New Year Releases 2002
Public Records of 1971
For a summary of the year see that was 1971 our round up of the news,
events and famous names of 1971.
The news from 1971 featured on BBC2's topical history programme, UK
Confidential, 12.40pm New Year's Day 2002. These stories include images of
original documents. Some of these digital images can be downloaded at
DocumentsOnline.
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Concorde Story
Crisis in Northern Ireland
The Upper Clyde Shipbuilders
Oui! Britain negotiates entry into Europe
Royal Visit from Afghanistan
Negotiating a settlement in Rhodesia
Keeping in touch with America
Idi Amin - The FCO verdict: tall and handsome
Government Think Tank
That was 1971
Introduction
From war and famine to half-pences and hot pants - 1971 had them all. Britain
was still adjusting to the new world order - divorcing itself from Empire and realigning itself within Europe. Economically, the international situation was bad
and bound to get worse. Industrial unrest continued as trade unions sought to
undermine the government's attempts to control inflation by wage restraint. In
February, Britain kissed goodbye to the medieval shilling and half-crown and
adopted a modern decimal currency.
Britain in Europe
Edward Heath's newly elected government made membership of the
European Economic Community (EEC), or Common Market as it was then
known, a central plank of its policy. Negotiations had started soon after the
election victory in 1970 and by June 1971 an agreement had been reached on
the terms for admission. At the end of October, the House of Commons voted
by a large majority to approve the decision, although disagreements within
both the Conservative and Labour parties meant that voting was not on strict
party lines. Britain eventually became a full member of the EEC in 1973.
Commonwealth
Many of our trading partners in the Commonwealth, especially Australia and
New Zealand, felt betrayed by the shift towards closer economic links with
Europe and sought assurances over the future of their exports. On the other
hand, Britain's policy of continuing to sell arms to South Africa, despite a
United nations arms embargo, brought a severe rebuke from the other
members at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in Singapore. In
the event, the South African government placed no significant arms orders.
While away at the conference, Milton Obote, president of Uganda, was
overthrown by a military coup led by General Idi Amin. General Amin was to
become one of the most notorious of Africa's dictators but initially he was on
good terms with the British government and visited London later that year.
Elsewhere in Africa, extensive negotiations with Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe)
eventually led to proposals for a settlement following its unilateral declaration
of independence. The election of a new government in Malta under prime
minister Dom Mintoff led to protracted disagreements over the cost of the
defence facilities on the island.
Immigration
Concern over the growing numbers of immigrants from the Commonwealth
was also a feature of this year. The Immigration Bill was published to
rationalise legislation on the subject and under which no distinction was made
between Commonwealth entrants and other aliens. Enoch Powell warned of
an "explosion" unless there was massive repatriation. Many were refugees
from South Asia, whose plight was a result of the civil war and famine in East
Pakistan.
International situation
A declaration of independence by Bangladesh led to a vicious backlash by
troops from West Pakistan and the consequential influx of 2 million refugees
across the border into India. George Harrison's concert for Bangladesh was
the first charitable event of this kind. The war in Vietnam saw the 12th
anniversary of American involvement with President Nixon seeking to reduce
troop commitments while increasing its use of air power. Nixon's
announcement of his plans to visit China presaged the end of its international
isolation and its admission into the United Nations. Relations between Britain
and the third super power, the Soviet Union, took a downturn with the
expulsion of 105 Russian diplomats alleged to have been spies. Although not
as prevalent as previous years, terrorism continued to plague the world's
airlines and a series of assassinations and abductions were carried out
against diplomats. At home, the Post Office Tower was bombed and a group
calling itself the Angry Brigade claimed responsibility for bombing the home of
a Cabinet minister.
Northern Ireland
The situation continued to deteriorate so that what had initially been
considered a simple policing operation by the Army was becoming a sectarian
war which required a massive increase in the presence of British forces. The
prime minister of Northern Ireland, James Chichester-Clark resigned and
Brian Faulkner took his place. The IRA split and a more violent faction called
the Provisionals was formed. The introduction of internment of suspected
terrorists without trial provoked an escalation in the violence and several
thousands of families, both Catholic and Protestant, were burned out of their
homes. By the end of the year, the violence had claimed 173 lives, produced
more than a 1000 bombings and nearly 500 armed robberies.
