THE IMPLEMENTATION OF COMPARABLE WORTH: CHALLENGES TO SEX-BASED WAGE DISCRIMINATION by Barbara Gwen Fields B.A., Political Science and German, Tufts University (1979) Submitted to the Deparment of Urban Studies and Planning In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree 0F MASTER OF CITY PLANNING at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY June, 1985 0Barbara G. Fields, 1985 The author hereby grants to M.I.T. permission to reproduce and to distribute copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. Signature of Author ------------ / Deparment of 7 rb an A Sudies and Planning May_213, 1985 Certified by_ J. Mark Davidson Schuster Thesis Supervisor Accepted by____ Chairman, (F TECHL GY JUL 1 1985 Phillip L. Clay MCP Committee THE IMPLEMENTATION OF COMPARABLE WORTH CHALLENGES TO SEX-BASED WAGE DISCRIMINATION by Barbara Gwen Fields Submitted to the Department of Urban and Planning on May 28, 1985 in Studies partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of City Planning ABSTRACT In 1984, despite twenty years of equal employment policies and improved educational training women working on a full-time, year-round basis continue to earn roughly sixty percent of the wages earned by men. At the same time women work primarily in sex-segregated occupations. Recent research shows a significant correlation between these two phenomena. Comparable worth has emerged as one policy tool to eliminate that part of the wage gap due to sex-based wage discrimination. This thesis investigates the theoretical basis and historical background for a comparable worth policy and explores how this policy has been implemented. Trade unions, women's groups and some state and local governments have promoted comparable worth primarily in the public sector through collective bargaining and legislation. Legislation can effect a broad range of job categories. The legislative approach relies on the efforts of elected officials, and therefore, is vulnerable to political shifts in the government. The collective bargaining approach involves a higher degree of worker participation, and depends more on the strength of unions at the bargaining table. Regardless of method, comparable worth has effectively raised the wages for workers in underpaid female-dominated jobs. Research shows, however, that comparable worth has been limited in its scope and in its ability to fully identify sex-bias in wage setting practices. Still the achievement of comparable worth can alter the economic status of women and begin to challenge prevailing cultural attitudes which undervalue "women's work". Thesis Supervisor: Title: J. Mark Davidson Schuster Assistant Professor of Urban Studies and Planning ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the many people who helped me in writing this thesis. My supervisors, Maryellen Kelley, Mark Schuster, and Lisa Peattie, guidance on appreciation many early goes to provided critical feedback and A drafts. Francoise special Carre. note Her of support, encouragement, and pragmatic help made it possible to finish this work in time for graduation. acknowledge Bennett challenged and Harrison encouraged I would also who for two me to sharpen my like years to has thinking and to explore new ideas. Much love and many thanks to my parents and my brothers who, as always, gave me their remarkable support, good humor and love--perhaps especially in more ways than they appreciate the support of my who were always there to listen to me; Buderwitz for taking care of me when Youngbar, who intellectual wonderful I needed it, is a special and shared long after these pages begin to fade. Cathy and Lynn friendship, gift to be I friends particularly, reminded me so often that pursuits, realize. like cultivated h,that explains the differeice in our salaries! illi TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .i Acknowledgements Chapter 1: . . . . . INTRODUCTION. Chapter 2: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF COMPARABLE WORTH . . . . . . . 2 . . 9 The Wage Gap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Wage Gap, Occupational Segregation and Discrimination. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Job Evaluation and Its Role in Comparable Worth. History of Comparable Worth as Policy. . . . . . . . 9 CASE STUDIES IN IMPLEMENTATION . Chapter 3: Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . Washington . . . . . . . . . . . Minnesota. . . . . . . . . . . . San Jose, California . . . . . . Contra Costa County, California. Vacaville, California. . . . . . Yale University. . . . . . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 4: a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 . . 20 . . 25 . . . . 34 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 37 43 47 50 55 58 64 CASE STUDY ANALYSIS. . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Introduction . . . . . Legislation. . . . . . Collective Bargaining. Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIMITATIONS OF COMPARABLE WORTH. . Chapter 5: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 68 75 82 . . . . . 85 Scope of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Relevant Evaluation Methods. . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Sex-Bias in Job Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 Chapter 6: CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 . . 109 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interviews 1 . . . 97 "If anyone vows the value of a person and wishes to discharge the vow: a man shall be valued at fifty shekels... a women shall be valued at thirty shekels." -- Leviticus 27:3-4 Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION Comparable worth has become one of the most talked about and debated public policy issues in the United States. Trade unions issues; have seminars can avoid this the Equal "civil made it one of top bargaining for management personnel teach how "human resource trap;" firms the former director of Employment Opportunity Commission called it rights issue of the eighties;" claimed their it is "pregnant (sic) with and a the federal judge possibility disrupting the entire economic system of the United (Feldberg, 1985). the of States" Comparable worth was an issue in the 1984 presidential campaign with the Democrats strongly supporting it, and official (New the Reagan stand administration refusing but calling it York Times, 1984). to "a nebulous idea take at an best". What is comparable worth? Why does it evoke such strong reaction? Comparable worth is a policy which seeks to eliminate that portion of the wage gap between men and women that be attributed to sex-based wage discrimination, which occurs influences the and, jobs. when the sex composition of job i.e., can that incumbents what an employer is willing to pay those who Rejecting a system which places a lower do value, consequently, a lower wage, on the work done by women, comparable worth comparable advocates skill, effort, conditions be systematic undervaluation artifical that demand equally that responsibility compensated. of jobs By women's requiring and working challenging work, the i.e. the depression of women's wages relative to the wages would be paid if the jobs were done primarily by men, comparable worth addresses a type of discrimination thus far unchallenged Comparable equal by existing worth equal employment differs from the idea of policies. equal pay for work because it recognizes that men and women work in different occupations. It differs from affirmative action programs because the goal of comparable worth is not to move women out of their current professions but to increase the wages of the "undervalued" work they are already doing. In 1984, policies, earned man despite twenty years of equal a woman working on a full-time, employment year-round basis approximately 64 cents for every dollar earned by (Smith and Ward, labor market 1984., p. xiii). continued to At the same time, the exhibit a high level segregation by sex with men and women employed in occupations. employed for According to one study, (Steinberg, National distribution across occupations to 1984, Academy p.4). of In 1981, of different two-thirds of men and women would have to change jobs their a in be all order similar. a major study by Sciences/National Research the Council (NAS/NRC) concluded that men and women not only do different jobs, but substantial that occupational segregation part of the wage gap. accounts for a In fact, they found that "the more an occupation is dominated by women, pays." the (Treiman wage and Hartmann, differential p. 1981, 28). While part of can be attributed to education training differences between men and women, unexplained the less it there is is wage differential that is due at least in and an part to the fact that the jobs are done primarily by women. In the last decade the idea of comparable worth has been translated into policy in a variety of ways. 30 states and over problem of pressure the 100 localities have begun to address wage among public employees. And Advocates have raised the issue through education, resulting in bargaining comparable employers be National collective comparable bargaining, worth and litigation legislation, collective agreements that include "comparable worth" adjustments, longer gap the is mounting on private sector employers to address the issue as well. public More than and worth know litigation claim. over Workers the are wage validity of the beginning to let that sex-based wage discrimination will tolerated. Committee In a recent poll conducted on Pay Equity (NCPE), a by coalition no the of labor unions and women's and civil rights groups working for comparable the 83% of the workers questioned concept of comparable worth as one way of wage gap. The widespread worth worth, (NY Times, February 14, fight for challenges opposition. one of the basic value 4 closing the 1985). comparable worth policies controversy and ardent supported has evoked Comparable systems in our culture: the way in which compensation is determined value is assigned to work. and As Helen Remick explains: "Most men use their earnings as a primary measure of their self-worth; women tend to use other measures because by this measure they are nearly worthless and certainly worth less. A proposal to alter fundamentally the manner in which wages are assigned is therefore likely to arouse some emotion in virtually everyone." (Remick, 1984, p. x). By challenging relative worth value raises Arguing prevailing cultural of different work ideas about activities, many uncomfortable questions comparable for employers. that comparable worth is not grounded in any rationale, (Livernash, 1980; comparable contend worth BNA, 1984). that it will Critics of destroy market as the basic mechanism for setting wages. does not, however, market for setting wages; the content rather, workers. Comparable discrimination In the past, oppose free Comparable of the it requires employers to Wages rates should be based not on worth the characteristics calls from the market, for removal not the destruction of employers have used these same arguments of of it. to other labor market reforms which seek to reinterpret compensation law of jobs, the dismiss the importance pay fair market wages to women. on legal employers have strongly resisted most comparable worth activities. worth the practices (e.g. and an eight hour the fight for a minimum day). (Madison, 1983; wage Steinberg, 1984). Opponents impossible comparing to of comparable worth also argue that compare dissimilar jobs because it apples and oranges. 5 Yet, Remick and it is is like Steinberg (1984) point out: "Of course, any particular apple may not be equal to any particular orange, nor are all apples identical. Yet, there are general characteristics of fruit, such as the number of calories, the vitamin content, and so on, that make it possible to compare specific apples with specific oranges. Along some dimensions of comparison, the apples and oranges compared may, in fact, be equivalent, and therefore of equal value. Likewise certain dissimilar jobs may comprise functional tasks and characteristics that, from the employers point of view, are equivalent in value." (p.288). Finally, worth will not critics charge that implementing be too costly to employers. is no continue. ended all justification for letting at once. costly, discrimination As with other labor market reforms, such usually implemented in phases. can usually be No one has argued that all wage discrimination be as Title VII and the minimum wage laws, time While proponents do deny that comparable worth adjustments may cost comparable reduce the fiscal represent total wage bill. comparable worth is Spreading the costs out over impact. Initial only a small fraction of (Remick and Steinberg, adjustments an employer's 1984, p.290; Cook, 1984, p.280). As country Clarence comparable worth activities proliferate around the controversy Pendleton, Commission, not gained national chairperson of the U.S. attention. Civil recently called comparable worth "the idea since Looney Tunes." from has (NY Times, date). the Rights looniest This opposition the present administration and from many employers has altered groups, and the determination of some state and local trade unions, women's governments to put an end to sex-based discrimination in wage setting practices. Rather it has shifted the locus of activity from the federal legislative and judicial arena to state and local legislation and the collective bargaining arena. My thesis will investigate how the comparable at worth has been achieved. implementation Chapter Two will the theoretical and historical background of worth, look comparable specifically investigating the explanations for the existence of the wage gap, discrimination, occupational the theories of wage and link segregation, between the and how a policy of value addresses thus employment discrimination in wage far not policies. discrimination. been I Although race by and equity comparable setting addressed focus gap pay on the principle of equal pay for work of has employment wage based that of practices other equal specifically on sex discrimination in wage setting exists, larger, and the extent of occupational segregation greater, the wage gap between men and women than that between minorities and non-minorites. Comparable worth policy can also serve as a basis for correcting based discrimnation. In Chapter Three, procedure the how implementation is affected by for setting wages, comparable employees worth The cases the existing by the degree of support policy and management, race- I look at several case studies of comparable worth implementation. illustrate on the part of and by the political which the events take place. 7 is both context for the in Chapter the Four will analyze the case studies to see implementation of comparable worth challenges procedures for setting wages. how existing Specifically, I will discuss how achieving comparable worth through collective bargaining differs from political achieving it through legislation and how contexts of each shapes questioning wage setting practices, support the i.e., process for how strong union and the level of management cooperation affect amount and type of wage supplement awarded; the the how it affects mechanisms established to insure that comparable is achieved. the worth Chapter Five will consider the limitations of comparable wroth policy as it has thus far been applied; explore what discrimination Chapter Six steps must be taken will not reenter the wage to insure setting that process. will summarize the findings of this thesis. 8 and Chapter 2: THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF COMPARA~BLE WORTH The most significant change in the United States market since the end of World War II has been the increase in workers. both the number and the proportion of workforce. representing only 27% of all workers. more 50% women of all worked accounting for 43% of the workforce. over outside (Blau. a period of time during which women have workplace in record numbers, and years Table 1). women the By 1980, the home, 1984). Yet, entered the the earnings ratio between men women has remained relatively constant. forty dramatic roughly 33% of adult women were in In 1950, than labor it has fluctuated around Over the sixty What causes the wage gap? last percent. See Why has it remained unchanged? Two different sets of explanations have been offered as to why women due this differential persists. to between the earnings of men and The first argues that pay differences are the characteristics of workers. The second set focuses on characteristics of lgbs. The "worker characteristic" (supply-side) theories draw upon the neoclassical with the concept that individuals are compensated based their that economic theory of relative productivity, investments certain payoffs in wages. human capital individual 9 on theories posit skills earn productive in the labor market. Starting In the absence of TABLE 1 Comparison of Median Earnings of Year-Round, Full-Time Workers By Sex, Selected Years, 1939-1981 Median Earnings Year Women Men 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1946 1939 $12,001 11,197 10,151 9,350 8,618 8,099 7,504 6,772 6,335 5,903 5,593 5,323 4,977 4,457 4,150 3,973 3,823 3,690 3,561 3,446 3,351 3,293 3,193 3,102 3,008 2,827 2,719 1,710 863 $20,260 18,612 17,014 15,730 14,626 13,455 12,758 11,835 11,186 10,202 9,399 8,966 8,227 7,664 7,182 6,848 6,375 6,195 5,978 5,974 5,644 5,317 5,209 4,927 4,713 4,466 4,252 2,588 1,356 Source: National Committee Myth and Facts," 1983, p. 2 . 