This file was created by scanning the printed publication. Errors identified by the software have been corrected; however, some errors may remain. A Summary of Socio-Economic Presentations at the First North American Conference on Riparian Ecosystems and their Management 1 Philip A. Meyer UNIFYING TRENDS IN RIPARIAN MANAGEMENT 2 ISSUES OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANA:;',YSIS In considering work on riparian systems prior to this conference, and the papers presented at Tucson, two unifying trends are evident. First, as Jon Kusler and Philip Metzger point out, considerable work of a legal and organizational nature has taken place, on behalf of wetlands--primarily in the eastern United States. It is suggested that wetlands may not be riparian in nature, but that the experience gained and precedents obtained in that area will prove useful in developing organization and legislative strategies at federal, state, and local levels to protect riparian habitat. There seemed to be a consensus at the conference that such strategies should be pursued. Four main analytical issues are raised by the socio-economic papers presented. First, virtually every paper reported that the lay public values riparian resources highly, and is seeking practical ways to preserve them. It may not know how to do this, but it wants to try. This is evident in papers presented by Sweep, Buckhouse, Foster, Kelly, and Hightower, and stands in contrast to the sometime scientific view that the public does not care and is, in that sense, the enemy of wise management of riparian systems. Such a result suggests that efforts need to be made to advance technical models that integrate scientific analysis with public concern, and that communicate more while educating less. While effective organization and legislation will assist riparian scientific concern, it will not replace it. The commitment of riparian scientists to expanding riparian technical enquiry will need to continue, regardless of the relative success of organizational and legislative efforts. Richard E. Warner, with others, has established a standard for persistent commitment and scientific quality that we will need to emulate in that regard. Second, it appears that socio-economic analysts working with riparian systems can benefit from the analytical rigor displayed by some of their biophysical colleagues. The socio-economic papers presented provide a smorgasbord of approaches and analytical models. Some were well specified and rigorous in application, but the majority were rather general and simply reported that results were "interesting" or that "some people liked the approach." It is my impression that many social scientists working with riparian systems can markedly improve the effectiveness of their work by stating analytical objectives more clearly, by controlling their experiments and procedures more rigorously, and by reporting results more regularly. In this way we will be able, in classical experimental fashion, to modify promising approaches for obtaining improved analytical results, discard procedures that fail, and enhance the effectiveness of our scientific tools over time. THE ROLE OF MAN IN THE RIPARIAN SYSTEM Focusing more specifically on socio-economic issues concerning riparian systems, one of the open issues during the 1981 Riparian Conference at the University of California, Davis was whether man should be regarded as part of the riparian system, or as a predatory intruder. The tenor of the papers presented at Tucson suggests that the issue is now largely resolved. Undoubtedly, some scientists may hold to the predatory view, but the integration of bio-physical and socio-economic'dialogue at this conference seems to clearly indicate that human activities critically affect riparian systems and must be integrated into management and protective strategies. Reference to papers presented concerning the Republic of Mexico and other arid countries, where riparian systems must support a wide range of basic human needs, renders this conclusion even clearer. Third, and following from the issue just discussed, two general, but quite different, types of objectives seemed observable in the papers presented. To borrow from Verne Huser's field of expertise, effective negotiation requires two critical ingredients: a common perception of what pertinent data say, and appreciation of each party's strengths and failsafe points. One group of socio-economic presenters seemed to assume that strengths and failsafe points were known and agreed to, and targeted "design and mitigation" objectives. The thrust of those papers seemed to be achieving a joint design for riparian systems that was agreeable to all parties. Papers by Anderson on forest practices in Oregon, by Foster on river use in the Ozark Scenic Riverways, by Hill presenting a site signature method, and by Kelly, Dawson, Swank, Vanderheyden, and Huser seem generally to fall in this category. 1 Paper presented at the First North American Riparian Conference. Tucson, Arizona, April 16-18, 1985 A second group of papers had a quite different objective. They assumed that the basic strength of 2philip A. Meyer is president, Meyer Resources Inc., Davis, Calif. 1 riparian values was not known or agreed to between parties, and that establishment of such riparian values and failsafe points was their basic study objective. These analyses required quite different analytical methods and procedures, and were typified by Allen, reporting on an FERC process in Montana, by Barclay, discussing an Oklahoma riparian conflict, and by Meyer, concerning potential undervaluing of riparian systems in the Grand Canyon. Fourth, retention by Hightower of the riparian system as the primary socio-economic product of concern contrasts with the characteristic by characteristic overlay approach used, for example, by Hill. It is likely that these alternative approaches are appropriate to different riparian circumstances. Again, however, researchers need to consider this issue explicitly, in judging how their analyses should achieve balance between considerations of "the forest" on the one hand, and "the trees lIon the other. negotiating/cont~sting Both objectives are legitimate, but likely require significantly different analytical techniques. Differences in purpose should consequently be made clear by investigators. The study by Hightower appears to address both basic riparian values and issues of mitigative design, and is recommended. 2 Finally, the paper by Jayne was the only one presenting the perspective of America's Indian peoples. With significant riparian resources located within America's Indian reservations, it appears desirable to expand this dialogue at future riparian meetings and conferences.