Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in

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United States
Department of
Agriculture
Forest Service
General Technical
Report
PNW-GTR-693
December 2006
Considering
Communities in
Forest Management
Planning in
Western Oregon
Ellen M. Donoghue, N. Lynnae Sutton,
and Richard W. Haynes
The Forest Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture is dedicated to the principle of
multiple use management of the Nation’s forest resources for sustained yields of wood,
water, forage, wildlife, and recreation. Through forestry research, cooperation with the
States and private forest owners, and management of the National Forests and National
Grasslands, it strives—as directed by Congress—to provide increasingly greater service
to a growing Nation.
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sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sexual orientation, genetic
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is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all
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program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET
Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination, write
USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW, Washington, DC
20250-9410 or call (800) 795-3272 (voice) or (202) 720-6382 (TDD). USDA is an equal
opportunity provider and employer.
Authors
Ellen M. Donoghue and Richard W. Haynes are research foresters,
N. Lynnae Sutton is a geographic information system specialist, Forestry
Sciences Laboratory, P.O. Box 3890, Portland, OR 97208-3890.
Cover photographs by Frank Vanni and other Forest Service staff.
Abstract
Donoghue, Ellen M.; Sutton, N. Lynnae; Haynes, Richard W. 2006.
Considering communities in forest management planning in western
Oregon. Gen. Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-693. Portland, OR: U.S. Department
of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. 95 p.
A recurrent theme in the development of U.S. forest policies has been the assertion
of strong positive relations among communities, economies, and natural resource
management. Now as a new round of federal land management planning is getting
underway, questions are being raised about the strength of that assertion and how
to view communities following a decade of reduced federal harvests. This report
examines these questions considering the 433 communities in six Bureau of Land
Management districts in western Oregon. It discusses the ways that forest-based
communities have been considered in the context of federal forest management
planning, and it summarizes information on socioeconomic conditions and trends
for communities in western Oregon.
Keywords: Communities, land management planning, socioeconomic
well-being.
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Introduction
A recurrent theme in the development of U.S. forest policies has been the assertion
of strong positive relations among communities, economies, and natural resource
management. This theme emerged for the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) in
1937 with the Oregon and California Revested Lands Sustained Yield Management
Act (O&C Act), which required the management of O&C lands to contribute to
economic stability of local communities. For the USDA Forest Service, the National
Forest Management Act of 1976 (Act of October 22, 1976; 16 U.S.C. 1600) required
planners to examine the consequences of their planned actions on the stability of
forest-dependent communities. By the early 1990s, the term stability was associated with jobs and income generated directly or indirectly through the harvest and
processing of forest products by residents of communities (SAF 1989). The goals for
forest management were also shifting during the 1990s to focus more on achieving
desired future conditions or broad environmental gains and how management for
these goals influences local social and economic conditions. There also was a gradual revelation that the indirect and induced jobs and associated economic impacts
estimated as part of forest policy discussions generally cannot be verified by looking
at how local or regional economies actually changed following changes in federal
timberlands (e.g., FEMAT 1993, Robertson 2003). Finally, the commitment of the
United States to participate in national and international initiatives such as the Montréal Process for assessing progress toward sustainable forest management increased
interest among decisionmakers and researchers in understanding the viability and
adaptability of forest-based communities to changing economic conditions.
This report is motivated by a new round of federal land management planning
that is getting underway and raising questions about how we view communities.
These questions are being asked in western Oregon where federal timber harvests
dropped 90 percent during the 1990s, altering the relations between federal forests,
neighboring communities, and the forest products processing industries. Here the
BLM is updating its land use plans and is asking for information on socioeconomic
conditions and trends for communities. The purpose of this report is twofold. First
we discuss conceptually the ways forest-based communities have been considered in
the context of federal forest management planning. Second, we contribute to forest
planning in Oregon, in particular to BLM processes, by presenting information on
socioeconomic conditions and trends for communities in western Oregon, some of
which is presented for the six BLM districts in the area: Salem, Eugene, Roseburg,
Coos Bay, Medford, and Lakeview.1
1
For the Lakeview District, only communities in the western portion of the district are
included in the data and analysis in this report.
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
This report has three major sections. In the first we discuss the evolution of
concepts and the need to understand how land management actions influence the
social and economic conditions of associated communities. The second presents
our definition of community that we developed for analytical purposes. The third
section discusses the conditions and trends in 433 communities that lie in six BLM
districts in western Oregon (fig. 1) and presents one approach for assessing the
socioeconomic well-being (SEWB) of these communities and how it has changed
between 1990 and 2000.