Industrial relations and economy
Britain's reputation for high quality manufacture took a knock with the financial
collapse of Rolls Royce, undermined by its problems in developing aeroengines for the Lockheed Tristar. Strikes in both the public and private sector
continued to disrupt life: the first ever strike by postal and telephone workers
lasted for nearly 7 weeks. The government's attempt to hold back inflationary
wage claims led to a 2 month dispute with Ford car workers but later in the
year, after review of the civil list, the Queen's annual allowance was doubled
to £980,000. The advent of decimalisation passed without the anticipated
confusion but a new record figure for unemployment was set this year when it
topped 800,000.
Sport and popular culture
On the lighter side, 1971 saw the Arsenal win the League and FA Cup double,
British golfers were victorious in the Walker cup, and even the Prime Minister,
Ted Heath won the Admirals Cup in his boat Morning Cloud. The showjumper,
Harvey Smith's win was marred by disqualification for getting his two-fingered
salute the wrong way around. The fashion scene saw the advent of hot pants
(although they were banned from the Royal Enclosure at Ascot) and Hot Love
by T. Rex topped the charts for six weeks.
Other stories
These include various royal tours, including the first visit of Emperor Hirohito
of Japan to Britain; the Apollo14 and 15 moon landings, the latter complete
with lunar rover car; Christain Barnard carried out the world's first heart & lung
transplant. And there are many more stories within the documents released
this year.
New Year Releases 2002
Concorde Story
Document Reference: CAB 128/49 CM (71) 15
Concorde first flew in 1969, but at that time the project for a regular
supersonic airline service was still a long way from taking off. Edward Heath's
government inherited the scheme and in 1971 there were serious debates
about whether to cancel it altogether. The files show us the development of
the Concorde story, as the fate of the Great White Bird hung in the balance.
In Cabinet on March 18th Vernon Corfield, the Minister of Aviation Supply,
was confident about Concorde's technological performance in current tests,
but was clear that 'there remains no case for proceeding with Concorde on
purely economic grounds… the continuation of the project will on the most
favourable assumptions result in substantial losses':
Document Reference: CAB 129/156 CP (71) 31
The accompanying Cabinet Memorandum spells out the consequences of
cancellation, in particular for Britain's relationship with France:
Document Reference: CAB 164/952
The question of Concorde did not exist in isolation, and it was not simply a
matter for the British government. Concorde had been developed in tandem
with the French, with the two sides each sharing the half the work and the
costs.
In France, Concorde had powerful backing in the person of the French
President, Georges Pompidou. The British Ambassador in Paris, Sir
Christopher Soames, wrote on 2nd April 1971 of Pompidou's personal
commitment to the plane - and how he planned to fly in it as soon as he could:
Document Reference: CAB 164/953
And indeed Pompidou did fly in the prototype Concorde on 7th May 1971.
This was very different from the British attitude, epitomised by the advice from
Downing Street to Prince Philip that the Duke of Edinburgh should not fly in
Concorde because this would over-emphasise British commitment to the
project:
Document Reference: CAB 133/422
The shared involvement with the French meant that the decision whether or
not to cancel Concorde was influenced by political, as well as commercial and
technological, issues. Relations with France were absolutely crucial to
Britain's attempt to negotiate entry into Europe. Before Heath went to Paris in
May 1971 to discuss EEC entry with Pompidou, he received a briefing from
the Foreign and Commonwealth Office on Anglo-French relations - and point
number nine was Concorde:
Document Reference: CAB 129 / 160 CP (71) 140
The negotiations were successful and the British path to Europe was secure,
but the question of Concorde was still undecided. The Government Think
Tank - the Central Policy Review Staff - assessed all the issues surrounding
the project in a Cabinet Memorandum dated 29th November 1971. Note the
opening sentences 'Concorde is a commercial disaster. It should never have
been started…' - and yet, six pages later, the concluding recommendation is
that '…The Government should commit itself whole-heartedly and publicly to
Concorde'.
Document Reference: CAB 128/49 CM (71) 61
The Cabinet considered the CPRS review when they met on 2nd December
1971. They still hoped that the French might decide to withdraw from the
project - but at the same time recognised that 'it is no longer realistic for us to
contemplate unilateral withdrawal':
By the end of 1971, it was clear the Concorde project was going to come to
fruition after all. Five years later commercial service started.