1 C) Women's Earnings As A Ratio of Men's 59.2% 60.2% 59.7% 59.4% 58.9% 60.2% 58.6% 57.2% 56.6% 57.9% 59.5% 59.4% 60.5% 58.2% 57.8% 58.0% 60.0% 59.6% 59.6% 57.7% 59.4% 61.9% 61.3% 63.0% 63.8% 63.3% 63.9% 66.1% 63.6% on Pay Equity, "The Wage Gap: (NCPE): Washington, D.C., discrimination, economic a contribution productivity). difficult have worker to looked is paid based on to the firm (i.e. Because a worker's his their marginal human captial at workers' characteristics instead. in her marginal product measure empirically, differences or is theories productivity If women earn less than men, it is because on average they have fewer years of formal education and training invest than men a result of from their decision less time than men in their education and to training. Women's lack of skills makes them less productive and hence, less well paid. (Blau, 1984; Stevenson, 1978; England, 1984; Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). In an extension of the human capital argues that acquired human capital from non-use. they Therefore, interrupt homemaking, their which their productivity, 1984). theory, Polchak may depreciate over time women earn less than men because careers for childrearing and lessens their seniority and deteriorates resulting in lower paychecks. (England, Motivated by economic choice, women will choose to acquire skills that do not depreciate rapidly from and subsequently will choose to enter jobs in are not dependent upon the continuous non-use which wages accumulation of skills. Empirically, human capital theories cannot entirely account for the persistence of the wage differential between men and women. 1984) women Various studies (Stevenson, 1978; England, show that although the education gap between men has virtually been eliminated, 11 significant and pay differentials In 1981, school Furthermore, drop-out in a college variables (NCPE, Lloyd and Niemi influencing characteristics more 1964;) (See male Table 2). reviewing twenty-one major studies on male-female earnings gap, never a woman with earns an average of $2000 less per year than a degree high persist. usually 50% of than worker accounted the the (1979) found that productivity for less than earnings and 25% and differential, the residual being attributed to discrimination. The second set of explanations the wage gap focusses on job that different responsibilities, jobs it about the existence characteristics. require Recognizing different skills It may be that women are in jobs that less effort and responsibility. require The difference in pay between men and women would then legitimately be on differences characteristics." in and is expected that earnings will differ among jobs. skill, of "productivity-related (Steinberg, 1984, p.17). job based content However, these job content differences can account for some, but never all, of the intra-occupational differences in pay. (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). While these theories address why jobs may be rewarded differently, they do not address the question of why men and women tend to work in different types of jobs. study found that the single biggest reason women earn than men is that, in The NAS/NRC the same jobs. less overwhelmingly, women and men do not work Rather, women work in a narrow set 12 of TABLE 2 Median Annual Earnings of Full-Time Wage And Salary Workers* By Education, 1981 Level of Education Men Women $13,468 $ 6,788 1 to 3 years of high school 16, 328 9, 724 4 years high school 18.,876 11,544 1 to 3 years of college 20,696 13,468 4 years of college 23, 868 15,548 5 or more years of college 26,364 18,824 8 years or less * Excludes part-time workers and the self-employed. Source: Helen Remick, "Comparable Worth: Economic Equity for Women". Manoa, HI: Industrial Relations Center, 1984, p.3 sex-segregated occupations (occupations in which 70% of the incumbents are of one sex). In at 1982, least more than 80% of women employees worked in only 20 of the 427 detailed occupations (Madison, evenly p.6); listed 1983, by the p.6). distributed Bureau of In comparison, Labor Statistics. men were much more among more than 300 occupations (Gold., less than 20% of men were employed in the ten largest male-dominated occupations. (Grune, 1984). Recent work shows that over the last four decades degree of occupational segregation, remained substantially unchanged. percentage single of women sex) has in like the wage gap, From 1950 to In 1982). fact, has 1979, sex-segregated occupations actually increased from (Burris and Wharton, the 35.7% the (over 85% to 46.3% more than 80% of women working outside the home were in occupations which were female, and 22% were in jobs which were 95% female. 75% (NCPE, 1983, p.5) Today, a woman is actually more likely to be doing some type of "women's" work than a woman working in 1950. In 1950, clerical worker; one out of every four working women was by 1980, a that figure had grown to one out of every three. Women are not only confined to different jobs, but they get paid less for their work. in 1981, by women, Neither The NAS/NRC study, completed concluded that the more an occupation is dominated the less it pays. the (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). personal characteristics of the employees nor the difference in job requirements can explain the extent of the relationship between sexual composition of 14 occupations and the earnings of job incumbents. worker doing a compensation In fact, the sex job is the single best of that Hartmann, 1981). job. (Remick, indicator 1984; of the of the Treiman and What accounts for these phenomena? How do economists explain the apparent discrimination against women in the labor market? The Wage gag. The OccUgational Seg egAt ion.L and Discrimination facts that the wage gap exists and that the labor market exhibits a high level of occupational segregation sex are undisputed. critical Rather, by the controversy surrounds the question: how much is the wage gap and occupational segregation due to women's choice of jobs, their restriction to low paying jobs, or the underpayment of some jobs because they tend to be held by women? charge Comparable worth advocates that the wage gap exists primarily because discrimination evidence tell The certain against women. What does the of wage empirical us? first explanation is that women voluntarily choose occupations relatively low paid. attributed to socialization appropriate despite the fact that a variety of that women); reasons, only certain education skills reduces job alternatives); conscious jobs are This preference for low paid work is (belief for such (lack among them: occupations of are training lack of information; decisions to forego certain occupations in or and order to be able to fulfill the dual demands of work and family. While it is difficult to assess the impact of choices, 15 because than choices may be adaptations to choices between alternatives, attempted women's to measure position relationship in constraints empirical studies the role of choice wages and looking if have determining continuity The hypothesis was made that experience. in the labor market by between rather at the of work women's skills depreciate over time due to the interruptions in their labor force participation, In reviewing England, (1981) this would correlate with lower wages. several studies (Mincer 1962; and Corcoran, and Polchak, 1979) Treiman found the results rather 1974; and Hartmann inconclusive. Certainly, the role of choice affects the distribution of women occupations, the but across choice alone cannot explain the extent of occupational segregation found in (Treiman and Hartman, the labor market. 1981, p.53-54). The two other explanations of women's concentration in low occupations--exclusion payi-ng undervaluation of access of sex, than when and wage discrimination. religion, occurs another for or ethnic when one group reasons is forms denied basis origin. of employees unrelated and Employment occurs when one class of workers race, to Wage is paid the work There are two types of wage discrimination. performed. is jobs to higher paying jobs solely or partly on the discrimination less particular of women's work--constitute different employment discrimination from two differently; workers performing the same work are the other type is relatively harder to 16 One paid detect and occurs when substantially the job structure within a firm is segregated by race or sex of the workers and the workers in one category are paid less than those in the other although the work performed is comparable based on job requirements. (Ibid, Exclusion opportunities p. 9). occurs are their race, sex, when employment or restricted to certain workers religion, or another social Neoclassical economists discrimination theories. offer One several theory employees which employers workers men. prefer for some certain motivated, and may or Statistical discrimination occurs when to hire members of a particular group may not apply to The access "crowding" into certain occupations, differences. the particular women and instead Productivity differences their in are "crowded" creating an oversupply of of the sexes increases of group worker theory states that to high paying jobs, separation are workers, because of prevailing stereotypes about this question. The that to pay more to hire a particular group of in this case, denied are not economically on employment argues simply have a preference or "taste" that based characteristic. employers willing promotional labor. productivity together with an oversupply of women workers holds women's wages artificially low. (Blau, 1984; England, 1984; Stevenson, 1978; Wallace, 1982). Radical workforce job is theorists argue that the segregation a result of a segmented labor market characteristics and industrial 17 structure of the wherein combine to funnel women into low paying, primary market high skill where are characterized by high level, women Movement secondary jobs. and occupational are betwen pay, mobility; concentrated, lack the two tiers is Jobs in the stability, secondary jobs, these virtually qualities. non-existent. This dual labor market in which jobs and workers are divided into distinct categories increases the power of employers by providing them with a low wage workforce and preventing worker solidarity through the artificial division of workers along sex and Stevenson, race lines. 1978; Gordon, (For further Edwards, Reich, discussions 1962; see England, 1984). Treiman and Hartmann studies (Schlei sought to within firms. and Grossman; Malkiel and They to detect treatment of concluded that although it employment discrimination, men and women in job assignment, based on their sex does exist. empirical Malkiel) document employment and discrimination difficult etc., (1981) reviewed several that patterns is often disparate promotion, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlawed this type of behavior, making it illegal for an employer to discriminate in practice--hiring, firing, promotion-, compensation--based on the sex, origin of an employee. Still, race, job any employment assignment religion, or or ethnic such conduct has not been eradicated. The that other explanation of lower pay rates for women is women's work is underpaid because it is done primarily by women. When the substantially similar, detect, how although similar Equal Pay similar done men and women is the discrepancy in pay is easier to jobs must be to be made it question of "equal". considered passed in 1963, wages work. by there still remains the legal Act, different work illegal to men and women performing The to pay substantially Identifying differences in pay rates when jobs performed are substantially different in effort, skill, responsibility, Comparable and worth practices. task policy content is is harder designed to to detect. eliminate While the empirical evidence is limited, such there are several documented cases where job evaluation procedures were examined and it was found that the sex composition the workforce influenced the pay rate. case (See War Labor Board (Newman, 1976); Washington State study For example, demonstrates a 1972 case against General determining relative intentional sex-based wage discrimination. the rates and was International Union of Electrical, Workers (Remick, 1980)). Electric how an employer violated its own criteria pay of found guilty In a Radio for of lawsuit, and Machine (IUE) was able to show that the wage rates for men's and women's jobs were set by the same job evaluation method and despite women's jobs similar was below (Treiman and Hartman, In reviewing segregation concluded and ratings the the lowest rate evidence on the differentials, wage for 1981, p.58-60; Newman, the wage highest men's between NAS/NRC that theories focusing on women's choice 19 for jobs 1976, p.270). link the rate job study of low paying to jobs and their exclusion from high paying jobs fully explain the extent of the wage fail gap. THe undervaluation of work because it is primarily done by women accounted for a substantial part of the observed wage gap: "The committee is convinced by the evidence... that women are systematically underpaid... [and3 that the strategy of 'comparable worth' merits consideration as an alternative policy intervention in the paysetting process." (Ibid, p.66) Job Evaluation and its Role in ComaaCable Worth Theories of occupational attempt segregation and discrimination to explain why men and women work in different jobs and why the pay differential yet they do not explain how wages are set within the Comparable wage worth setting understnad between those jobs persists, seeks to end sex-based discrimination at the firm level, copensation thus it is important procedures.Historically, and Beatty, 1984, p. 59). relied determine upon the organization. some in to employers have kept their systems for allocating wages secret have firm. (Beatty Traditionally however, employers type of job evaluation plan to relative worth or value of each job with an Comparisons with market wages are then used to set pay levels. Job evaluation systems management tool used (Steinberg, 1984, p.19) employers job to are a evaluate hundred and year assess old jobs. Today it is estimated that 65'4 of in the public and private sector use some type of evaluation plan (Walker and Grune, 1984, p.1). Employers who do not have formal plans use market prices for 20 certain firm "key" jobs to peg the wages of related jobs in and, thereby, develop internal hierarchies the without evaluating job content. More systematic job evaluation plans commonly involve a two part process: described job job hierarchy. often through content is analyzed so that jobs can be ordered or placed internal Most first, employers within Then wages are assigned to determine external valuing, i.e. internal salary employers survey "prevailing adjust wage." Usually there is no jobs. ranges determine attempt wages among job families to establish equity. differences are considered by reflections of market forces of 1980, p.406; Beatty and Beatty, There are to be supply and demand of job classification federal involves government was used to The Jobs are ranked on the basis content. system, (Remick, structures. of overall worth or value to an organization. breakdown Such 1984). job hierarchy and wage one is job ranking. to acceptable several methods of job evaluation determine internal simplest some an salaries with same job families at other firms in order to the and Another originally There is method, developed for civil service jobs. This no the by the process first establishing a number of pay grades or jobs classes. Broad descriptions are then written for the types of which jobs descriptions assigned are are fit in each grade. Individual compared to the grades' descriptions accordingly. job and Ranking and classification systems considered non-quantitative evaluation methods because 21 they do not produce precise scores for employer's assess a job's overall each value and job; rather determine a position for each job within the firm's hierarchy. The job point factor method is a quantitative approach evaluation analyzed in which