Conceptualizations of Forest-Based Communities
The past two decades have seen an evolution of concepts used to depict communities and their connections to forest resources and forest management. The evolution
of concepts shows a growing emphasis on the complex, dynamic, and interrelated
aspects of rural communities and the natural resources that surround them. The
earliest concepts dealt with the links between forest management and stable communities achieved through stable employment in the forest sector. Forest policy
played a role in developing and institutionalizing these concepts, as the legislation
reflected the assumption that timber flows from public forest lands could play an
important role in providing economic stability for communities. For instance, the
O&C Act of 1937, which placed the administration of Oregon and California Railroad Company lands under the Department of the Interior to be administered by the
BLM, explicitly specified a “permanent source of timber supply…contributing to
the economic stability of local communities” (Act of August 28, 1937, 50 Stat. 874).
With its reference to economic stability of communities, the act continues to influence forest management on O&C lands, and emphasizes the ongoing importance
of developing better understanding of how levels of timber harvest on public lands
affect economies of forest-based communities.
Other key legislation includes the Sustained Yield Unit Management Act of
1944, which promoted the “stability of forest industries, of employment, of communities, and of taxable forest wealth, through continuous supplies of timber…for the
purpose of maintaining the stability of such community or communities” (58 Stat.
132; 16 U. S. C. 583-5831). Also, the Multiple Use Sustained Yield Act of 1960 (Act
of June 12, 1960, 16 U.S.C. (note), 528-531), responding to increasing demand for
wood, recreation, and water, expanded the principle of sustained yield to include all
renewable resources on national forests, omitting mention of the link between sustained yield and stable communities. The National Forest Management Act (1976)
required the Forest Service to consider in the sale of forest products “the economic
stability of communities whose economies are dependent on such National Forest
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
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C A L I F O R N I A
Figure 1—Community boundaries and population centers found within the six western Oregon Bureau of Land Management
(BLM) Districts.
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
materials.” The ensuing Forest Service guidelines led to a list of dependent communities (defined by proportion of employment in the wood products industry) and
continued descriptions of community stability as “the rate of change with which
people can cope without exceeding their capacity to deal with it” (Schallau 1990:
74). These changes led to an informal alliance between the timber industry (those
parts purchasing federal timber) and communities where processing or logging
facilities were located. Both sets of stakeholders advocated that the provision of
continuous supplies of forest products constitutes the basis for determining whether
community stability was being achieved. Over time, maintaining status quo in
timber employment emerged as the defining attribute of community stability.
The original broader intent–the well-being of forest-based communities–became
obscured by the adoption of mandates of nondeclining even flow of timber, such as
those adopted by the Forest Service in 1974.
Most early research tested the premise that sustained yield would result in
community stability (Drielsma et al. 1990). Questions about whether even flows
of timber ensured stability in aspects of community life such as population and
social structure emerged, particularly when technological advances began reducing
labor demands. Some economists questioned the “even-flow” and “nondeclining
even-flow” policies, and rural sociologists challenged the limited focus on timber
harvests. These concerns were echoed in later studies emphasizing community
diversity (Fortmann et al. 1989) and community well-being (Kusel and Fortmann
1991), drawing on Kaufman and Kaufman’s position that “how well they live” was
more complex and relevant than “what people do for a living” (Kusel 2001). By the
late 1980s, the notion that sustained-yield management led to community stability
was being called into question (Lee 1990, Schallau 1989).
Although the use of the term “stability” continued to endure in policy debates,
concern was raised about the lack of a clear definition of stability and how it might
be measured (Fortmann et al. 1989, Lee 1989, Machlis and Force 1988, Richardson
1996). Some researchers began looking beyond employment indicators to other
aspects of community life to assess community well-being (Doak and Kusel
1996, Kusel and Fortmann 1991). In addition to economic measures, indicators for
poverty, education, crime, and other sociodemographic measures have been used to
assess conditions in communities.
Research during past decades has documented the significant challenges faced
by forest-based communities, such as mill closures, and abilities of communities
to cope with socioeconomic changes (Gray et al. 2001, Kusel and Adler 2003).
The concept of forest dependence expanded to include economic ties beyond those
based on wood products, such as recreation. Social scientists also expanded the
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
concept of forest dependence to include noneconomic connections to forests such
as the amenity values and symbolic living traditions people have with forested
places (Stedman 2003). More recently, researchers have dropped the connotation
of dependence altogether, simply referring to forest-based communities (Donoghue
and Sutton 2006b).
