities,
especially compulsory licences, which allowed
them to manufacture medicines during a health
crisis without the authorisation of the patent
holders. Yet the flexibilities present certain problems. Many least developed countries (LDCs) do
not have the capacity to manufacture medicines
even if they are granted compulsory licences.
Similarly, developing countries, for example India,
that engage in the production of generic drugs,
which are sold at lower prices to poorer developing countries, face significant legal constraints
regarding existing patent laws and encounter
direct and often indirect pressure from foreign
patent holders and their countries.
Therefore, it can be concluded that Western
corporations and their countries have benefitted
relatively more than developing countries, who
have to some extent had to part away with their
sovereignty and right to pursue their development
goals in ways they deem fit. One scholar aptly
reconciles the current relations between IPRs,
Western corporations and developing nations in
the following way:
―The intellectual property-owning enterprises
are often large multi-national corporations that
are able to wield impressive power by asserting
worldwide their intellectual property rights that
are backed by international conventions. These
conventions are, in turn, the legal basis for political and economic pressure on formally independent and sovereign states. In this way, an informal
system of socio-economic dependence with similarities to the colonial era is established. Formal
imperialism has come to an end with decolonization, but informal economic colonialism continues
to exist and increases in its importance, and
intellectual property rights play a far more signifiMeanwhile, many developing countries have cant role in this process than in the
been accused of not making use of the flexibili- past‖ (Rahmatian 2009).
ties made available to them. This is mainly because many developing countries do not have all
the means necessary to take full advantage of
the flexibilities due to the lack of infrastructure
and political will, for example. While developing
countries must implement institutional and legislative reforms to address these problems, the
WTO and pharmaceutical companies have failed
to demonstrate their commitment to supporting
developing countries that face the abovementioned impediments.
WGDS N ew s l ette r
ing its reserves in the Stabilisation fund. If sold at
world market price, this energy would have an
economic value equal to 30% of GDP in 1998
and almost half by 2008. In fact, official data put
the energy sector at 31.6% of the economy in
2007 (The Economist 2008), with the discrepancy due to the discounted rate at which a large
amount of it is sold.
The government is, therefore, using cheap
energy as a subsidy into the economy and able,
also, to use the tax revenue and profits as massive investment. Estimated as the equivalent of
injecting $500 billion US$ into the economy each
year and 54% of the last 10 years, growth can be
linked to the increased value of oil and gas; indicating the windfall from world Energy price rises
is at the heart of Russian Economic Development
since it is this which funded the growth.
crease state control of the economy and a moving back towards a Soviet-type approach. From
an external perspective, ―few can be sanguine
about Russia‘s direction. Its democracy is a
sham‖ (The Economist 2010a). Crime, corruption
and the domestic murder rate are exceptionally
high and the business environment remains
largely hostile. Domestic convictions of industrialists, which have been widely condemned, seizing
of assets below market value and international
incidents where Russia uses its ―favourite weapon: gas taps‖ (The Economist 2010b) to extend
its influence over its neighbours proliferate.
In conclusion, the major driver of economic
development since the Ruble crisis has been
world energy prices, and not the State, whose
economic policies have been more geared to
achieving political ends, with little positive impact
on economic development; leaving the country
The State has intervened in other sectors of the teetering on a spout of oil. 
economy through a process of re-nationalisation
and centralisation, but has failed to address the
lack of structural competitiveness of much of
Russian industry, which continues to be propped
up through government subsidies and cheap
energy.
The result is that the economy has not devel-
OIL: Living on a fountain
By Michael Burr
Russian Gas and Oil Production and Prices Compared with GDP
1998
2008
Change
% Change
S
Barrels
p.a.
(bil.)
2.25
3.61
1.36
60%
Crude Oil
US$ per
Value
Barrels
US$
*
(bil.)*
$16.74
$37.69
$96.91 $349.76
$80.17 $312.07
479%
828%
ince the 1998 Ruble crisis, the Russian
economy has expanded enormously,
dramatically improving the standard of
living of the Russian people. This has,
however, been put down to a good fortune; especially in relation to black gold.
BTU
p.a.
(tril.)