the various segments of to produce a job "score." explicit This method criteria for rating job factors. factor systems vary, described; factors--usually effort, These are rated based Although skill, on are provides most share a common process: descriptions conditions. a job to point jobs are "comparable" responsibility, and working ratings are added to create a job score; and scores are used to assign jobs to pay classes. Traditionally assumed to be fair and neutral, the use of job evaluation may reinforce patterns of sex-bias and can be discriminatory in several ways. (Remick, 1984, p.99). First, an employer may use more than one evaluation plan to assess all workers, jobs within the firm one for the shop another for office workers, another for management personnel). evaluated to (i.e. If this occurs, dissimilar jobs based on different techniques and never one another. workforce, may compared Due to the extreme sex segregation of the use of be the separate evaluation plans could serve to reinforce the undervaluation of female-typed jobs. Second, basis, personal even if the same system is used on a firm-wide job evaluation would still bias. incorporate cultural and The job evaluation process is based on the subjective judgements of those who rate the jobs. Employers who stereotype job, but may lower workers may place considerable value the identification of women with its the jobs rating relative on a performance to jobs done predominantly by men. Finally, the factors used in evaluation may reflect and reinforce sex biases in the lifting of heavy boxes, jobs, is usually go (i.e., the male-dominated therefore given more points) than the a task required of many female-dominated such as nursing. unrecognized. nurturing--often example, considered more difficult and lifting of people, may For a task done in many worthy of greater value occupations, market. Furthermore, certain skills Skills thought such as guidance to be intrinsic skills of and women rather than skills required to perform certain jobs--may not be formally included in job descriptions. Dictionary higher cggugational Titles (DOT) of than daycare workers. overlooked jobs, many job confusing these jobs plans and of that job content with employee characteristics. the Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). limitations of job evaluation do provide a systematic method analyzing have whether jobs of for played a pivotal comparable role in occupations. for As women in highly-segregated methods, comparing worth to Indeed, these implementing comparable worth in the wage structure of firms and compensation DOT female-dominated employers are being consistently compensated. methods zookeepers rated Researchers found characteristics (Steinberg, 1984, p.23; Despite For example, the winning undervalued a technique used to identify sex-bias in wage setting, job evaluation must fill two roles: "First it must determine whether the salaries associated with female-dominated job titles accurately reflect an explicit and consistently applied standard of value or whether they are artificially depressed because women fill the jobs. Second, it must pinpoint job titles that may be undervalued and then develop estimates of potential costs of correcting for this wage discrimination." (Steinberg, 1984, p.19) One aim of comparable worth policy is to eliminate discrimination in application a particular job evaluation system of wage setting jobs in an establishment; and valuation biases in of the systems vulnerable to the compensable factors to adjust are job content. unscientific, criticisms; drawbacks, to it for are is difficult all choice sex- Because they validate that they measure what they say they their consistent a second is to change the assessment of evaluation through job fairly to actually do. Despite they can be used to systematically assess jobs to see if they are being fairly compensated relative to other jobs within a firm. most (Verma and Wallace, comparable worth cases, the point factor 1982). In system has been used to critique existing job evaluation systems. point The factor method is used most often because its criteria are explicit and it is relatively easy to use, and hence, it may be more reliable. quantification it is still (Beatty and Beatty, 1984). of this method may make it less While the subjective, subject to the problems outlined above. Job evaluation studies have served as the base for more than two dozen comparable worth claims. 24 (Steinberg, p.21). Despite differences in evaluation techniques, these studies consistently arrived at the same conclusion: predominately female jobs are paid less than predominately male comparable findings worth to the employer. jobs Table 3 summarizes of three separate studies done in of the Minnesota, San policy of comparable worth has evolved as one way Jose, and Washington State. History of Com2arable Worth As Policy The to rectify the sex discrimination that results from the link between the wage gap and occupational segregation 1984b). By comparable (Remick, calling for equal pay for work of equal value, worth advocates are rejecting a system which places a lower value on and, consequently, pays a lower wage for, work done by women. Comparable worth demands the remuneration of work based on the relative value of the work to an employer, (Feldberg, that regardless of 1984; jobs NCPE, 1983). valued equally compensated on employment policies, discrimination specifically employee an at equal concerned The underlying principle is by an basis. the employer As focus the firm characteristics. with is level. should other on Comparable be equal correcting worth with eliminating sex-bias within firm's compensation system; is a it does not address problems of wage differences due to employemnt in diffrent firms. Although concept, the it may seem to be a relatively recent idea of comparable worth in wage setting been raised and fought over before. 25S has Comparable worth policy TABLE 3 Comparison of Worth and Salary of Selected Jobs From Job Evaluation Studies MONTHLY SALARY JOB TITLE NUMBER OF POINTS MINNESOTA Registerd Nurse (F) Vocational Ed. Teacher (M) $1723 2260 275 275 Health Program Rep. (F) Steam Boiler Attendant (M) 1590 1611 238 156 Data Processing Coord. (F) General Repair Work (M) 1423 1564 199 134 750 758 288 124 Senior Legal Secretary (F) Senior Carpenter (M) 665 1040 226 226 Senior Accounting Clerk Senior Painter (M) 638 1040 210 210 WASHINGTON Registerd Nurse (F) Highway Engineer 3 (M) 1368 1980 348 345 Laundry Worker (F) Truck Driver (M) 884 1493 105 97 1122 1707 197 197 SAN JOSE, CALIFORNIA Librarian I (F) Street Sweeper Op. (M) Secretary (F) Maintenance Carpenter (F) (M) *Points and salaries are not comparable across studies. Source: National Committee on Pay Equity, "The Wage Gap: Myth and Facts." (NCPE): Washington, D.C., 1983, p. 5. 26 has evolved outgrowth over the past sixty years of equal employment policy. development as an The first stage of involved the passage of state National War Labor Board Orders. worth primarily activities federal laws et.al., 1984). have and been legislation More recently, comparable set into regulations. motion (Steinberg, by several 1984; Dean, The early history of pay equity focussed on the of equal pay for equal during however, rights a demand which was articulated groups. It was not until World as women moved into the to replace the men, legislation prohibiting workforce in complaints. wage first national-level case to challenge the professionally War Labor Board evaluating determine level of skill, Electric equal jobs pay established within sex-based A 1945 that their case despite plants to effort and responsibility, General used separate scales one for men and one for women by which to set wages for all jobs. On average, women's jobs were one third lower than men's jobs, General and Blumrosen, 1979). discrimination came during World War II. before At passed sex-based wage discrimination (Steinberg, 1984; II, large several eastern states National War Labor Board heard thousands of The War that the issue received widespread attention. time, numbers the policy the early part of the century among trade unions and women's that work, and Electric's own evaluation system showed were comparable in terms of evaluation points. wages for although the jobs In fact, the highest paid female job was paid less than the lowest grade men's job. In a similar case, women's jobs 18-20% less than result of these findings, Westinghouse Electric paid "comparable" men's jobs. the War Labor Board As a granted an exception to the national emergency wage freeze, ruling that women's wages should be paid in accordance with value of job worth and not on basis of 527; sex of employee. (Newman, 1976, p. Treiman and Hartmann). Following World discrimination War focussed wages for equal work. II, efforts primarily on the call In the 1940's and get national legislation mandating equal failed, due 1964). A decade later in 1963, in part to anti-union to end wage for equal 1950's, attempts to pay for equal backlash. the U.S. work (Steinberg, Congress finally passed the Equal Pay Act, paying different wages to men and women performing the same which prohibits employers from work. Although the comparable worth standard was part of original Equal after Pay bill, the it was deleted from the final bill lengthy debate in Congress. Consequently, the Act stopped short of mandating comparable worth, calling instead for equal pay for men and women doing the same interpreting the Equal work. In Pay Act, the courts have ordered that only jobs with substantially similar content, i.e. a nurse's aide and an orderly, By the late unchanged. discrimination must be compensated on the same basis. 1970's, The the wage Equal Pay gap Act remained only in jobs with overlapping essentially addressed requirements. wage It offered no specific content and, women who provisions for jobs with dissimilar therefore, did not affect the vast majority of continued to work in occupations that overwhelmingly female-dominated and substantially from men's jobs. situations similar were different The Equal Pay Act, applying only to those in which men as well as women are employed doing work, offers little protection to most working women. In an effort to end employment discrimination, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act in 1964. specifically employment Act both outlawed, referred to equal employment discrimination. in terms Title discriminate worker's VII in race, of opportunity and Going far beyond the Equal Pay coverage made it religion, institute However, instead equitable fashion, for and types illegal of for behavior employers to any employment practice on the basis of or ethnic origin, certain limited exceptions). longer Title VII of the Act or sex a (with Therefore, employers could no separate pay scales for men and women. of blending the two pay scales in a more employers often combined the wage scales men's and women's jobs and simply assigned women's jobs the lowest wages. Treiman (See for example, and Hartmann, 1961, p. Westinghouse case 58). eliminate wage disparities employers just Thus, in rather than institutionalized them in a different format. What followed from Title VII was an affirmative action program mandating programs and quotas and hiring policies. 29 timetables for Supporters of training Title VII believed that qualified its implementation would open all applicants regardless of background, and that eventually sex, (Lloyd and Neimi, Twenty years later or men and women evenly distributed among all occupations, earning gap. race, jobs to ethnic would thus closing be the 1979). neither legislation to end wage discrimination, nor improved opportunities for education and training of the have significantly altered the economic majority of women. average, roughly Women continue to 60% of white male earnings. earn, occupations important components of the effort to achieve equity for women, Pay Act on While equal pay laws and improved access to non-traditional are situation they fall short of their goal. economic The Equal does not address the fact that men and women are found in sex-segregated dissimilar occupations. Title VII and affirmative action programs directly addresses the problem of occupational segregation by working to expand enter the opportunities for women male-typed occupations. action programs opportunities Wharton, while affirmative is far slower than the in female-dominated occupations. Today's economy is marked by a sector jobs are found), to some women male-dominated occupations, the pace of integration 1962). manufacturing minorities have fostered the movement of into higher paying, occupational However, and growth of (Burris and declining (where many high paying male-dominated and a rapidly growing service sector. paying female-dominated occupations, including Low secretarial and clerical growing who and nursing, are among occupations in this emerging and Kuhn, could work, 1982). Thus, the fastest economy. (Bluestone even if occupational integration guarantee a narrowing of the wage gap for those women move into higher paying male action occupations, neglects the fact that most women will remain in female dominated occupations. offer affirmative most likely Thus, such remedies As limited relief to the majority of working women. the NAS/NRC study concluded: "Equal access to employment opportunities may be expected to be more effective for new entrants than for established workers and more effective for those who have invested less in skills than for those who have invested more. Since many women currently in the labor force have invested years of training time in their particular skills...access to other jobs may not be preferred." (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981, p.66) The their goal of comparable worth is chosen professions, not to move women but rather to out compensate of them fairly for the work they are already doing. Despite if conceptual, efforts. to close its drawbacks, not legal, (Steinberg, 1984). the wage gap Title VII does provides framework for comparable a worth In the 1970's, as the struggle continued, women's groups, civil rights organizations, and unions stepped up their efforts to achieve VII. pay equity based on a broad interpretation of Title Among campaign in the earliest activities was the successful 1974 by the American Federation of State County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), the Washington State Women's Council, with the cooperation to get the State of of Washington to agree to undertake a comparable worth study of state employees--the first such statewide study. (For further discussion of this case refer to chapter 3). While these activities were taking interpretation broad of Title VII remained unclear. the legal Was the law enough to cover cases where unequal wages were paid for dissimilar jobs of relatively employer? that being equal value to in Gunther v. County of Wgshingtgn Title VII does have broader implications beyond pay for equal work. While not specifically validity of the comparable worth issue, Title which equal judging the the Court held that VII could be applied to cases of wage discrimination men and women did not fill exactly the same (Treiman and Hartmann, laid an In a precedent setting decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in June 1981, in place, 1981, p.5). This historic job. ruling the groundwork for further comparable worth campaigns. Comparable worth has been promoted as an equal employment policy which specifically addresses that part of wage discrimination neglected by the Equal Pay Act and Title VII: whether undervalued either consistently because the work because women do is systematically job evaluation has not applied to dissimilar male and female jobs the content of women's jobs has been been or inaccurately assessed, or both. Most comparable state and local level worth activity initiated on the status of women. initiatives dealing with has by unions, Currently, sex-based occurred at the or by commissions twenty-six states have wage discrimination. Through legislation, collective bargaining, studies, and litigation, comparable worth advocates began to press for an end to sex-based wage discrimination--a practice which believe violates federal law and is largely responsible for keeping women's wages artificially depressed. But how does the concept of comparable worth get translated into What are implement chapter, the different strategies and tactics comparable worth in wage setting? I review several they cases of In implementation. policy? used the to next Chapter 3: CASE STUDIES IN IMPLEMENTATION Comparable the country, and local over worth activities are happening all around primarily in the public sector at the level. Currently, state more than thirty state and one hundred localities have initiatives dealing comparable worth. women's groups comparable Leaders in state and local governments, and worth legislation, unions are addressing through a variety of litigation, The standards bulk of the tactics collective need for including bargaining., evaluation studies, and data collection. 