The debate about concepts that adequately reflect forest-based communities is
part of an international discussion related to sustainable forest management, initiated as part of the Montréal Process for criteria and indicators (Montréal Process
Working Group 1998). The basic tenet is that when managed sustainably, forests
can supply society with goods and services, conserve biodiversity, and stabilize the
environment for future generations. Although not formally defined, the concepts of
community viability and adaptability are central to one of the criteria for sustainable forest management.
Two related concepts that emerged in the past decade are community capacity
and community resiliency, both defined similarly as the ability of a community to
adapt to changes and take advantage of opportunities to meet the needs of residents
(Doak and Kusel 1996, Harris et al. 2000, Kusel 1996). Developed as part of social
assessments associated with broad-scale resource management planning processes,
the concepts have application beyond the resource management sector. Intentionally, these concepts have different connotations than the traditional notion of stability. Capacity and resiliency are understood in terms of the attributes maintained
by a community, such as leadership and civic cohesiveness. In contrast, stability is
generally understood in terms of the effects of external actions (namely changes in
the timber sector) on the community. Although today social scientists focus more
on measures of community capacity and community resiliency, these analyses are
consistent with the original intent of the laws that addressed the concerns about
community stability.
Although several measures of SEWB, community capacity, and community
resiliency have been developed, no universally accepted measures exist. Measures
of socioeconomic well-being have been used in connection with discussions of
community viability and adaptability (Donoghue and Haynes 2002), and measures
of socioeconomic status have been related to measures of community capacity and
community resiliency in bioregional social assessments (Doak and Kusel 1996,
Harris et al. 2000). No adequate proxies for resiliency and capacity that are based
on secondary data, such as from the census, have been developed. One reason
for this is that community capacity and community resiliency are fundamentally
about dynamic processes that involve the actions of community leaders and
residents. Such actions, namely leadership, social cohesion, and decisionmaking,
Although several
measures of SEWB,
community capacity,
and community
resiliency have
been developed, no
universally accepted
measures exist.
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
are important to how a community adapts to change and betters the lives of its
residents, but they are not attributes found in the socioeconomic data of the census.
Community Socioeconomic Well-Being
The evolution in thinking on the part of decisionmakers, researchers, resource managers, and the public about the relations between communities and forests reflects
a consistent concern for the ways that forest management influences community
socioeconomic well-being. Perspectives about the determinants of well-being as
related to forest management have evolved from those largely concerned with
employment in the timber sector to those that consider well-being in conjunction
with other influences on community life, such as global and regional economic
trends.
Although the concept of “well-being” has been widely discussed, it lacks a
precise definition. Well-being has been distinguished on the basis of capabilities
and achievements of individuals (Sen 1985) and on the social, cultural, and psychological needs of people and communities (Wilkinson 1991). Studies of community
well-being have focused on understanding the contribution of the economic, social,
cultural, and political components of a community in maintaining itself and fulfilling the needs of local residents (Christakopoulou et al. 2001, Force and Machlis
1997, Kusel and Fortmann 1991).
Until recently, the Forest Service and other land management agencies
developed lists of dependent communities for use in planning. These lists played
various roles in planning processes, including a way to frame the social and
economic impacts associated with different management actions. The definition
of dependency involved (1) 50-percent reliance on national forest sales for log
supplies and (2) the forest products industry accounting for at least 10 percent
of employment. The last list was compiled in 1987 and listed 62 communities in
western Oregon as being dependent on national forest timber sales. Lists like this,
and the lists of distressed communities used by the state of Oregon, focus more on
economic measures and not the broader concept of socioeconomic well-being.
In this report, we present an index that serves as a proxy for community socioeconomic well-being for communities in the Pacific Northwest, with specific focus
on western Oregon communities. Causality between changes in forest management policy and community socioeconomic conditions is difficult to demonstrate.
However, information about socioeconomic conditions and trends enables forest
managers and community development specialists to identify areas where further
information or work may be needed in anticipation of policy changes.
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Defining Communities for Analytical Purposes
In addition to conceptual concerns, considerations about defining the community
are important to socioeconomic assessment processes associated with forest planning and other purposes. Defining the community-level unit of analysis is usually
one of the first steps in social assessments. The concept of community is a sociological phenomenon that continues to be shaped by differing interpretations of social
structures, processes, relations, actions, and change related to human groupings.
Understanding the relational and territorial dimensions of community life (Gusfield
1975) as part of defining the community unit of analysis may be important, but
it rarely is used in large social assessments because resources are lacking. Social
interactions contribute to defining a community as much as, or arguably more than,
the place itself (Kaufman 1959, Luloff 1998, Wilkinson 1991), but such interactions
are difficult to measure in a single community case study let alone hundreds of
communities in a regional assessment. Thus, broad-scale social assessments often
rely on secondary data sources with predefined boundaries of communities and
limited socioeconomic measurements.