19,361
21,843
2,481
13%
Gas
BTU
US$
(cif)
$2.32
$11.56
$9.24
398%
Value
US$
(bil.)*
$44.92
$252.50
$207.58
462%
oped and Russia remains a petro-economy with
the government, exports and overall economic
development dependent on it; it is vulnerable to
The Russian Disease where ―not only does a
booming export market for energy resources have
an adverse impact on domestic manufacturing
but the appearance of a large and expanding
petroleum sector inevitably triggers a ferocious
struggle to win control‖ (Goldman 2008, pp. 1213). Although Russia has opened itself to the
world markets, it has created a ―distorted version
of capitalism‖ (Lucas 2008, p. 279) which is
unlikely to lead to long-term economic development.
The major driver of this growth has been the
rise in world energy prices; in ten years the price
of oil had increased by almost five times and gas
four times compared to respective production
increases of oil, 50%, and gas, 13% (Table 1).
This presented the Government with a huge windfall and supported an import-based boom which
has driven domestic consumption. The State‘s
role has been limited, shown by the moderate
increases in production to providing improved
The huge oil and gas windfalls have masked
macro-economic stability, particularly in rebuild- regressive and overtly political policies to inV ol um e 8 , I ss ue 2
Total
US$
(bil.) *
GDP
(mil.)*
Total as
% of GDP
$82.61
$602.26
$519.65
629%
$270.95
$1,231.89
$960.94
355%
30%
49%
54%
GDP
ENDNOTES
1The invariance principle is fulfilled when the value of GDP is not affected by who is
providing the service
2 This is a well known 'joke', usually told to show the limits of GDP to the economics
students since one of the most influential economist of the second half of the XXth
century, Paul Samuelson, published 'the texbook' Economics.
3 In the household domain, GDP only accounts for imputed goods produced in the
household for its own consumption (Stiglitz, Sen, Fitoussi, 2009)
REFERENCES
Alkire, S.and Deneulin, S., 2009. A Normative Framework for Development. In
Deneulin, S. and Shahani, L. (eds). An Introduction to the Human Development
and Capability Approach:
Freedom and Agency. London: Earthscan. Ch.
1.
Barro, R.J. and Sala-i-Martin, X., 2004. Economic Growth. Cambridge, Mass: MIT
Press
Eisner, R., 1988. Extended accounts for national income and product. Journal of
Economic
Literature, 26(4), pp.1611-1684.
England, R.W., 1997. Alternatives to Gross National Product: a Critical Survey. In: F.
Ackerman et al., eds. Human Well- Being And Economic Goals (Frontier Issues In
Economic Thought).
Washington DC: Island Press. Part X.
Hoskyns, C. and Rai, S. M., 2007. Recasting the Global Political Economy: Counting
Women's
Unpaid Work. New Political Economy, 12(3), pp.297-317.
Krueger, A.B.et al., 2008. National time accounting: The currency of life. Working
Paper 523,
Princeton
University Industrial Relations Section.
Mankiw, N.G., 2008. Principles of Economics. 5th ed. Mason, Ohio: South-Western
Nordhaus, W. D. and Tobin, J., 1973. Is Growth Obsolete?. Cowles Foundation
Paper 398.
Stiglitz, J. E., Sen, A.K, and Fitoussi, J. P., 2009. Report by the Commission on the
Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress. Paris: available at
<www. stiglitz-sen-fitoussi.fr> [Accessed 30 November 2010]
United Nations Development Programme, 2010. Human Development Report
2010. The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathways to Human Development. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Page 7
GGD SYMPOSIUM 2011
The 2011 GGD Symposium discussed the opportunities
and threats brought by Wikileaks, the non-profit media
organization that publishes leaked documents of alleged government and corporate misconduct. The following articles reflect the contrasting perspectives on
the global implications of Wikileaks.
A
fter about ten years since the beginning of the war on terrorism, a video
was released showing the killing of
unarmed journalists and civilians at
the hands of US forces on a military helicopter.
The world needs organizations like this that are
not afraid of exposing government actions that are
solely responsible for threatening national security.