1984). with efforts to apply job (NCPE, 1983; NCPE, comparable worth to pay inequities has been in the public but sex-based wage discrimination has also been sector challenged in the private sector, although there are fewer cases. public sector is the locus of action on comparable The worth primarily because job descriptions and wage structures public information, (generally speaking, are this type of information is not readily accessible in the private sector (Bell, 1985, p. 289)), and because elected officials are more receptive to public pressure. worth requires that an employer Furthermore, comparable consistently dissimilar jobs; as government a wide spectrum of jobs have value substantial employers state and local well-suited for comparable worth evaluation. Another grown in reason that the public sector the labor market. comparable worth is has due to the changing nature of In the post World War 34 activity II era, the public sector has experienced high growth. labor force at an increasing public sector employment. unions were women. to overall. rate, women be in have entered the and many have gone into At the same time,. public sector also growing and beginning Today, likely Women in to attract more the public sector are twice a union than women in the as workforce (Bell, 1985). This high level of public sector unionization and high level of women within those unions is significant. of the cases I will consider, unions have important role in promoting comparable worth. unions most relatively high County percentage of women and Municipal American Nurses Association struggle pay equity., sizable however, numbers addressed their of (nearly all the effort concerns. as these cases demonstrate, address the increasing have worth issue in the identify and et. al., 35* not 1984). represented necessarily 1979, p. 445). unions have begun because participation in positions of and because addressing the issue might and the dissimilar jobs is a (Blumrosen, Rather, comparable to (Portman, they the female). even when unions have women, a sector female); (45% female); sex-bias in wage setting of the past, the have public Employees (40% relatively new area of concern. In and unions have historically been involved for eliminate Indeed, an the American Federation of Service Employees Union International While played active in comparable worth campaigns employees in their membership: State In each union of to women's leadership, attract new workers from the growing service sector to unions in a declining union membership. 1985; Chernoff, (Bell, time of p.28 0 ; Rondeau, 1985, 1985.). Methodology I have chosen six cases to illustrate how wage inequities have been addresssed. historical I chose only cases where wage adjustments have actually been made, although in none to of these cases were the initial wage increases enough fully close the identified gap between male-typed public and female-typed jobs. sector state level), illustrate the of the level and two the legislative approach to at Two cases comparable while four show the collective worth bargaining Comparable worth is a policy still in formation. approach. I at the local wages Five cases are in and one is a private sector case. implementation, Thus, (three the also chose cases for which information to I could obtain make analysis meaningful. information include personal published case studies, interviews, enough My sources union of materials, state government publications, and newspaper and magazine articles. WASHINGION STATE worth Comparable November 1983, in a federal judge in Tacoma, Washington when state the that ruled boost important an received of Washington discriminated had against female employees in not granting equal pay for work and back-wages present bringing to pay equity levels--a $600 up salaries paying by situation the The state was ordered to remedy of comparable worth. million award. Although the state is appealing the case, the decision that was state the (Remick, institutionalized discrimination" proponents a major victory for as hailed and overt "direct, practicing 1984b) has been of comparable worth. The Washington case began in Women's State Employees Federation initiate system. The a study of the state's service civil the and Washington became governor agreed, of the (an AFSCME affiliate) requested that governor state in the United States to evaluate public sector first explicitly to see if employment between jobs Associates, traditionally held traditionally and Washington Council and the State 1974 when the Washington a held The by men. by governor appointed a ten member advisory governor's office, labor, and those hired Willis women personnel consulting firm, representatives from business, existed pay differentials to do the study committee, including women's groups, the and the state personnel department, monitor it. *.., / to sex-segregated occupations were a sending involved jobs where the incumbents (i.e. questionnaire points to the jobs based on the level of were system, service which were on based skill, Point levels civil state's compared with pay scales in the then assigned knowledge, and effort the job required. accountability, 1600 of sample to a the committee Using point rankings, employees. process evaluation The sex). 70% same least at represented that "benchmark" job categories 121 compare to chose committee the job thousand three all state, the in classifications at look than Rather elaborate surveys of employers throughout the states. salary (Remick, 1984, p.102). study's The key finding jobs were being paid, dominated male-dominated comparable there male For only 80% example, of a points, monthly while a highway engineer III, a male- was female and on average, occupations. dominated job with 345 points, shows, female- dramatic: a female-dominated job with 348 registered nurse, earned $1368 was earned $1980. As Table 4 virtually no overlap in salary job categories with the between point same rankings. These women's wage results were received enthusiastically by groups and unions who had argued discrimination was widespread in the that the systematic state. greeted the study's outcome more skeptically, the Others arguing that market would never permit such blatant discrimination. 38 TABLE 4 THE 1974 WASHINGTON STATE STUDY S1400 12 . e 1000- s00- 0 '00 o -* . *00i ofemale-domin ated .male-domin ated * * P 100 300b 200 soo Comparable Worth Points FIGURE 19-2 Willis Data, Classified Staff Only Source: Helen Remick, "Beyond Equal Pay for Equal Work: Comparable Worth in the State of Washington". In Equal Employment Policy for Women. Edited by Ronnie Steinberg Ratner. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980s p.411. -39- At this the and disbanded force task the point, The implementation process moved to the legislative arena. legislature., to refused to appropriate any funds however, correct the wage inequities. Shortly before leaving office, supporter of comparable worth, the governor, a strong included $7 million in his comparable budget to begin implementation of initial 1976 on campaigned which included support in office, however, rather platform a Once comparable worth. for than its methodology, claiming she challenged accept the study, Ray, Dixy Lee The incoming governor, worth adjustments. that comparable worth was like "comparing apples, pumpkins, and a can of worms" 104), 1984, p. (Remick, and refused to Throughout her four years in office, institute any raises. Ray actively opposed any implementation efforts. opposition, the Washington Federation of State Employees continued to push 1978, the issue the legislature the in adopted estimates ardent In legislature. state a union-sponsored bill worth biennial its with conjunction in the requiring office to prepare comparable personnel state governor's the Despite cost salary These reports were to recommendations to the legislature. show the cost of equalizing salaries of jobs which appeared to be underpaid; mechanism for but the statute failed documenting the During the 1980 a Such and 1983. gubernatorial candidates supported comparable worth, 40 provide disparities. pay reports were prepared in 1979, 1981, to election, but once in both office the In issue. new governor paid little attention to the 1981, the legislature again considered a bill mandating the implementation prevailed and discrimination in compensation. comparable worth bill the thereafter, Shortly into was reintroduced state the with the strong lobbying efforts This time, legislature. intentional alleging (EEOC) Commission Opportunity AFSCME Employment Equal a suit against the state with the filed state, by inaction on the part of the disgruntled 1982, July In bill died in session. the opposition the but comparable worth, of of AFSCME, SEIU, and the Washington Nurses Association, the bill The new law included provisions calling for passed. comparable implemented over appropriations job classes compensation award total a for initial paid as well ten year period, implementation. least at 20% below million) to begin actual as in Employees average the were awarded $100 per year for two of $1.5 be to worth salary increases to close the gap closing (a years gap. the Additional appropriations to further close the gap over the next decase are expected to be forthcoming. 8,000 some all individuals, in This affected female-dominated job categories. Despite these actions, the AFSCME Washington suit went to trial as scheduled. handed down his guilty verdict in November vs. State of Judge Tanner 1983, ruling that the past and present state compensation practices were unfair towards women. He ordered the state to 41 institute immdate aar stt in employees and ordered payment of jobs, dominated .for rase female- back wages for the The two years prior to the initial complaint being filed. instituted Had the state state is appealing this ruling. pay increases at the time of the completion of the original study, the total cost of correcting the wage gap would have of total a cost out over spread loses its appeal, state 25% of approximately While award the appeal may three Presently, gap. take plans. groups several years, The Washington. by calls legislators and (Remick, Wilson, 1984;). for a are working State legislators are expected of the plans by the summer of one statute six. cost could payroll. state state's act the If mandated by legislation is considered implementation pick to refusal implementation total payroll the to be a downpayment on further efforts to close the unions wage annual The state's years. on comparable worth continues in action $100 several the the law suit and the back pay award. in resulted approximately 5% of ten year 1985. While 1984a; 1984b; NCPE, 1984; to the period, implementation the unions are hoping to complete 1980; on it in Turner and MTmm~qnISTO the the state of Minnesota authorized In March 1982, first stage of implementation of comparable worth increases to amounting undervalued female-dominated job categories for increases Together the 1985. be awarded in to expected is increases of phase second The million. $21.7 period amount to only 4% of state payroll over a four year and benefit more than 9,000 state employees, 90% female and positions. clerical 54% in largest The employees state approximately represents which AFSCME, union, workers, 60% of Minnesota state working together with the Minnesota Council on the Economic Status deal of Women successfully lobbied the governor to The governor set up a with the issue of comparable worth. including Pay Equity Task Force and appointed its members, legislators from both the House and union representatives, members from the Council, representatives from the Senate, The Office of Employee Relations, and several businessmen. Task Force compensation to system with accordance charged was with see whether pay findings the evaluating of scales a state the were statewide in job classification study done by Hay Associates, an independent consulting firm, in 1979. The Hay study included only executive branch jobs (90% of employees work in that state legislative salaries jobs were exempt, were set by statute. female-dominated job branch). primarily Judicial their because The Hay study revealed that categories were undervalued 43 and by the classification plan by service civil 20%. approximately Task Force used these results to estimate the cost The of The total the undervaluation of traditionally female jobs. cost of correcting pay inequitites was calculated to be 4% of the state's annual payroll. in As Due to legislative arena. the support, the the its of issuance bipartisan widespread legislation legislature passed the enabling and providing a phase-in of comparable worth adjustments. In 1982, mandating for following Task Force disbanded and implementation moved the report, to Washington, the first the comparable worth as state policy appropriation of $21.7 million was authorized by collective and then distributed through legislature, bargaining. Employee The legislation requires the Commissioner of Relations to report to the legislature on a biennial basis listing the Additionally, must job the classes with inequities. wage (DER) Department of Employee Relations pay of the initial pay equity increases were based on provide a cost estimate for equalizing the undervalued job classes. While the will Hay study, future job classifications and be the responsibility of the DER. system with one modification: evalutions DER uses the they give greater weight and including compensation to jobs requiring repetitive tasks, Employees may be movements. small muscular about their job requirements, 44 Hay interviewed but classification is not Any worker dissatisfied with his/her job over. barqained classification can appeal to the DER for an audit. legislature have inequities wage Once been identified, the them. The must appropriate money to correct are based on the number of underpaid classes each of distribution Actual bargained; is represents. collectively then classes job only go to those can money the funds units bargaining divided up among the various funds designated as underpaid. distribute decided to equally among workers got all cost eligible appropriation million $21.7 the classes; in of living adjustments addition, all well. Even as though the state bargains with eight unions (11 varying levels of female membership, units) with inter-union equity has the been a problem because all state employees are on same classification and pay scale for unions The in 1983 through negotiations with the unions. not made first installment of wage equity increases was The system. Appropriations the second two-year installment of pay equity will The total decided on in 19e5 by the Minnesota legislature. cost of implementation making be has been spread out over four years, comparable worth adjustments only 1% of payroll per or 4% total. year, Bonnie Minnesota's First, the Watkins of the DER attributes the comparable success worth program to several factors. state already had done a job evaluation when the comparable worth issue was raised by the This eliminated any disageements over whether or 45 of study unions. not to rather, order an evaluation study, worth comparable the issue was to apply the standards to see if underpaid female-dominated job classes. plan existing Watkins explains: to "The study did show a 20% gap so we decided [wage3 getting was concern immediate Our it. use worth Some comparable for women. adjustments of system the on attention much focus too programs Most inequity. the on of instead evaluation although done differently, do show a wage systems, :you don't gap between the sexes. As my boss says, a mile a microscopic instrument to see a gap need wide." the Second, to able with legislature for support an reach its comparable agreement The worth was crucial in Finally, through the state government. to get the appropriations, easy going before recommendations. well- and The Task Force allowing for a smooth operation. balanced, was Force composition was broad Task the to bi-partisan getting it it was relatively because Minnesota was in good financial shape at the time. Due in to the success that the state government has had level, the at the implementing comparable worth at the state decided to implement comparable worth legislature as well. local level bill mandating governments' including In 1984, comparable compensation cities, counties, the legislature passed standards worth systems. and school All in local localities, districts, expected to implement comparable worth by 1987. a are SAN 3 OSEL_ CALIFORNIA 1961, On July 14, United was signed between Local States American Federation Employees (AFSCME) (AFSCME, 1962). The equity "internal had marked Jose, two year, $5.4 also allocated the of California. contract million $1.5 job classes. worth the collective It also marked an end to the nation's bargaining process. worth strike by the Local, AFSCME representing approximately 2000 of the 3000 city in clerical, for the first time the issue of comparable comparable for million adjustments" to underpaid in Municipal and successfully negotiated through been first County and the city of San but employees, This State, of 101 not only a 15% across the board pay increase included all the concept of comparable worth incorporating contract the the first collective bargaining unit employees administrative, parks and recreation, library and airport refueling positions. AFSCME San first raised the issue of comparable worth Jose in the mid-seventies. Progress was in temporarily stopped when the voters in California passed Proposition 13 When negotiations between the and city wages were frozen. union and the city reopened in 1981, issue resurfaced refusing as a major the comparable worth bargaining issue. While to address the comparable worth concerns of non- a wage management employees, the city manager agreed to study of management positions within the city, although not specifically addressing differences female-dominated job categories. 