In the United States, social science research at the small scale is influenced by
the availability of census and other secondary data. Secondary data influence how
the geographic boundary of the unit of analysis is defined and what indicators and
measures are used to assess socioeconomic conditions and processes. One of the
most commonly used designations of communities in social assessments is a census
place. Census places include incorporated places and census-designated places,
which are unincorporated communities that meet criteria defined by the U.S. Census Bureau. Census places only represent a portion of the population, however, and
often do not represent people in rural, natural-resource-based areas. This limitation
may be problematic for socioeconomic assessments and planning processes that
focus on understanding relations between communities and the management of
public lands. Also, timeframes of social assessments that are based on secondary
data are limited by the frequency of original data collection.
Communities in Western Oregon
Many people in western Oregon live in unincorporated localities near public forest
lands. Thus, choosing the community-level unit of analysis is critical, particularly
when the analysis is subject to the constraints of secondary data. As part of the
Northwest Forest Plan (the Plan) community socioeconomic assessment, we used
census data to define communities across the region, encompassing 72 counties
of western Washington, western Oregon, and northern California. We developed
a process for aggregating 7,776 block groups (the smallest census geography for
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
which all socioeconomic data are available) from the 1990 census into 1,314 communities and 10 metropolitan areas in the region. This definition of communities
represents all communities and all people in the Plan region. We used a proportional measurement that allowed us to compare 1990 and 2000 census data across a
number of indicators. More information about defining the community-level unit of
analysis and the census block group aggregation process is available in Donoghue
(2003) and Donoghue and Sutton (2006b). The data presented for the 433 communities in western Oregon in the tables and maps of this report are based on the definition of the community-level unit of analysis for the 1,314 communities in the region.
We defined place-based communities, rather than communities of interest
(groups of like-minded people who gain strength from their relations and associations). We recognize that place-based communities are not the only form of
community affected by changes in resource management, but agree it may be an
appropriate unit of analysis for assessing the effects of landscape-scale resource
management on local people (Force and Machlis 1997). In this report, we do not
include data on three metropolitan areas in Oregon, namely Portland, Eugene, and
Salem, because this work was conducted as part of an ongoing research project
related to the Northwest Forest Plan. As directed by the Plan’s record of decision,
the focus of the research has been on rural communities (USDA and USDI 1994).
The block group aggregation process identified 433 communities in western
Oregon. For analytical purposes, each community was spatially represented as a
polygon and a point. The community polygons are contiguous and span all of western Oregon (fig. 1, see also maps in app. A 2). Some communities that are relatively
small in population may be geographically large, as designated by the census block
groups. The boundaries of many communities contain public lands. Also, many
polygons contain several population centers or small localities. A single community
point was located in each polygon to reflect the largest population center. These
points should not be interpreted as reflecting the only location of the people within
the polygon. Block group aggregation allowed us to examine socioeconomic data
for all residents in western Oregon. Although further aggregation of block groups
may have more accurately reflected some communities, we believe that this data
set, containing perhaps more communities, provides opportunities for further
aggregation to reflect questions of interest.
2 The nine maps display points and polygons for each of the six BLM districts. These maps
contain a community identification number that can be used to reference community-level
socioeconomic data available in other appendixes.
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Readers interested in socioeconomic data for communities in western Oregon,
northern California, and western Washington may be interested in a companion
Community Socioeconomic Information System (CSIS) tool available on compact
disk (CD-ROM) from the USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station
(Donoghue and Sutton 2006a). The CSIS CD-ROM tool includes a spatial data
set of community boundaries and data on a variety of socioeconomic indicators
based on the 1990 and 2000 censuses. The tool includes applications for viewing
and reporting data. There is also an application that allows users to build their own
community by further aggregating the community block group aggregations and
obtaining socioeconomic data based on the newly created aggregations. This fea-
Readers may be
interested in a
companion Community
Socioeconomic
Information System
(CSIS) tool available
on compact disk
(CD-ROM).
ture in the CSIS tool for defining custom communities is intended to help broaden
the discussion about “communities at risk” and “forest-dependent” communities.
Historically, such discussions have been limited to rather small sets of communities, and are largely based on data associated with income and employment in the
timber sector. Socioeconomic data for these communities are often at the census
place level, thus leaving out large sectors of the population that live in unincorporated places, many of them in proximity to public forests (Donoghue 2003).