Wikileaks should encourage journalists to reexamine their relationship with governments and to
change it in a way that brings journalism back to its
A secret war on Yemen was exposed later on, roots, independent of any kind of ownership.
as well as accounts of US diplomats spying on
UN senior staff. Also, information on US relaSome could argue that Wikileaks has not released
tionship with corrupt Afghan leaders, engaged anything new or earth-shattering. But that did not
stop
the organization from making some powerful
in criminal activities, have been revealed.
enemies like the US government and those influThe list goes on and on. These truths have enced by it. The revelations and the reactions to
been uncovered not by the mainstream media, them have exposed the true nature of the United
which has been a major source of information States as an ―international bully‖. Therefore, critito the public, but by Wikileaks.
cism is to be expected when a country is considered
the world‘s most powerful nation, one which has
There are costs and benefits to Wikileaks. depicted itself as a beacon of democracy and a
Yet, the latter outweigh the former. What Wik-
media give more power to the ordinary people in
their struggle against the ruling elite, corporations, and governments which had hitherto monopolized power through the restriction of information. ―Knowledge is power‖ and power has to
be restored back in the hands of the people.
References
Justin Elliott; Wikileaks: US Bombs Yemen in Secret;
http://www.salon.com/news/wikileaks/index.html?
story=/politics/war_room/2010/11/29/
wikileaks_yemen_revelations
Phillip Giraldi; The Meaning of Wikileaks http://
www.campaignforliberty.com/article.php?view=1281
Harbinger of a
changing world?
By Jana Chammaa
ileaks did is place these and other information
in the hands of the common citizen and urges
them to evaluate the actions of their leaders;
thus increasing thee accountability of the leadership and its actions.
These disclosures have raised questions over
the accountability of US foreign policy, the
submissive role of the Western media, and
injustices of the US justice system by failing to
thoroughly investigate the helicopter attack, the
tortures in jail and the checkpoint killings reported by Wikileaks. It has also failed in serving
justice and in prosecuting the perpetrators and
holding them responsible for killing innocent
civilians.
To expect the mainstream media to fully
report the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq that
have been waged in the name of the America
people, is not asking too much. But they have
not lived up to these expectations. Having proof
of government atrocities after ten years of
unjust occupation is a job well done by Wikileaks.
V ol um e 8 , I ss ue 2
protector of freedom of speech,
b ut
w ho s e
actions have
contradicted
the
very
principles
it stands
for.
Wikileaks is
not perfect
but the idea behind it should be taken further by us, the common people. Maybe, It is just
the beginning and the world will
witness the rise of similar organizations
capitalizing on its successes and weaknesses, and aiming for a global transformation, one in
which an informed public has the ultimate power in
determining government actions.
Perhaps it‘s a harbinger of the world we are heading in to. One in which modern technology and new
Page 8
GGD SYMPOSIUM 2011
CONTINUED FROM P.9
A matter of (cyber) sovereignty?
By Fariha Saqib
T
he concept of has always has been a much has institutionalized what a few computer hackers and a larger group of mostly harmless activdebated notion.
ists -- both outsiders to an organization -- have
Simply put, the concept of sovereignty been doing for the past two decades or so: get
concerns an institutional body, the state, the truth out there.
having control over
the laws and activities
T h e
within its physical
id e a
territory and free from
s u r outside interference.
There are two kinds
of sovereignty: internal sovereignty, which
is the relationship
between the sovereign/ruler and its
people; and external
sovereignty, the relationship between the
sovereign power and
other
s o v e r e ig n
states.
The idea and practice of sovereignty are
at times worshipped
on a pedestal and at
other brutally discarded as
anarchic; the challenges have
increased in the spread of
globalization values of cultural
and economic integration. Also, concepts such as
humanitarian intervention and collective security
constantly annihilate the protective purpose of
sovereignty.
And now, Wikileaks!
The project of this media organization is the
apparent sole purpose of getting confidential
information from the inside of an organization, be
that a state or a company, to the general public. It
repercussion from breaching a state‘s sovereignty at a domestic or international court of law.
Second, its credibility is based on the level of
support coming from its advocates, without any
economic, moral, religious and/or political strings
attached. And third, its digital nature gives it a
unique ability to interfere with the internal affairs
of others – breaching again sovereignty in the
conventional sense.