If you look at the Cabinet Minutes from previous years - all available in the
Public Record Office reading rooms - you can see that the debates about
Concorde in 1971 were by no means new:
In 1962 the files said it was a 'poor showing' commercially:
DOCUMENT REFERENCE: CAB 128/36 (6th November 1962)
In 1964 it would 'cost nearly as much as two Channel Tunnels' and was
'demonstrably uneconomic':
DOCUMENT REFERECE: CAB128/38 (25th June 1964)
In 1966 the case for withdrawing was 'stronger than ever':
DOCUMENT REFERENCE: CAB 128/41 (30th June 1966)
New Year Releases 2002
Crisis in Northern Ireland
Document Reference: CAB 128 / 49 CM (71) 9
1971 was a crisis year in Northern Ireland; a Prime Minister resigned,
internment (detention without trial) was introduced, and Westminster seriously
considered shutting down the Northern Ireland Parliament at Stormont.
Ireland had been divided into North and South in 1921. By 1971, fifty years of
sectarian tensions had led to escalating violence. On February 6th Robert
Curtis was the first British soldier to be killed by the IRA since the reignition of
the troubles.
Only three days later, the Cabinet minutes make their first mention of the word
'internment'. Note their concern about creating what they here describe as "a
category of political prisoners":
From then on, Cabinet discussions on Northern Ireland were considered so
secret that they were minuted for the eyes of Senior Ministers only - so they
were filed separately from the rest of the Cabinet Minutes, and are to be found
under document reference CAB 128/48.
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 476
Army activity was stepped up. The Stormont Government tried to put pressure
on Westminster to increase the number of troops. On 16th March, the
Stormont Prime Minister Major Chichester-Clark came to London to ask for
3000 extra troops but Westminster agreed to only 1300. Chichester-Clark felt
that this was not enough, and chose to resign. This transcript records the
telephone conversation in which he tells Edward Heath his intention:
Document Reference: CAB 128 / 48 CM (71) 15
Major Chichester-Clark was replaced by Brian Faulkner as Northern Ireland's
Prime Minister. He had been Minister for Development and had a reputation
as a hardliner. He needed to be. You can see from the Cabinet Minutes that
the government in London considered him to be their only hope, as the
alternative "extreme right wing" would be unacceptable to Westminster
:
Document Reference: CAB 164 / 878 dated 10th June
The Cabinet did not want to resort to direct rule of Northern Ireland from
Westminster, but they had serious worries that Faulkner was not capable of
governing. Howard Smith sent a secret despatch to the Home Secretary
Reggie Maudling, in which he worried that Faulkner "lacks that authority,
combined with a hint of menace, which a leader needs", but "whether or not
Mr Faulkner is up to scratch we have to make the best we can of him":
Document Reference: CAB 164/ 878 dated 21st July
But the problems in Northern Ireland were not going to go away. Faulkner did
introduce limited reforms, but not enough to satisfy the Nationalist SDLP.
Democracy wasn't working for the minority party and on July 15th they
symbolically walked out of Stormont.
Violence escalated - and was met with more violence. This internal memo
from Tony Stephen at the Ministry of Defence shows that the military believed
"continuous harassment" could diminish the IRA threat:
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 478
But the results of this policy were disappointing, and Faulkner wanted to
introduce internment - he put heavy pressure on Westminster to support him.
The marching season was approaching and he feared that the situation could
only deteriorate.
However, the military perception was that on security grounds internment was
not needed. If it were introduced it would be a political decision. Faulkner flew
over for a Top Secret meeting at Downing Street on the 5th August. Heath
gave him his blessing - but stressed that "it would also be essential that the
policy should be seen to be impartial in its application; and it would
presumably be desirable for this purpose that those interned should include a
number of Protestants":
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 478
Right up until the last minute that was clearly what was planned. On the eve
of internment, a draft telegram to the Taoiseach of the Irish Republic, Jack
Lynch, included the important phrase (page 3 point 8) "Protestant as well as
Catholic and IRA extremists will be liable to internment". But, as you can see,
it was crossed out:
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 478
In fact, not a single Protestant was interned in the first swoop.