Conditions and Change in Western
Oregon Communities
This section presents conditions and trends for a selection of demographic measures
for communities in western Oregon. It also presents methods and findings for a
composite measure of community SEWB. Additional community-level socioeconomic data based on census data are available in the appendixes. Appendix B
contains several tables of socioeconomic data: table 4 presents population data;
table 5 contains race and ethnicity data; table 6 contains data on age; and table 7
has data on income. These and other data are available in electronic form in the
CSIS CD tool mentioned above.
Demographic Conditions and Trends
The size of a community is often considered an important factor influencing
whether a community has the institutional structure to meet the needs of its
residents (Wilkinson 1991). Population and population density have been used as
proxies for civic infrastructure and have been included in composite measures
of socioeconomic resiliency, viability, and adaptability (Haynes 2003, Horne and
Haynes 1999). Recent regional social assessments suggested that the higher the
population in a rural community, the greater the infrastructure and the higher the
socioeconomic resilience (Harris et al. 2000).
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
Population in western Oregon increased slightly more than the United States
overall population between 1990 and 2000. Total population for the entire United
States increased between 1990 and 2000 by 13.2 percent, with the highest increases
in the West (20 percent) and South (17 percent) and the lowest increases in the
Midwest (8 percent) and Northeast (6 percent). Not including the Portland, Salem,
and Eugene metropolitan areas, the total population in western Oregon went from
1.18 million in 1990 to 1.37 million in 2000, an increase of 16.3 percent. Although
population increased for all BLM districts, the percentages of increase differ (table
1). In 2000, the population of communities in western Oregon ranged from 110 to
62,828 (fig. 2), with the majority of communities having between 501 and 2,000
people (fig. 3). The average population in the communities in 1990 was 2,718 and
in 2000 was 3,161.
Table 1—Population change by Bureau of Land Management (BLM) district
Number of
BLM district
communities
Coos Bay
47
Eugene
51
Lakeview
15
Medford
49
Roseburg
34
Salem
237
Total district
Total district
population
population
1990a
2000a
Percent
90,307
93,208
94,933
104,477
55,610
61,048
211,150
258,202
84,202
90,628
640,830
761,030
Change in
total district
population
3.2
10.1
9.8
22.3
7.6
18.8
a The total population excludes Portland, Salem, and Eugene.
Changes in population and population density are important because of the
possible effects on land use planning and quality of life. Although population
is increasing in western Oregon, one-quarter of the communities (25.6 percent)
experienced population decreases between 1990 and 2000 (fig. 4). Throughout the
Pacific Northwest, communities that lost population between 1990 and 2000 tended
to be fairly small, with the majority between 2,000 and 5,000 people (Donoghue
and Sutton 2006b).
Population density (fig. 5) was calculated as the total community population
divided by the area of the community polygon not including acres of public lands.
Public lands are BLM, Forest Service, National Park Service, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, state lands, and military lands. Often in social assessments, population
density measures include public lands, thereby providing a sense of relative rurality
of localities in an area. Such measures, however, do not provide information about
limits to growth in rural areas. Our measure of density does not include public
lands and instead reflects how much a community can grow within the area that
10
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Population, 2000
W A S H I N G T O N
110–500
501–2,000
2,001–5,000
Portland-Vancouver
5,001–50,000
Columbia River
50,000–62,828
I-84
BLM district boundaries
Metropolitan areas
Salem-Keizer
Major roads
Lakes and rivers
Salem
District
I-5
O R E G O N
Eugene-Springfield
Eugene
District
Waldo
Lake
Coos Bay
District
o
0
10
20
I-5
Roseburg
District
Klamath
Marsh
Crater
Lake
Lakeview
District
Upper
Klamath
Lake
40 Miles
Medford
District
C A L I F O R N I A
Figure 2—Community population, 2000.
11
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
300
60.5%
200
150
22.4%
100
11.3%
4.6%
28
00
62
01
–
50
,0
00
1–
5,
,8
50
,0
00
,0
00
15
2,
2,
00
0
0
0.5%
50
1–
11
0–
25
0
0
0.7%
50
50
25
1–
Number of communities
250
Total population category, 2000
Figure 3—Number of communities in western Oregon by total population categories, 2000.
is not public land. The contribution of public open spaces to a sense of rurality
can be interpreted from land ownerships displayed on the map.
Over half of communities in western Oregon (60.7 percent) had between 1 and
100 people per square mile on nonpublic lands, and slightly less than one-third
(29.1 percent) had between 101 and 500 people per square mile. Larger communities tended to have higher population densities, and smaller communities tended
to have lower population densities, although exceptions exist for both types.