Even more interesting is that the project of
Wikileaks inherently threatens both internal
and external sovereignty. It challenges internal
sovereignty of a state by providing the people
the grounds to out the ruling government and
thereby affecting the trust that coexists between the two entities. Meanwhile, it threatens external notion of sovereignty by exposing
a state‘s secrets to the international community.
This brings forth a very provoking question: Do
states have any claim to sovereignty in the
cyber space?
It seems there is no definite answer to this
question. By being in cyber space, where
states or international laws have no jurisdiction yet, the idea that WIkileaks breaches
state sovereignty would deem to be incorrect
to some extent.
rounding Wikileaks hands over the reins of power
into the hands of the people, by providing them
But perhaps what Wikileaks and other similar
information that has been kept from them. An efforts could bring forth is a new kind of cyber
sovereignty. This could take several forms; govinformation, today, is power.
ernments creating sovereign presence on the
This is why Wikileaks is posing a new, and so Internet, or the emergence of a sovereign body
far unprecedented, threat to sovereignty.
whose sole purpose is to keep governments and
Its power rests on three pillars: first, immunity organizations in check, demanding further transwhen intervening, which other kinds of interven- parency, and triumphing where conventional
tions, such military intervention, do not enjoy. For bodies within the material international system
example, Wikileaks has not have suffer any legal have failed.
A case against Wikileaks
By Callum Varian
T
he uploading of tens of thousands of
secret US diplomatic cables onto the
Wikileaks website detailing torture, human rights abuses and corruption,
caused huge controversy in the United States
and throughout the world.
There are those who argue that such revelations and leaks does good to the world. However
this is not the case. Whilst such leaks do play an
important role in drawing attention to human
rights abuses and other serious abuses of power, on balance the mass and indiscriminate
leaking of diplomatic cables is harmful to the
world.
There are three key points that illustrate why
everyone should be concerned about Wikileaks
and other such websites. Firstly, as renowned
organizations such as Reporters Without Borders have made clear, the mass leaking of
confidential diplomatic information could very
well put innocent people‘s lives at risk, by being
mentioned in these cables. Such dangers must
make everyone think carefully about the morality
of sites such as Wikileaks.
Page 9
The second major area of concern is that such
disclosure of diplomatic cables, whilst sounding
noble, may have far from noble consequences.
Throughout the world, conflicts that are in dire
need of peaceful solutions, in areas such as Palestine, Nagorno-Karabakh and Kashmir can face
further hurdles. If negotiators dealing with sensitive and emotive issues within these conflicts fear
that their every word and utterance could be released, the chance for compromises essential to
solving any of these conflicts could end.
ence with freedom of thought, speech and expression. Yet if the leaks of US diplomatic cables were
to become commonplace, there is a real and
genuine threat that the Internet could face regulation and control, extinguishing a great source of
transparency in our world. Indeed, states such as
Saudi Arabia and China have used the Wikileaks
cables as an excuse to bring before the UN a
proposal for the creation of a world body to regulate the Web. Such proposals should make all
those who believe in freedom of thought, speech
As the peace process in Northern Ireland has and expression think twice before supporting the
shown, the need to be able to conduct sensitive indiscriminate releasing of government cables.
negotiations in secret is essential to pushing forIt is not that Wikileaks and other such sites do
ward these solutions; without this, the prospect of not have a positive role to play in our world. Their
peace in these long running conflicts will be fur- ability to expose Human Rights abuses and corther away still.
ruption are a great chance to hold those in power
Third, as a serious possible consequence of the to account, and help advance the cause of Human
Wikileaks is the destruction of the Internet as we Rights. What is wrong, however, is the indiscrimiknow it. It has been a unique and unparalleled nate mass releasing of cables which do not touch
experiment in the modern world. Unregulated by upon these areas, and which may lead to the
government authorities, the full canopy of human regulation of the Internet, the prolonging of violent
existence is found upon it - good and bad, right conflict, and cause threats or worse against innoand wrong- untrammeled by government interfer- cent people. 