47 between male- and Non-management positions collective bargaining be city the study because those wages that insisted manager the original from excluded were the through set In response to management's process. refusal to address their concerns, staged a some eighty union Finally, one day "sick-out." women Local the AFSCME prevailed upon the city council to order a second study. A labor-management effort. city and the union, Hay categories. The 225 job study excluded the police officers' and Hay Associates found that firefighters' bargaining units. after jobs on average 15-20. below women wages for evaluating all jobs, consistently were point Using their own reclassified city jobs into Hay method, independent an Associates, of the city's compensation system. factor between By agreement was hired to do a comparable worth study firm, consulting Jose the comparable worth process in San the start, was a joint the Jose of San Department employees and AFSCME representatives. Personnel From consisting task force was established, comparable for wages male-dominated occupations. The they were city and the union agreed with the findings, negotiating Court Supreme over how to the implement sides two While the study's the Gunther decision was handed down by the U.S. findings, decision, file the solutions. disagreed over but a Commission (see Chapter 2). and with talks at an impasse, suit with (EEOC) the Equal alleging 48 wake In the this AFSCME decided to Employment intentional of Opportunity discrimination. WitH 1Ls aA ;a and t=lemate, public unions from striking, prohibiting state despite laws AFSCME Local 101 United finally went out on strike--the first strike in the States over the issue of comparable worth. days later the strike ended with the signing Nine the increases, When classes. renegotiated occupations equity" the contract provided in 1983, city San Jose employees 1982; contract in was undervalued "pay bringing most underpaid jobs up to par on average, with jobs of comparable worth. McGuire, employees undervalued 5% received, increase, the of "pay equity" wage of between 5% and 15% for some 62 adjustments cost In addition to across the board the EEOC. living job The union also agreed to drop its suit new contract. with of (AFSCME, 1984; Bunzel, 1983; Koziara, Strausbaugh, 1983). 49 an additonal Farnquist, 1982; Armstrong, COUNTY. CALIFORNIA CONTRA COSTI Contra 1984, August In Costa became comparable worth wage increases. The 3% to agree to the state's first county California northern in County which increase, was the result of came on top of general wage adjustments, a fourteen month bargaining struggle between the County and a the (SEIU) Local 535, Union International and including coalition union the California Nurses Association workforce. The than more represent together half Employees Service locals, two AFSCME of which local, (CNA) County's the hard won wage increase benefited not coalition union dominated classes members but also workers in in the county, female- all including only non-union management positions. fight for comparable worth was a constant The uphill battle achieved through the persistant efforts of the union When the union coalition formed in the fall coalition. 1982, there Board of was one sympathetic politician on the of County Supervisors, who helped pass a resolution that the Board would include achievement of comparable worth as part of the county's affirmative action goals. The Board charged the Personnnel Department to prepare a report on the issue. Unlike the other case studies, union members worked on the study. high This contributed to the level of dissatisfaction with the Department's study. According to Lee Finney, 535, no the examine union chief shop steward for SEIU Local coalition expected that the comparable worth studies done in other study would localities an do and analysis -f these other "piggybacking" methods to similar using studies by structure wage County's the In the assess wage discrimination in Contra Costa County. survey of market internal question of the unions a There wages. their were set Wages dissatisfied through individual and jobs. factors classification system. the for regard Using aggregate figures on the number of relative pay discovered a 30% wage gap between female- and job grade classification the She explained: results were dramatic. Eexplicit] County. want us a process, bargaining collective and male-dominated job categories. "My and were no data on compensable women within each Finney levels, were employed by which average wages are set without proces data whatever men and women County had a general the because men the numbers of on between gap Finney undertook her own study County's pay structure using available and 1% comparable worth adjustment. the management study, the of wage studies other a larger wage gap existed and Believing with male-female As a result of the study, the County male and female jobs. offered reviewed a did It little. a market survey showing the general contained at According to Finney, of existence a were wages but it did not look study the Rather, gap." contained it women's jobs showed that wage equity. dramatize the to nothing goal; this was "very fat and said very report the wages which based on prevailng underpaid the of far short study fell the end, system There really in Contra is no Costa didn't Supervisors why the Board of That's Ethe unions3 poking around. They made it clear from the beginning that they weren't going to do a job They were advised that the decision evaluation study. The Washington to study was a decision to implement. sued." of being fear a big created case State When the County contracts expired in June 1983, the four unit coalition took a two-pronged approach to negotiations. bargaining unit agreed to negotiate Each general terms of the its contract, would be bargained jointly. study the while comparable worth The County was reluctant to costs of worth issue fearing comparable over separately the fiscal crisis. The negotiations for comparable worth adjustments delayed the entire process, implementing Finney says, pay adjustments in a time of dragging on for over a year, "We had the power of more than they (management) did, was very coalition powerful." information. because of As the negotiations women It continued, the stuck together despite management's efforts to some fourteen months bargaining had solidified the group. The of some The coalition break them up by offering large salary raises to only of knew We became more resolved in its effort to gain of the units and particular union leaders; as my study. adjustment towards rectifying the wage gap. of but comparable worth increases were won during a time crisis for the therefore, was to financial strategy, could from the County. long run, county. The coalition get whatever increase they The coalition realized that in the a job evaluation study would be needed to fully and completely understand the nature and extent of the wage disparities. Understanding that a study could take as long 52 as to bargain some comparable worth willingness decided coalition County's and recognizing the three years to complete, raise to push for a reasonable initial which would help close the gap. the raises, The unions consider the 3'4 increase a downpayment with the expectation that additional will concessions be forthcoming contract future in remarkable The Contra Costa County case is negotiations. the comparable worth adjustments were won based on because an union study. It is interesting to note that during the process, negotiation the management tried to get wage concessions from all unions and even threatened to cut hospital jobs due to the fiscal crisis. unaffilitated At one point members of Local comparable union not involved in the (in which men hold all leadership negotiations 1., an worth positions) stood up and argued that the coalition women should give up comparable their in order demand worth sisters' jobs at the hospital. to save their No one ever called on union brothers to give up any wage increases, were although men earning considerably more. At bargaining table, the as part of the comparable worth negotiations, the coalition also demanded and won the establishment of a labor-management committee to do a study of benchmark job classifications and to recommend which job categories should negotiations. and A be addressed the next round task force was set up with equal management representation. Firefighters' at The Deputy Sheriffs' unions did not oppose comparable worth, 53 of union and yet they have not been actively involved with the committee; is not yet clear whether or not nthey will be part of it the proposed job evaluation study. Negotiations 1985. are now scheduled to reopen in April It remains to be seen how much the County is willing to bargain further pay equity adjustments. 54 VAA6ILLE2. CELIFORNIA 1982 school board elections the November, During Local SEIU of members California, Vacaville, in 614 successfully lobbied candidates on the issue of support for comparable worth. As a result, several board members were who actively supported elected including two administrators from the The Committee was responsible business agent. union A district. wage inequities in the school studying District, two four SEIU Local 614 members and the board members, school Subsequently, a Comparable Worth Committee was set through negotiations, up, idea. the and a half later when the union contract became for year effective, it included pay equity adjustments ranging between 2.5% and top of across the board annual wage increases. did the union successfully accomplish this comparable on 22.5%, How of president vice Dorty, Carol rural city? worth victory in a rather conservative, Local 614 and member of the Committee, believes that the steadfast efforts of the local union members, first in lobbying the school board and then many long, through persisting meetings, were this comparable Committee's first task was to review comparable responsible largely difficult for the success of worth drive. The worth studies done in other states and localities. reviewing some 18 studies done by Committee unanimously format developed in other localities, agreed to adopt the job a nearby '5 5 school After the evaluation district. This complexity, and used employees, rankings to evaluate jobs on the basis of skill, the by developed method, School District and its union Sacramento point evaluation job "homegrown" knowledge, and working conditions, responsiblity, and it was specfically geared towards assessing tasks school of skills district all personnel and teachers. except workers, 300 classified included study Vacaville The jobs. Rather than hire an outside consultant, management the Committee conducted its own job evaluation study using this homegrown were descriptions Job method. circulated every to employee, asking them to review and update the descriptions as necessary. do the The updated descriptions were then used to evaluation job The draft study point descriptions, each position. for received and Several were comments reviewed, resulting in only two changes in the final that "We (the reported Dorty if that members on descriptions, However, would decide. two Committee there was disagreement upfront between and study was then circulated to all employees feedback. further a recommended pay ranges for and draft job including recommendations, rankings, and draw up members) among we would vote and the study. agreed committee majority if the committee could not agree point scores for a job, we would adopt the higher figure." The between accepted final study showed a wage gap of as much as 22.5% comparable male-and female-dominated jobs and was Previously, the by the Board and the union. descriptions to job slot district used grades. Rather than change the pay ranges, on based reslotted system classification the point the jobs were the making rankings, more explicit. the five years of the current contract. undervalued female-dominated instructional aides, and jobs pay resulting The over ranged from 2.5% to 22.5% to be instituted increases pay into jobs Raises went to all clericals, with getting cafeteria workers the biggest raises. One the most of implementation the responsibility is of evaluation process and hearing any appeals. the on regularly Comparable The Committee job classifications to reclassification. and will handle to work The Committee has also update the study. assigned by the School district, The committee can community representatives. grievances of process meets every two months and is composed of union, and Vacaville They are in charge of reviewing the job Committee. Worth the program is that the ongoing worth comparable important features of been Board to review any matters relating Dorty says, We're "We will continue to meet every two months. to want and hard worked we because determined do to not others tell I but won; we what maintain unless they're study) (a comparable worth it of lots It takes lots of work, willing to work. got!" lot of time...but look what we homework, a (Dorty, Sources: 1985). (Dorty, 1985; Vacaville Unified School District, 1984) 57 YALE UNIVERSITY Twenty months after voting for union University Yale overwhelmingly 1965. For ratified the 2600 their first contract the key issue in the This contract marks one of major collective bargaining first January 34, contract was comparable worth. the in (mostly female) members of Local of University Employees, Federation workers technical and clerical representation, the in contracts private sector and the first at a university to incorporate the concept of comparable worth. Ending two year campaign, the majority Yale of and technical workers voted to join the union clerical While many thought the bulk of their work 1963. May a in was behind them, the contract negotiations would turn out to be difficult struggle as well; a long, a ten-week negotiating From strike. beginning, the effort was a grassroots campaign in which predominantly workers, the one which culminated in women, played an important union the role. The Local's demands were worked out by a 35 member rank and file negotiating committee. only $13,400, With an average unit salary of the membership's--82% women and 13% black-- main concern was raising salary levels. fold. At the bargaining table the union's demands were two- were demanding across the board wage First, increases. Haven they A union survey of employers in the greater New area found that Yale salaries were among the lowest. The union also charged that the bargaining unit as a was underpaid due to its primarily 58 female whole membership. Second, the union was able to document that both inter- and intra-unit wage disparities existed. Findings showed that within the Local 34 bargaining unit, blacks and women were being paid less than whites and men doing comparable work-even blacks and women though had, on average, greater seniority. Similar wage disparities were also found through a comparison of jobs between Local 34 selective other major bargaining unit at the university, male, predominantly discrepancy blue-collar unit. and the Local 35--a Part of the wage was attributed to the earlier unionization blue collar jobs, of but the union claimed that the continued wage disparity was linked to sex-based wage discrimination. While the administration recognized the problem of underpayment of women workers, they reFused to bargain over the issue. William Brainard, Provost for the University, typified the administration's feelings, admitting that like know that one can't live the way one would "I or the way one would like one's family to live, to, a That's on a Yale clerical and technical salary. to expected be can't Yale which problem, national (Local 34, 1984, p. 1). solve." An additional concern to the union was the jobs, or establishment of job grades. 