However, regional data for western Oregon, western Washington, and northern
California revealed that of the communities with the highest percentage increase in
population between 1990 and 2000, half had the lowest population density in 2000
(Donoghue and Sutton 2006b). From a planning perspective, it may be useful to
identify those communities adjacent to large areas of public lands that have high
percentage increases in population and relatively high or increasing population
density, as such changes may affect issues associated with quality of life.
In the context of the Montréal Process criteria and indicators process (Montréal Process Working Group 1998), there is an emphasis on understanding the
relations between indigenous communities and forests. For instance, indicator
12
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
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#
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Percent change in
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C A L I F O R N I A
Figure 4—Change in community population, 1990–2000.
13
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
Number of people per square
mile on nonpublic lands, 2000
W A S H I N G T O N
1–100
Portland-Vancouver
101–500
501–1,500
Columbia River
I-84
1,501+
BLM district boundaries
Salem-Keizer
Metropolitan areas
Major roads
Lakes and rivers
Salem
District
Land ownership
Bureau of Land
Management
O R E G O N
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National Park Service
I-5
State lands
Tribal lands
Eugene-Springfield
Eugene
District
U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service
Waldo
Lake
Coos Bay
District
I-5
Roseburg
District
Crater
Lake
o
0
10
20
Upper
Klamath
Lake
40 Miles
Medford
District
Figure 5—Community population density on nonpublic lands, 2000.
14
Klamath
Marsh
C A L I F O R N I A
Lakeview
District
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
46 of criterion 6 of the Montréal Process addresses “the viability and adaptability
to changing economic conditions, of forest-dependent communities, including
indigenous communities” (Montréal Process Working Group 1998). In 2000, people
of American Indian descent made up 0.87 percent of the population in the United
States. For over half of the communities in western Oregon, 1 percent or less of the
residents were of Native American decent in 2000; for 176 communities, between
1.06 percent and 4.23 percent of the population were of Native American descent.
And, 20 communities had populations from 4.25 percent to 21.24 percent Native
Americans.3
Unfortunately, change in racial composition cannot be reported from census
data because information on race was collected differently in the 1990 and 2000
censuses. The percentages among races for the United States in 2000 were White
75.10 percent, Black 12.21 percent, American Indian 0.87 percent, Asian and Pacific
Islanders 3.75 percent, other 5.49 percent, and two or more races 2.58 percent.
Compared to the Nation, communities in western Oregon had higher percentages
of White (90.69 percent) and American Indian (1.38 percent), and lower percentages
of Black (0.38 percent) and Asian and Pacific Islanders (3.47 percent) people.
Census data are comparable between 1990 and 2000 for the population of
people defined by the census as of Spanish, Hispanic, and Latino origin. For the
United States, the percentage of the population of Spanish, Hispanic, or Latino
origin was 9.0 percent in 1990 and 12.5 percent in 2000 (39 percent increase).
On average, the percentage of people of Spanish, Hispanic, or Latino origin in
communities in western Oregon increased from 3.3 percent in 1990 to 4.7 percent
in 2000 (42 percent increase).
Measuring Community Socioeconomic Well-Being
Although no definitive conceptual or operational definition of community SEWB
exists, it is an accepted notion that measures of SEWB should represent multiple
dimensions of the human community, such as social, economic, and human
concerns (Force and Machlis 1997). There is increased emphasis on the need to
combine secondary data with primary data from fieldwork in communities to
fully understand the relations between socioeconomic indicators and community
well-being (Beckley 1995, Kusel 1996, Parkins 1999).
Because we wanted to examine change in community SEWB for hundreds of
communities in a large region where collecting primary data was not feasible, we
relied on census data to develop an index that served as a proxy for community
3 These 20 communities are located in the following BLM districts: Coos Bay (6),
Roseburg (2), Lakeview (2), Eugene (1), and Salem (9).
15
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
SEWB, and was comparable between the 1990 and 2000 censuses. Developing an
index enabled us to reduce a large data set of socioeconomic indicators to a convenient single numeric score while still retaining the meaning of underlying variables.
Indices and proxies are useful for revealing patterns and areas for further inquiry.
But they have their limitations, and perhaps may be most effective when used in
conjunction with other socioeconomic information.
Our basic assumption of the concept and measure of community SEWB is that
it can be enhanced or reduced. Thus, indicators must clearly contribute in a positive
or negative way to community SEWB. Although secondary data are sometimes
perceived as useful in social science research because they are generally easy to
collect, not based on perception, and generally understandable, secondary data also
have many limitations (Diener and Suh 1997). For census data, many indicators are
not measured in the same way from one census to the next, and complex procedures
to make data comparable are only available for some indicators. For instance, we
applied a “crosswalk” provided by the census to make one of the measures in the
SEWB index, diversity of employment by industry, comparable between 1990 and
2000.