WGDS N ew s l ette r
WGDS INTERVIEW
Professor Shirin Rai talked to WGDS after her recent trip to Palestine, where she was able to witness first-hand conditions
of apartheid that contribute to a sense of ‗depletion‘ in the conflict zone. Back in Warwick now to start a sabbatical year to
conduct research and publish a book, she shares her impressions about the internationalization of the postgraduate studies in Politics and the new challenges the students face when pursuing a career in the field of Development.
P
rofessor Rai visited Ramallah, in the
West Bank, earlier this year in order to
build bridges between Warwick‘s Politics and International Studies Department and Birzeit University‘s Women studies,
where she was invited to give three lectures as
part of a grant.
This was her first visit to Palestine and as the
days in Ramallah went along, the teacher became the student. Professor Rai learned firsthand what life was like for the thousands of Palestinians living on the West Bank, under constant
stress and undermined by a unique practice of
apartheid.
―It was amazing to witness how violence is
perpetrated there‖, says Rai, who is now back at
Warwick and preparing for a sabbatical year to
pursue research. ―The talk and discourse varied
at the checkpoints on the Israeli side. It made me
think of a new kind of apartheid, it was so different for international people than for Arabs who
wanted to cross to the Israeli side, for example. It
“The daily pressures of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
can only be encapsulated in the concept of depletion”
By Marta Lillo
was such a contrast to my last visit to South Africa, where apartheid is no longer practiced and
you can see that the people have a sense of
entitlement,‖ she adds.
During her stay in Ramallah, she witnessed a
city under constant siege and very dependent on
UN and foreign donations. At the University, she
was able to speak with students who told her how
disappointed the people were not only with Israel
and the international community for not making
greater efforts in solving the conflict, but also with
their own politician‘s failures.
But perhaps what struck her the most was the
good spirits and warm welcome that people
would pay visitors in general, despite the looming
presence of the Wall: a constant reminder of the
conflict, and the division of the political and social
spaces in the settlements displayed in the area
restricting the freedom to move.
During a visit to a
family in Ramallah,
she noticed that ―the
scarf would not
make a difference‖
when the woman
wanted to express
their opinion. ―I have
to say that I was stuck by an image of engendered inequality when I arrived there. Women
would speak and protest about the situation
normally. The scarf was not an issue.‖
Back to school
Now back in the UK, Professor Rai is preparing
for a sabbatical year in order to focus on her
research and publish her findings. Although she
will be away from the lecture room, she will con―The Wall… you become very aware of the land- tinue to be in close contact with the Master in
scape because of it, a constant reminder of the Globalization and Development program, which
Israeli state. You can see how politics pits one she founded ten years ago.
community against the other‖, she declares.
Rai expects this new academic year to be even
These kinds of every day pressures are bringing more challenging for old and new students, as
forth a new kind of apartheid, argues Rai. These the market for Development jobs becomes more
challenges can be encapsulated in the concept of competitive, demanding professionals with partic‗depletion‘, or the condition of loss not only mate- ular skills and know how.
rial, but social and cultural. She was able to bear
―People who take courses like the Master in
witness to such circumstances while visiting a Globalization and Development land themselves
family in East Jerusalem, in an area considered to a wide range of jobs; over the years, I‘ve seen
no-man‘s land, she learned about their everyday that reflected in the students who want to join the
struggle. ―They were offered huge financial incen- Development field. At times when the job market
tives to relocate as part of the construction of the is contracting and the demand is not as flexible, a
Wall, but they said no. Now the Wall passes right Master degree becomes imperative and imbeside their back wall, and their only connection portant,‖ she says.
to the outside world is a small gate which is kept
locked at all times. They need to ask the Israeli
Another trend that Professor Rai expects to
soldiers for permission every time they need to continue this year is the internationalization of
leave. Yet, I was surprised with the humour, gen- postgraduate studies in the field of Social Sciencerosity and hospitality of this family when they es. This situation presents new challenges in the
received us and told us their story. It was over- building of programmes, particularly because of
the diverse cultural backgrounds in the classwhelming,‖ says Rai.
room.
The experience also challenged stereotypes Rai
had regarding the life of women in Palestine.