'slotting' of It appeared from the review of salaries that women at Yale were not being compensated for their seniority. unsystematic, arbitrary manner. fairly Promotion was done in an As one secretary put it, started work with the man I still work for, "I He Secretary C. I started as a ago. years 18 tenured He's now a full started as an instructor. In and I have gone up one labor grade. professor, typing, not for my latest book he thanked me, his my wisdom and maturity in helping develop for but 39 but I He deserves his professorship, the program. deserve better too." (Local 34, 1984). After more than 60 Negotiations began in October 1983. in sight, workers threatened to strike in the spring of 1984. Then, sessions, negotiating in 1984 March with no agreement including non- on the two sides reached agreement issues, economic and and health job security and safety issues, and a strike was postponed. At the time, Yale management argued that their studies that indicated wage discrepancies between men women and clerical and technical workers disappeared when wages were analyzed by salary grade and years. this The disputed union contention charging that discrimination occurred both Acting within and across job grades and bargaining utnis. independently, Raymond Fair, a Yale professor of economics, While not clerical and conducted a regression analysis on Yale wages. the addressing differentials within the techincal unit he determined that there was a statistically significant difference in the wages of men and women across job grades. In campus May 1984, chaplain as negotiations continued, proposed that an impartial Yale the three member job committee be set up to look at the charges of wage and discrimination. The union readily agreed to the plan; university opposed it. strike. proposed to As As the summer months passed, little The union began to reconsider going out progress was made. on the an alternative to a strike, the Yale administration that the the union unresolved refused administration just as students were returning to school, 34 out went In strike. on members of Local 35, workers, stayed off the union On September 22, in favor of the strike. overwhelmingly third The workers voted a strike vote in early September. held impartial Left with no alternatives, negotiator. party an to submit to addition, members of eleven "business students campus as picket line. Some 400 classes were held off and the absence of lab technicians delayed many experiments. supported actively About half the was widespread. union strike, the many were halls of the student dining libraries were understaffed, closed down, the cross and professors refused to Several the in the strike caused serious disruptions running of the university. spring hundred the job. usual," the Local honored the picket line and Although the university claimed to be doing as the Again arbitration. submitted to binding be issues .Support body student withholding their tuition to protest the administration's refusal picket line. to resented the inconvenience but honored the others settle; for A vocal anti-union group of students crossed picket lines, but their numbers were relatively small. the As Shortly worth. surprised work; in stubborn remained an university dragged negotiations before its refusal Christmas on, to the discuss vacation, the administration by threatening to unusual would The union realized tactic. only be too glad to have the 61 university comparable the union return to that the union out over around. the long winter break when few students were Interestingly enough, the threat to go back to work brought the first, offer of miniscule, albeit a increase. pay Following through on its threat, and to the dismay of many, the they 19, union went back to work on December 5, January would walk out again when classes resumed on if a settlement had not been reached. that claiming January 19 was which was also the expiration date on Local 35's contract, being bargained concurrently. Faced with a choice of reaching a settlement or facing the administration finally another semester of disruption, offered the union a serious proposal. union ratified its first contract. Its provisions went way some the union's initial expectations and included beyond comparable worth provisions. the On January 22, First, the contract provided present employees across the board increases averaging more than 20% over three and a half years. were combined raises a new with classification wage alleviating the structure the disproportionetely to women within went raises Because the female and discrepancies between male unit jobs within the unit. Second, the centerpiece of the new contract is the new classification job system." progression structure One factor Yale was that the technical at occupations had no explicit progression of length not of wage a creating discrepancy "step a incorporating clerical and jobs; neither time at Yale nor in a particular position rewarded in any systematic way. The new system were is based on accrual of years with each of the seventeen In addition, representing approximately one year at Yale. salary grade will be eliminated as of July lowest the steps 1, The workers in this grade are exclusively female and 1985. new system will the increases, across-the-board Together with the black. predominantly on provide, 35% average increases for employees, bringing the unit's average salary up This will from $13,500 to $18,500. close about 50% of the wage gap between the male and female-dominated unions. Finally, the contract establishes a Joint Committee to review all review Yale job classifications, in light or amending addition, changing classification the Committee the will handle suggestions In system. appeals on any from classification. Committee consists of four management representatives and four union members, as well faculty member. Yale essential biggest task The work of this committee will new As one union member put is in the next three years and the committee." The as one mutually agreed upon (Chernoff, "Our it, work of 1985) union contract at Yale does resolve the comparable worth issue, start. be in the effort to bring pay equity to the clerical and technical workers. this and offer dissatisfied with her or his job employee The of comparable worth, relevant facts not completely but it is an important Comparable worth has been raised as an issue at the bargaining table. (Local 34, Consuelo O'Brien, 1985; Findlay, 6. 1984; 1985) 1985; Chernoff, 1985; SUMMARY The cases around the country involveing comparable worth. groundwork important laying by in helping to educate workers about comparable worth and in helping to legitimize the concept. is important However, these cases also indicate instrument policy application as a its concept and correct alleged opposes comparable worth becuase of the additional In wage discrimination. Contra Costa County, San Jose, Yet, implementation. action costs. Washington, and Yale, for resisting around wage sex-based can help challenge the widely held discrimination to often Management was one of management's major reasons cost the about controvery still considerable is there that and study of comparable officials local and state comparable of worth promotion The worth. area in the are governments local that state and fact the reflect cases many the examples drawn from six are These opinion that women's work is less valuable and as such is not being compensated. unfairly private sector cases have been won some Though accomplishments have occured in the public sector well-organized union efforts. advocates to reach all and public sector, in through It is the goal of pay equity women workers both in the unionized and non-unionized. the foreseeable future, most private However, the battle will continue to be fought primarily by unions for their members. Despite the use of different evaluation techniques 15%- each job evaluation study identified an approximately 20% This is relative to research showing that on female jobs. women average and comparable male gap between the salaries of wage earn 60% of wages that the in earn men economy as a whole. Identifying the gap is an important increases identified the gap. completely standard standard must be instituted and a new maintained. equity In each case workers and of close remains to be seen whether the gap will eliminated equity a whether and maintained in comparable these of management a wage gap and some money was awarded to It in Once a wage gap is identified achieving comparable worth. wage step first be worth employers' compensation systems. Though some private sector comparable worth cases have been won, most accomplishments have occured in the public sector through well-organized union efforts. It is the goal of both comparable worth advocates to reach all in the private and public sectors, unionized. will women workers unionized and non- However, in the foreseeable future, the battle continue to be fought primarily in the public by unions on behalf of their members. 6 sector Chapter 4: CASE STUDY ANALYSIS a time when wage increases in the public sector At are being curtailed by reduced budgets and concession bargaining is commonplace in the private sector, illustrate how some comparable and bargaining female-dominated collective classes have won undervalued, in employees legislation, to implementation through Primarily worth. job able groups of workers have been affect the terms of compensation through the of studies case these "pay wage equity" adjustments . Although the mechanisms for instituting changes in wage can vary, structures these cases show that in practice the implementation of comparable worth tends to involve a number of similar steps, though they are not always achieved in the same chronological order: wage disparities and unions, and the of sex-based 1) the recggnitig promotion women's by groups, politicians of comparable worth as one way to 2) the establishment of a task address wage discrimination; procedures within the force to investigate wage setting firm; 3) the conducting and/or reviewing of igb evaluation techniques; the 4) the achievement of wage Adgustments; establishment of a long term grggess to evaluate and 5) jobs over time, and make additional adjustments as needed. In this chapter, most I discuss the two general often used to implement comparable worth: approaches collective bargaining and legislation. In each case study, employer and employees reached agreement recognizing that sex-based wage 66 discrimination was a potential problem and accepting the use of some type of job evalution as a technique to identify the They then agreed to begin rectifying discrimination. sex- bias in wages through the payment of adjustments independent of other wage increases. While both collective bargaining and legislation can be avenues effective each increases, for which constraints institutional for disadvantages and each by shaped is process worth pay political and advantages and comparable winning produce affect implementation how proceeds. I will use the cases to highlight the aspects of collective bargaining and legislation which seem to and successful implementation, achieving important explore the significant differences between the two approaches. For the purpose of analysis, two into legislative those comparable been or primarily negotiation. through Implementation worth through the enactment of carried out in the government is the employer. may achieved divided procedures and those achieved primarily through labor-management direct only groups: the cases can be public legislation has where the sector This process of implementation not involve unions or may of collective bargaining, though unions can exert important political pressure through lobbying and litigation efforts. The collective bargaining approach implements comparable worth through a negotiated settlement between employer employees and, unions in therefore, and recognizes a particular role for decision-making at each step of the way. The the private local government or state it sector is is the the Washington and approach. legislative cases are examples of the Minnesota in employer, The firm. the sector In the public within a legislative body. activity on than rather relations labor-management on is focus The San Jose, Contra Costa County, Vacaville, and Yale cases are examples of the collective bargaining approach. Legislation depends public officials. In the governors responded to heavily upon the actions of elected Minnesota and Washington, both by groups women's and unions of pressure legislation through worth comparable Implementing establishing a special task force to oversee and monitor comparable worth for appointing the task responsibility retained governors The study. force, a determining the task force's role in the process, and hiring consultants to do a job evaluation. These task force played a major role in influencing the of implementation responsible supervising structure, for the comparable worth the studying because issue, were they evaluating evaluation of the employer's current or wage and making recommendations on how implementation should proceed. In order to secure a firm base of support for the results, the task forces included representatives of management and labor. Labor delegates are usually from unions which represent employees in undervalued job classes. Because the passage of legislation 68 requires broad-based support political forces task these than just labor and management and, therefore, constituency private sector usually include legislative representatives, as well as women's groups representatives, and employers, broader a have state personnel officials and union officials. studies systematic to appears that detailed must be done before legislation can be the state Hay Associates to do a job evaluation study in order system. The and appropriations made. passed hired it cases, legislative In state the update In Minnesota, classification job Minnesota task force had no role in choosing the consultant, but charged with reviewing the consultant's was do classes job with study of non-management jobs a management level after a study jobs showed that employees in certain categories were being underpaid. it In points. equivalent union and women's groups lobbied the government Washington, to been had standards to applied in assigning wages to male and female- consistently dominated worth comparable whether identify study of job As in the Minnesota case, was the governor who chose the consulting firm to do the study. When the studies were completed, the task forces made their recommendation to the respective legislatures and disbanded. Completing implementation then became primarily a responsibility of the legislature and the governor. Implementation of comparable worth through faces targets significant because political of the hazards changing legislation fulfilling its constituencies of in (Cook, 1984, political parties within the legislative body. p. of stages for comparable worth is required for Support 8). support within two to Once a study is have a task force set up and a study done. political push Proponents must first implementation. completed, between power of shifting balance the and legislatures legislature the is necessary to get legislation and appropriations passed. may be relatively easy to accomplish it ongoing personal takes (e.g. proces Minnesota), but of the part commitment on the and elected legislature to promote and support the governor elected if However, issue. Washington, In continue. process the office, act to on it. to to removed are may be difficult start or although the governor supported the results of the comparable worth study, refused opposed are officials worth or if supportive politicians comparable from this sympathetic politicians are in office, If Later, the when Dixy Lee legislature became Ray she effectively blocked the implementation of the governor, from worth study by deleting any appropriations comparable 1984). (Remick, her state budget. It was several years before legislation was enacted by a new legislature. any In seems event, over sustained a long period of cannot be maintained, claims worth time. implemented mobilized require that political support be to Watkins, getting comparable If this implementation may not occur. and support Bonnie of the Minnesota Department of Employee Relations, that endorsement without of bipartisan support and the unions and Women's Council 70 the strong thoroughout the entire process, it out of committee made worth comparable generate lasting contrast, In 