The SEWB index consists of six indicators derived from U.S. census data:
diversity of employment by industry, percentage of population 25 years and older
with bachelor’s degree or higher, percentage unemployed, percentage of persons
living below the poverty level, household income inequality, and the average travel
time to work. The index is the summation of equally weighted socioeconomic
indicators and was calculated as SEWB = EmD + Ed - PUn - PP - InIn - ATT (see
table 2 for definitions).4 Two indicators, diversity of employment by industry and
percentage of the population with bachelor’s degree or higher, positively contribute
to the SEWB index. The other four indicators, percentage unemployed, percentage in poverty, household income inequality, and average travel time to work, are
thought of as negatively contributing to the SEWB index. The assumption is that
higher amounts of education and employment diversity in a community indicate
higher SEWB, but higher unemployment, poverty, income inequality, and commute
time indicate lower SEWB.
To assess change in community SEWB, we categorized the 1990 well-being
data and treated them as a baseline. We normalized the raw data for both years to
a range of 0 to 100. Using the boundaries for the 1990 categories, we fit the 2000
data into them, allowing us to see, on a scale of 0 to 100, how communities
increased or decreased relative to each other in SEWB between the two decades.
4 The index is a linear summation of standardized z-scores that were normalized on a scale
of 0 to 100.
16
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Table 2—Indicators included in socioeconomic well-being index
Indicator
Indicator name
Description
EmD
Diversity of employment
Employment by industry relates to the kind
by industry of business conducted by the organization
where the person is employed. Diversity of
employment by industry is a single measure
of diversity, or variety, of industries that
employ people from the community (the
actual place of employment may be outside
the community). This measure was genera ted for each community by using a Shannon Weaver index. The diversity index ranges
from a value of 0 (least diverse) for commu nities with only a single employment industry
to 1 (most diverse) for communities having
equal employment among all of the reported
employment industries.
Ed
Percentage of population
Persons with a bachelor’s degree or higher are
25 years and older having those who have received a bachelor’s degree
bachelor’s degree or higher from a college or university, or a master’s,
professional, or doctorate degree. These data
include only persons 25 years old and over.
PUn
Percentage of the All civilians 16 years old and over are classified
population unemployed as unemployed if they (1) were neither “at
work” nor “with a job but not at work” during
the reference week, and (2) were looking for
work during the last 4 weeks, and (3) were
available to start a job. Also included as
unemployed are civilians who did not work
at all during the reference week but were
waiting to be called back to a job from which
they had been laid off and were available for
work except for temporary illness. (For more
information on census unemployment data,
see http://www.census.gov.)
PP
Percentage of persons Number of persons below poverty threshold
living below the divided by total population for whom poverty
poverty line status is determined. Total population for
whom poverty status is determined does not
include people in institutions, military group
quarters, or college dormitories, and unrelated
individuals under 15 years old. (For more
information on census poverty data, see
http://www.census.gov.)
InIn
Household income Ratio of total household income of the 50
percent of households earning the highest
income to total household income of the 50
percent of households earning the lowest
income. Higher ratios indicate greater income
inequality. Calculations used group data.
ATT
Average travel time to work Average travel time to work (in minutes) for
workers ages 16 years and older. Calculations
used group data.
17
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
Twenty-seven percent
of communities in
western Oregon
had SEWB scores
that decreased by
more than 3 percent
between 1990 and
2000, 28 percent stayed
relatively the same,
and 45 percent of
communities increased
in their SEWB score by
greater than 3 percent.
The SEWB scores for western Oregon communities presented here were
developed as part of the Northwest Forest Plan Socioeconomic Economic Monitoring report (Donoghue and Sutton 2006b). Thus, the SEWB score for a given community in the region was relative to the scores of the other 1,313 communities. The
western Oregon data presented here are from this larger data set and have not been
adjusted to reflect scores relative only to those communities in western Oregon.
Socioeconomic well-being of western Oregon communities—
Many communities in western Oregon either increased or decreased in their SEWB
score between 1990 and 2000. Specifically, 27 percent of communities in western
Oregon had SEWB scores that decreased by more than 3 percent between 1990
and 2000; 28 percent stayed relatively the same (within plus or minus 3 percent);
and 45 percent of communities increased in their SEWB score by greater than 3
percent (figs. 6 and 7). Table 3 presents average community SEWB scores for the
six BLM districts, with Eugene, Roseburg, and Salem districts showing statistically
significant (P <0.05) increases in SEWB scores. Appendix C (table 8) contains the
community SEWB scores for the 433 communities in western Oregon, sorted by
BLM district, as well as data on the six measures that make up the SEWB index
for the year 2000.