Internment in 1971 was not without precedent. In the 1950s it had stopped a
serious IRA campaign. But circumstances then had been very different and
internment had been introduced across the border, in the Republic as well as
in Ulster.
The prospect of such co-operation this time around was remote. There was
now widespread sympathy in the South for the IRA and nationalist activity,
and Jack Lynch's position at the head of government was fragile. He could not
be seen to be too cooperative with the British, let alone with Faulkner at
Stormont. Nonetheless, the British ambassador in Dublin, Sir John Peck, went
to see Lynch with a secret proposal. The result? Negative. Here is his
telegram reporting back:
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 478
The British would have to operate alone.
At dawn on August 9th, the British Army swooped and arrested 300 Catholics.
They were not charged with any offence.
Edward Heath was away racing his yacht 'Morning Cloud' in the Fastnet race,
so he didn't hear the results of the first internment swoop until the next day,
when Peter Gregson at Number 10 sent him this handwritten note
Document Reference: CAB 130 / 522 - GEN (71) 47, 3rd meeting
From this point on, events in Northern Ireland were carefully monitored and
discussed by a special committee, comprised of top Cabinet Ministers, the
Chief of Staff and an unnamed Intelligence Coordinator. The meetings were
minuted under the name GEN 47.
GEN 47's initial reaction to internment was that it had been a success
Document Reference: CAB 164/ 879 dated 18th August
But it soon became clear that the reality was much less positive. Some of
those on the internment lists had not been active in the IRA since the early
1920s. Others were civil rights activists who never recommended resorting to
violence. And some of the most active IRA members knew better than to stay
at home and so evaded arrest.
Instead of calming the situation, violence increased. Just nine days after
internment was introduced, this brief for another meeting with Faulkner show
how worried the government was, as "the political and social consequences
have been more serious than many people in Northern Ireland expected":
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 479 dated 19th August
Internment created huge tensions between Heath and Lynch. They
exchanged telegrams, Lynch outraged at the treatment of internees:
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 479 /T1296/71
Heath in return told the Irish President in no uncertain terms that his telegram
was "unjustified in its content, unacceptable in its attempt to interfere in the
affairs of the United Kingdom, and can in no way contribute to the solution to
the problems of Northern Ireland":
Document Reference: CAB 130 / 522 - GEN (71) 47, 6th meeting
Animosity to internment was compounded by reports of the "special
interrogation methods" that had been used. Britain was later taken to the
International Court at Strasbourg for contravening human rights. The minutes
of the GEN 47 meeting on October 18th show that the British politicians were
concerned about the reports of brutality, but that nevertheless "we were
dealing with an enemy who had no scruples, and we should not be unduly
squeamish over methods of interrogation in these circumstances":
Document Reference: CAB 128 / 48 CM (71) 55
However, the reports were impossible to ignore. Growing unease about the
allegations led the Home Secretary Reginald Maudling to appoint a
Committee of Inquiry to look into them. It was chaired by Sir Edmund
Compton, and his findings were discussed in Cabinet on November 11th:
Document Reference: PREM 15 / 472
In Britain public opinion was already frustrated with all the bad news from
Northern Ireland. As the Ministry of Defence report in this memo to Number
10 says, "there was growing evidence that public opinion in Britain was
moving towards wanting the British Government - and especially the British
Army - to disengage from Northern Ireland and leave the province to its own
devices even if, or perhaps all the more if, there were full-scale civil war":
Document Reference: CAB 164 / 880 dated 15th September
Political ideas were desperately needed in these desperate times. Amidst the
gloom some could see opportunities. The documents reveal a political
initiative from Ian Paisley and his political mentor, the lawyer, Desmond Boal,
which came to Heath via Daily Mirror newspaper tycoon, Cecil King:
Document Reference: CAB 130/ 522 - GEN (71) 47, 17th meeting
Nothing came of that. But by the end of the year, the government was
acknowledging that ultimately the Republic would have to be involved in any
political solution for Northern Ireland, so "we should where appropriate
welcome any measures which had the effect of reducing the gulf between
North and South… whether they took the form of closer consultation between
the two Governments…"
But powersharing - a familiar phrase in 2001 - was still a long way off for
Northern Ireland. 1971 had been a difficult year, but with Bloody Sunday in
January 1972, things were going to get even more difficult.