1985). (Watkins, unable to refused to proponents in Washington were support and the legislature and results; study's worth comparable the approve have the legislation would never even the incoming governor vetoed the comparable worth appropriations recommended by her predecessor. institutionalized The on a legal, comparable worth. provide can legislation successful, When process for achieving dependent success of comparable worth laws seems to be the comparable worth but also specific guidelines comparable worth appropriations. for estimating appropriating successful cost the needed of First, implementation. recommendation to the legislature included a implementing comparable identifying comparable worth. worth as sex-based and Second, to task the for getting force's 'price tag' for the law state policy included a method Minnesota's to key making for implementation the lies identifying The inclusion of funds seems to be crucial Herein adjustments. for method including not only a law a enacting method wage discrimination and the cost for of eliminating it over time as well. While opposed worth the election of a legislature to comparable worth and willing to veto adjustments could halt or delay governor comparable the the method, and timetable for implementation may reduce the 71 a implementation, inclusion in the legislation of the intent, the or likelihood that in and studies. evaluation job are currently conducting these included appropriations procedures in their legislation worth comparable task force the contrast, the of way a as insuring (Cook, 1984, p.272). implementation. presented and As a response to inaction in other states, states have now In never was Several states, including New York 1984)). Jersey, New them Kentucky (For example, the legislation. (Cook, Illinois conducted have implementation pricing for method a included states worth studies and then failed to implement comparable because Other occur. could this in never Washington legislature with an estimate of This rectifying the wage gap between male and female jobs. legislature's is one of the reasons that contributed to the passed When legislation finally on the study's results. inaction included a it 1982, in of the cost method implementing for increases over time and an initial appropriation of funds. may The methodology used in a comparable worth study claims generalizable, eliminating an once sex-bias groups of workers), presents addition experience to is system is touted over benefitting women as other getting it implemented may be difficult. some chaotic previously (1980) experience state's evaluation (i.e., 1980, p. 418). (Remick, system Washington if that Remick its ultimate success. also have an affect on general benefit (i.e. compensation system more correction supports Implementation may be easier if the sex of this; the 72 inequities. legislature making explicit) a in Minnesota's accepted the study worth comparable improve the state's civil service system. a job modify and on based done originally as a way to study evaluation it was because were Only later comparable worth standards applied to evaluate if inequities between male-dominated and female-dominated jobs existed. achievement the If is process legislative inadequate wording comparable worth of legislation, one results are uncertain. is worth courts, in general, litigation. Because the legal still in dispute, the end, In the interpretation of federal the and seem to be unsympathtic if not hostile, on litigation may turn out to be an ineffective way relying to achieve comparable worth. of for alternative advocates is to proceed with for the defendant and for the plaintiff. City vs. or however, be a long, expensive process--both Litigation can, comparable changes political stymied by the through adjustments of wage Iowa, agd gouty g_ (Steinberg, _enver, 1978; 1980; See Lemons Christensen vs. State 1977 in Blumrosen, 1979). In Washington, where public unions are prohibited by law from striking, when the the union chose to proceed with state refused to implement the litigation worth comparable AFSCME charged the state with intentional adjustments. in discrimination compensation. At the same time, sex the unions and womens' groups continued to exert pressure on the to legislature attempts, worth bill the implement legislature adjustments. finally approved After a several comparable implementing adjustments over a ten year period. 'gender gap' became (Some claim the law passed only when the an the issue of such great concern that bill in order to attract politicains women voters.) supported Later, federal district judge ruled that these appropriations a were too little, too late, constituting an inequity in itself and ordered the state to make large back-pay awards. The decision is currently being appealed, and the state has been granted a stay in implementing the awards. In Minnesota approved, the and state Washington, once made initial legislation was appropriations and put responsibility for overseeing implementation in the hands of the state personnel office. This makes implementation a more top-down approach than that achieved through collective bargaining. Despite the fact that the personnel office is supposed to seek employee input, and that there is usually a grievance procedure, main decision-making for the relies on the inclinations of the political power because Washington, in most state's, the process personalities in as in both Minnesota and is an process is commissioner of employee relations appointed position. Labor's formal role in the legislative usually limited to its work on the task force, cases and in these the task force was a temporary group which disbanded after completing the study. The inclusion of employees the because process is important comparable worth, are the and it ultimately affected employees' unions who raised the issue in the first few states have by they acted on comparable worth 74 without in ones is the place; being limited have power the task force tends to In addition, pressured to do so. participate not does in that it in An choosing the consultant to do the job evaluation study. outside consultant hired by the state may be beholden to the of interests which may outcome, the affect in these comparable worth does not seem to be the situation this although state, the case studies. Collective Bargainin legislation, with As implementing through direct labor-managment negotiation, with begins often sector, public politicians to address the issue. is implementation initiating less process, the management efforts. least in the lobbying unions the Unions can also raise the dependent on method This at the bargaining table. directly issue at of officials public and more focused on joint labor- In the public sector, elected officials must approve the final contract, but what distinguishes this process from the legislative approach is the process of decision-making. relationship The how implementation negotiations each between management and labor of the participate in deciding how By the nature is carried out. process, unions step of implementation will through collective bargaining, shapes proceed. When achieved implementation of comparable worth usually occurs where there are union locals with large female membership positions. and where women are in For example, Carol '75 Dorty, union leadership Vice President of SEIU Local 614 in Vacaville, advocates of comparable worth. outspoken union female County, Costa In Contra ardent most shop stewards were the was the issue At Yale, of comparable worth. proponents and the the most active was one of by the clerical and technical union which represents raised an overwhelmingly female labor force. Employees tend to have a more direct role in determining the make-up and the responsibility of in collective bargaining are composed exclusively of forces Contra Costa County, San Jose, equal with forces outcome. be directly affected by the would constituencies whose management, and labor of representatives task Task ones. situations than in the legislative bargaining the the task force in Vacaville, and Yale all labor-management representation, Yale had a faculty member on the committee to although had act as a tie-breaker. the collective bargaining process, In greater role than they do a on take certain In process. task in task forces legislative the notably San Jose force was responsible for not situations, Vacaville, the conducting a job evaluation study but for choosing or not an outside consultant would be hired. force does not have any labor endanger the acceptability of County, where Department to the governing body assigned do the study without first force or consulting with the unions, 76 and only whether If the representation, its findings. may task could it In Contra Costa the forming Personnel a task the Department's study was contained it up through collective bargaining, se t was When a task force decided to conduct their own study. later the unions In this case, not accepted by the unions. lab or and management representation. equal Whil e to evaluation studies seem to be essential job implement legislation, they do not seem to be as critical in initiatin g collectiv worth comparable studies Since job evaluation bargaining. e through increases wage are often cos tly and time consuming, management can sometimes be without through the use of union studies. can it initial 'downpayments' i . e. worth comparabl e the union is strong enough, if them; inequities wage rectifying sex-based begin to pressured win corrections Enough data now exists to give unions and management a good idea of where underpayment may before a detailed study is completed. be present, even (Remick, 1984c, p.101). are studies detailed wage implementing studies of exposed the In County necessary always not increases. the extent of undervaluation other cases, systematically were preliminary union structure which compensation employers' begin to payments Initial of how show cases and Yale and won on the basis for bargained jobs. Costa Contra The of female-dominated point ranking methods were used to expose the wage gap. However, it appears that the size of the wage adjustments will be larger when thorough study workers got has been completed. smaller substantially workers in the other cases Contra wage Costa increases a County than (only a 3% raise to start closing 77 a 30% gap). County, both Yale and Contra Costa At that conceded detailed job evaluation members union would studies be needed in the long run in order to identify wage disparities on a job-by-job basis, especially since previously used rather arbitrary i.e., explicit) methods assigning employers implicit rather than wages. At Yale, the administration paid clerical and technical university by for both "seat the pants" comparisons of (Chernoff, 1985). The Contra with Costa market County jobs surveys system was similar. Realizing that setting up and instituting a bias- free evaluation and compensation job these unions chose a pragmatic, whatever raises could willing to unions' preliminary union contracts provisions to negotiate takes time, short term approach: to get be won given system that management some increase on the basis job evaluation research. to establish a joint labor-management were additional to serve as a basis end, included committee study. for the discussion These of wage adjustments in future contract negotiations. Should during In the County at Yale and Contra Costa conduct a more thorough comparable worth studies of was disputes between labor and mediation, arise three alternatives exist for collective bargaining, resolving them: management arbitration and strikes. In attempting to implement comparable worth, these same avenues for resolving management disputes opposition to are available implementation. 79 for overcoming While these can offer no guarantees that management opposition tactics be overcome, they seem to have been very effective. over negotiate would parties was agreed at the outset that the it Yale, and at Contra Costa County, Vacaville, San Jose, In the what actions to take on the results of When comparable worth study. management refused to bargain over wage changes or if the raises were not satisfactory the the union, unions their settle to refused (when not prohibited by law) went out on strike. contract or In either unions to employee despite laws prohibiting public San Jose, workers staged a one day strike when from striking, management refused to address the comparable worth issue and later went out on a nine-day strike when the city refused to In offer an adequate sum of money to close the wage gap. Contra Costa County, at an when negotiations with the County were impasse the unions staged a female (with "late-in" workers reporting two hours late for work to demonstrate the amount time of female-dominated negotiations adjustments they provide free unions the until initial At Yale, comparable where negotiations dragged the union offered to submit the dispute on for over a year, arbitration. equity wage and guaranteed discussion of future worth pay increases. to County made contract settle to then refused The County). the to When refused, the managment union the decided to go out on strike. When pressure contracts comparable worth adjustments are tactics of striking and of bargained, refusing seem to have a better chance of actually 79 to the sign getting adjustments initial In Washington, it took than litigation. comparable worth over eight years from the time the original study was done to get initial payments. However, collective bargaining tactics require a great deal of union solidarity, may Costa County, lasted they Yale negotiations lasted fourteen and at months, instances, many In months. twenty Contra In time. be difficult to sustain over which management tried in vain to break union solidarity, but were They may surprised by the resiliency of the union members. County, Costa Contra In together. stick determination of the the underestimated have workers to management attempted to buy off particular union leaders with large pay (Finney,1985), increases and at Yale the university refused to submit the negotiations to arbitration By worth management attempts to stop comparable resisting affect unions discovered they actually could the efforts, 1984). (Local 34, new areas of compensation. leaders of Local male roughly point unions during the drop their because actually proposed negotiations that comparable comparable The it In Contra Costa County, worth the at with one female-dominated efforts because of face of threats to reduce the workforce in the constraints. other from an unaffiliated union local half female membership, management budget 1, worth comparable their relative status. threatens and oppose might who workers union solidarity can also come to Threats female-dominated unions prevailed worth adjustments were won in addition to across the board at Yale and In contrast, workforce. members were efforts and any reductions in the in San Jose, male union actively supportive of the went out on strike in sisters. union increases and without worth with their solidarity easy always is not solidarity Such comparable to achieve. worth collective bargaining once initial comparable In is won, the task force is usually given responsibility money This is for overseeing long term work on comparable worth. in contrast to the legislative arena where the task force is implementation the legislation Under short-lived. usually comparable worth standard is legally instituted and collective Through approval. subject to legislative are Wage increases out by the state personnel office. carried of bargaining the basis for future work--both restructuring the employer's wage-setting procedure and gaining wage increases is part of a contractual obligation. renegotiation. continual unions to However, as maintain It constant and thus it depends on then incumbent is vigilance and upon the pressure. long as women continue to be a significant force within unions, unions will and the wage gap persists, is likely continue to fight for comparable worth. (Bell, it 1985). The the strength of the collective bargaining active involvement of union members fought hard to win comparable worth, determined even more Carol Dorty of to see that is process that and having many union members are the process continues. Vacaville claims that the workers realize how e1 difficult the process of implementing comparable worth they put much time and effort won, are now willing to fight to keep it. County, and into achieving it and, the unions felt "very powerful" were very victories. determined to was; having In Contra Costa during negotiations safeguard their hard-won Achieving comparable worth may require unions to exert their collective power to win settlements and, in this way, increase worker empowerment. Summary In analyzing these case studies, it is clear that