Each population size class, say of small, medium, and large communities, had
communities with a range of SEWB scores. In general, however, the smaller community size classes (e.g., 501 to 2,000 people) had proportionately more communities with relatively lower scores, whereas the larger population size classes of 2,001
to 5,000 people and 5,001 to 50,000 people had proportionately more communities
with higher SEWB scores (Donoghue and Sutton 2006b).
Table 3—Averages and differences in
community socioeconomic well-being
scores for all communities, by Bureau of
Land Management district, 1990 and 2000
District
1990
2000
Difference
Coos Bay
Eugene
Lakeview
Medford
Roseburg
Salem
61.51
67.82
59.69
63.00
62.99
70.90
62.44
70.76
59.39
64.08
66.94
73.68
0.93
2.94*
-.30
1.08
3.95*
2.77*
*Significant at P < 0.05 level.
18
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
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Figure 6—Change in community socioeconomic well-being, Bureau of Land Management (BLM) Eugene and Salem Districts. Low,
medium, and high categories are based on standard deviations from the mean. See Donoghue and Sutton (2006b).
19
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O R E G O N
Figure 7—Change in community socioeconomic well-being, Bureau of Land Management (BLM) Coos Bay, Medford, Lakeview, and Roseburg Districts.
Low, medium, and high categories are based on standard deviations from the mean. See Donoghue and Sutton (2006b).
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Change in socioeconomic
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1990 to 2000
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
Considering Communities in Forest Management Planning in Western Oregon
Conclusion
From a planner’s perspective, maps like those shown in figure 1 suggest that there
are far more communities than generally perceived and that in western Oregon
many are in proximity to BLM and Forest Service lands. This adds complexity to
management goals that try to support community development. First, there are the
obvious questions about which communities are likely to be impacted and what are
the capacities of communities to deal with largely exogenous changes. Second, the
diversity in communities (here demonstrated by using SEWB) is large, with some
being moderate in size but with high or increasing SEWB, and some large with
relatively unchanged socioeconomic conditions. And, third, how do agencies decide
the communities on which to focus their limited resources for engaging, collaborating, and contributing to community SEWB? It is difficult to demonstrate how
changes in forest management affect the well-being of communities; these data can
be used to identify areas where more indepth assessment that combines quantitative
and qualitative analyses may be needed.
Some may question the need for community-level analysis, but it is essential
when research or management objectives emphasize forest-based communities.
Traditional community-level units of analysis, such as census places with their
focus on incorporated, and often larger, communities, may not reflect forest-based
populations. Our findings indicate that there are many communities in western
Oregon, and many of them are close to BLM and Forest Service lands. Some
communities may be quite small and may have strong connections to nearby
forests. Again, a companion Community Socioeconomic Information System CD
tool, available from the USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station
(Donoghue and Sutton 2006a), contains 1990 and 2000 socioeconomic data for
communities in western Oregon, northern California, and western Washington.
The range in
socioeconomic
well-being among
communities is large.
The intense scrutiny of the Northwest Forest Plan area has increased the awareness of the numerous and diverse communities that are close to forests (Charnley
2006). It also led to a widespread examination of how changes in federal land
management influence the well-being of communities. It has revealed that there are
broader concerns than just notions of stability reflecting only employment in the
timber sector. Interested analysts and stakeholders are increasingly examining the
extent that the relations between communities and forests reflect a range of values,
including amenity, recreation, cultural, sense of place, and economic. They ask
how can forest management meet complex needs and interests? Although these
are difficult relations to define, attempting to understand the basic socioeconomic
conditions of forest-based communities may reveal various aspects helpful to
managers as they explain the consequences of their land management actions.
21
GENERAL TECHNICAL REPORT PNW-GTR-693
Finally empirical measures, such as the SEWB index, attempt to assemble complex,
community-level, indicators into a single measure so that communities can be
assessed across a large region. This information provides a baseline for further
inquiry into understanding socioeconomic change of specific communities or types
of communities. Such inquiries may benefit from multi-method approaches that
combine quantitative and qualitative analyses for understanding the links between
forest management and community socioeconomic well-being.
Acknowledgments
We thank Anne Schneider and Gosia Bryja for data compilation and consultation related to the 1990 census block group aggregation process. Thanks to Susan
Charnley and Jon Martin for supporting the development of the SEWB index.
Thanks to Rebecca McLain, Susan Charnley, and Christina Caswell for helpful
review comments. Thanks to Judy Mikowski for review and formatting.
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