"The internationalization of all our Master deV ol um e 8 , I ss ue 2
grees
has
been
a tremendously positive
thing. When I started the Master, there were nine
students, two of them were foreign and seven
were British. Today, the situation has reversed
completely - which raises some important issues.
The University has become aware of the importance of international students, who have
contributed enormously to the life of the University and our department."
She adds: ―In the 1980s, international students
mostly came because of government scholarships and such. Because of the liberalization of
their economies, more and more students are
able to finance their postgraduate degree in the
United Kingdom. At the same time, the incentives
here in the UK are being restricted. Our fees are
increasing and there are fewer scholarships, so
everybody attending is relatively privileged. So we
have seen that the population in the classroom
has become more international, yes, but also
more privileged as well.‖
Yet Rai has some reservations about the high
levels of student debt - "Some students are taking
on a high level of debt, and as the global economy worsens this could become worrying; we will
have to see how this plays out in the long run -increase employability or increase debt?" 
Page 10
CONTINUED FROM P.12
WGDS INTERVIEW
Hydroelectric Power in Chile: Low Carbon
Growth vs. Environmental Conservation
A court ruling paralyzed the latest hydroelectric
power (HEP) development project in southern
Chile, reflecting what is tangible social disapproval of the investment, with a 62% of disapproval
from the citizens. Conservation of biodiversity has
won the first round against low carbon growth as
the country‘s solution to environmental challenges. For now...
By George Lindley
Patagonia, Chile, is one of the last untouched
wildernesses on earth. A place of immense natural beauty riddled with millennial glaciers, colossal mountains, and astonishing hiking trails. The southernmost region of the continent is
also a home to powerful rivers
making it the second largest
reserve of fresh water in the
world. To some, this spells the
answer to Chile‘s energy security problems and a lowcarbon solution to fuel Chile‘s
booming growth. To others,
the untouched region is part
of the Chilean identity; an end
in itself.
For the last few years, HidroAysén, a company under the
directory of Endesa (Spain)
and Colbún (Chile), has been
three serious electricity stresses to the system
promoting the installation of 5 large-scale HEP over the last decade.
dams in the region.
However, widespread disapproval (62%
This was followed by governmental approval on (Barometros CERC)), weekly nation-wide protests
9 May and a short campaign detailing why the and objections from environmental NGOs and
power stations are essential for Chile‘s develop- senior figures led to an appeal on 26 June,
ment. It was highlighted that Chile energy con- against the positive environmental impact survey
sumption is growing by 6% per year, it imports that was carried out by HidroAysén. The court
three quarters of its energy needs, and has had
Page 11
ruled against this survey in
three instances, resulting in
paralysis for the project..
HEP is hugely important for
electricity generation and accounts for half of the total
supply to the central system
(and thus 90% of the population) (IEA 2009) .
The potential for further development is substantial and is to
many the ‗green‘ alternative to
recently commissioned coalfired power plants.
Just for how long, and to what extent Chile can
choose alternatives to high emission fuels, other
than large scale HEP, remains uncertain. As the
International Energy Agency 2009 (IEA) report
summarizes, ―Chile has a difficult challenge of
balancing economic growth, energy security and
environmental objectives.‖
The large scale HidroAysén dams have been
lambasted by campaigners as environmentally
devastating for the following reasons:
Energy will be transported via 60m high electricity pylons to the capital, a total distance of
1,600km – 2,100km (according to source), scarring the country.
The land area to be flooded is home to the
endangered national animal, the huemul deer.
The tourist industry will be damaged as the
region loses its appeal and wildlife.
For more information see http://
www.sinrepresas.com/ and www.hydroaysen.cl.
WGDS N ew s l ette r
A time to learn and have fun!
GGD SYMPOSIUM 2011
We debated about the implications of Wikileaks, the reconfiguration of the world map
by the BRICS countries, and the challenges
to the Spring revolution in the Middle East…
we were also were able to share a laugh with
Iain “Gaddafi” Pirie and Sumantro “Silvio”
Das during role playing time (political, that
is!), and enjoy delicious food from all over
the world. Success!
Page 12
WGDS N ew s l ette r