there are several employer's ways of achieving comparable compensation structure. worth The primary through collective bargaining and through in ways an are legislation. Often these tactics must be combined with others (e.g. litigation) to obstacles. The choice of tactics depends on the legal, institutional, and political such as Washington, overcome political and organizational situation. collective In some states, bargaining over wages is not sanctioned the state and its employees. between Legislation or litigation may be the only route available to achieve pay equity. At the local level and in the private sector, collective bargaining is the primary method of implementation. These the cases studies highlight how a concept changes process concept of being behind the translated into policy. policy is comparable value based on skill, and equal pay for responsibility, The jobs in basic of knowledge working conditions--but how that translates into actual 82 wage-setting varies in changes as greatly, cases these demonstrate. In some instances comparable worth involved the total reevaluation of an employer's job and wage structure; other times uncertain increases were it is will be but instituted the employer's compensation system how altered over to wage The two goals of comparable worth are time. and increase wages for jobs done primarily by women reevaluate the standards of equity. to While in each case the proponents of comparable worth try to achieve both, they did not always accomplish both in the short run. comparable worth must first be accepted as Regardless, Once this a legitimate concern in wage setting procedures. achieved was Although to efforts involved a job study. evaluation a thorough job evaluation must be not be conducted initiate wage increases, wage the where one was done adjustments were larger. achieving In collective to be a more participatiory form of appears than comparable worth legislation. Workers were included on bargaining implementation task forces which actively reviewed compensation systems whereas fewer union representatives legislative task Furthermore, forces. participated more in women workers were involved in bargaining committees than is usually the case in collective bargaining. union And coalition there was some evidence of building (e.g. Yale and strong interCosta Contra County). Collective bargaining relies on the strength of the in persist management and the issue on the negotiating agenda put to union pursuing its As opposition. in implementation long of spite need unions as to to organize new women workers and keep those they already have, comparable worth will probably stay a priority for Legislation relies more on the efforts of dominated locals. interest on groups exerting pressure on elected officials and through. As the efforts of politicians to then follow legislators need to court votes and seek to long as the high costs discrimination, interest female- of they the may government be expected in achieving comparable worth. 94 sued for maintain some being to avoid (Remick, 1984b). LIMITiTIONS OF COMPARABLE WORTH Chapter 5: IMPLEMENTiTION outgrowth worth is a policy designed as an Comparable of equal employment policy. Its aim is to achieve pay equity for undervalued female-dominated jobs within adjustments work organization by this thesis I have examined how comparable worth had implemented in five states and localities, out carried been private and one were These comparable worth efforts organization. sector through mainly and legislation In equity. redefining standards of a collective bargaining. used gap female Despite the variety of methods, most studies revealed jobs. a wage yet comparable male and between dissimlar., existed a employers and employees to show that by was some type of job evaluation method each case, In wage gap roughly 15-20%. of In for this wage inequity, correcting an effort to begin employers allotted some job money to raise the salaries of workers in the underpaid categories. However, adjustments only technical Though implementing initial closed "pay the equity" future gap, differential the wage involves worth comparable questions of how to measure and assess sex-bias in compensation, comparable partially these were expected to narrow adjustments further. while these worth is cases not demonstrate only a that technical achieving issue but a political and economic one as well. These implementation efforts represent an early 85 stage In of implementation. inequities past rectify particular set(s) of jobs. evaluation system to No employer applied each employers' compensation system, explicit guarantees over reevaluated to a job the to applied no settlement included that the evaluation methods time to organization. the within all jobs comparable worth standards were while Second, of each in of comparable worth was limited sogge the instance First, ways. was circumscribed in three equity female- of compensation in the But the attempt to redefine standards jobs. dominated every instance money was paid out to incorporate be would job changing Finally, where requirements and changing values of worth. job evaluation was used to identify wage discrimination, the evaluation job to identify sex-bias in the description of order the scheme was never significantly choice of compensable factors. in altered and jobs It may take many more years experience to assess whether comparable worth mandated in law or in contract can expand to meet these conditions. below. Each of these will be discussed in detail qgge of Study be One of the ways in which the use of job evaluation can different job discriminatory is when an employer uses evaluation plans to assess different jobs classes within the Since job categories covered by different plans tend firm. to be highly discrimination sex-segregated, in compare jobs among, the compensation the ability to requires as well as within, plans. scope of comparable worth comparisons (6 the assess ability sex to Restricting may lead to the underestimation to jobs The compared. of value the female-dominated jobs, highly-paid, male- are if the excluded jobs particularly typed of could which female jobs of separate systems may only use be theoretically to serve reinforce historical sex-bias. the justified have employers Many separate of use evaluation plans arguing that the vastly different nature of requires jobs use of the different schemes. evaluation Despite seemingly large differences in job requirements, one For example, the U.S. Ogcggtional Titles assess of Labor's Dictionary of uses one set of consistent factors to Department over 35,000 jobs Treiman and Hartmann, for basis jobs. plan can be used to evaluate a variety of evaluation and (Beatty p.79). 1981, p.63; 1984, Beatty, This guide has been the the development of single evaluation plans for many large firms, and many state and local governments. While the use of a single plan is technically possible, it Every comparable management worth positions. except study, In management positions were reviewed, was only a preliminary one; excluded one, where County, the job evaluation study it remains to be seen whether or not management positions will as Costa Contra cases. worth done in only one of these comparable was be included in the long run the joint labor-management committee undertakes a more thorough evaluation of the County's pay system. While comparable worth studies have excluded management jobs, it is unclear why they did so. 97 Management is not a of hierarchy actually or administrative assistant) on the basis of job content and requirements. management and non-managements level In between characteristic the distinguishing instances most may non-management level secretary executive (e.g. positions higher to comparable be management positions Lower level jobs. internal own category and usually has its job monolithic jobs is the rate of pay (both in terms of wages and benefits) and the way those pay scales are determined. management Getting worth comparable be may studies included positions level difficult in the given reluctance of workers to give up their relatively privileged In position. many Minnesota, level lower management actually employees now find that the workers they supervise and sometimes more, make as much, their expressed decided how and if they will cases reviewed, not yet In the by law, not be downgraded to Still, comparable potential to alter the historical management management has address these concerns. salaries may, inequities. rectify but discontent, They have than they do. has worth wage differential the between and non-management workers from which the former have, in part, derived their relatively higher status. It may be easier politically, scope comparable of offer process worth to include than to include positions however, all management. to extend the non-management Legislation may a particular advantage over the collective bargaining in its ability to extend the scope worth standards. of comparable If the governor or legislature agrees B8 to it may have review the government's compensation procedure, through civil service laws which supercede the legal power, 1984), collective bargaining laws (Dean, to make the system In Minnesota allows for broad intra-unit comparison. This all non-management employees were Washington, and on to prior system classification general same units. of all non-management jobs and bargaining inclusive the the Consequently, when the implementation of comparable worth. comparable worth study was done, it was possible to evaluate and compare a large cross-section of dissimilar jobs. bargaining the At employers table, deal may with bargaining uni ts on an individual basis, thus it may be more to get all jobs within an organization difficult on same the "cri tical" fund i.e., positions, aside money are set systems exist because separate pools of to compensation different Sometimes, basis. evaluated firefighters' and police' wages in San Jose and Contra Costa County. these excluded units are often male-dominated However, and worth While often supportive of the comparable higher paid. efforts of female-dominated units, these unionists may be uninterested in participating in worth studies because bargaining strength. management separately salaries; of fear Many and of losing such are able comparable their units relative bargain to male secure with higher participating in comparable worth could compromise this advantage. will downscale they may Further, their wages 89 in fear that order to management correct wage cases suggest that inequities. The downscaling of wages can be adjustments were successful; awarded on top of against prohibitions worth comparable across-the- standard, Comparable worth may bring about board wage increases. major change in the relative salaries of and jobs, these a similar to management workers, the male-dominated unions may resist any attempt to challenge the status quo. studies When the unions excluded from comparable worth are either male-dominated or higher paid, can only achieve limited success. of amount male between awarded partially money Getting relative strength of the workers the cultural maybe workers wage gap problem of in female- underpaid system Perhaps more difficult may getting particularly workers, jobs quite dissimilar jobs. Women see their jobs in relation to other female comparable to other, "Unfortunately, workers...but the factors: to understand that jobs, and not in relation to higher paid male jobs. 1976). a their female employees, often of management jobs and the nature of the classification previously used by the employer. underpaid and excluded units in the process may depend upon two be the the closed included dominated cases, of equity was limited by the exclusion of workers. certain these female jobs but the establishment and standard bias-free In comparable worth also since women are participants in the culture (Newman, only not at large, they often share the undervaluation of women's work, whether done by themselves or other women." (9() (Remick, 1984, p.91) Relevant Evaluation Methods comparable jobs are evaluated and wages realigned Once to non- guarantee relative job value it does not reflect To do this a mechanism should be discrimination over time. set up to ensure that discriminatory wage differences do not When a new job evalaution method is put in place reappear. it should as part of an effort to achieve comparable worth, be updated over time to reflect changes in job structure and (1984) states, changes in what an employer values. Remick are wages evaluation systems and prevailing "job forever are on cultural value systems that based a perfect evluation system, good for all changing, is impossible." time manufacturing sector, private for developd systems were developed job evaluation Historically jobs. office firms. systems were Later, Designers of for these systems however, to borrow factors from previously designed tended, systems, so that the new systems reflected their industrial origins. Over time job content and skill requirements have changed. In importance plans, of Revised relative Many existing has Today's workforce is concentrated in service evaluation range of skills changed. may not correspond to the current nature the labor market. and the societal view of the certain jobs therefore, technical full of addition, jobs--jobs held by many women. plans may be needed which consider demanded and credit them in with their value to an organization's operations. the accordance (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). Evaluation systems must be continually updated in order 91 to reflect incorporate the changing content of jobs and to what an employer values. changes in over time For example, the nature of what is important to an employer has highly in Employers product-oriented changed. may organiztions require and value manual tasks such as lifting and operating more to being able service-oriented and rely on employees operate well with the public. particularly is This defined in sector jobs and whose jobs skills may not be well manufacturing-based job evaluations. service in many of whom are employed for women, relevant to calculators) and light machinery (data processors; interact are though, Many of today's industries, heavy machinery. Job evaluation systems need to reflect these changes. legislation, Through the responsibilty for updating comparable worth is with state personnel office and open high degree of political intervention. the bargaining Through collective task force may be charged with because require task, this This may allowing for a greater level of worker input. important it is workers who know what be jobs their may be able to best assess how job content and to is changing. Sex-Bias Job Evaluation in Steinberg addresses the (1984) writes that comparable worth policy of wage discrimination which exists issue "where there is an inconsistent application of values or inappropriate emphasis of assessment comparable of jobs" worth 92 (p.22). activity has Thus been an far the on the former. in some cases minor alterations were made Although did studies in none of the case job job evaluation techniques, alter employers and employees attempt to significantly jobs of aspects what given concerned with getting higher wages more by weight most women. for worth Reestablishing equity standards to reflect comparable was the tool used to obtain these wage the job system as bias-free evaluation job Rather, comparable worth proponents evaluation techniques. were were to as possible was part of a more long term considered to be a separate goal, Lee Finney, 1985; 1985; Making increases. Chernoff, project (Bonnie Watkins, 1985). Designing a new system takes time and may be costly. comparable worth advocates in these cases realized that The current job evaluation methods may underestimate while the extent of the gap, they can still help reduce discriminatory differences in the pay of jobs done primarily by men and (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981, those done primarily by women. p. 81). There evaluation systems: stereotypes sources of sex-bias and prejudice in describing work reflective chosen factors compensable of cultural inherently bias. a judgmental evaluation system evaluation systems in job evaluators may incorporate cultural traditionally by men and work traditionally done by women; done is potential two are does not to evaluate jobs and the may be Because the evaluation process one, a totally exist. job bias-free However, if were more closely scrutinized for these sex- they could bias, wage possilby identify an even larger gap between male and female-dominated jobs and set new standards for what is a fair and equitable wage. For example, the nurturing and guidance skills required of occupations) and teachers (both female-doinated nurses than be considered intrinsic qualities of women rather may Ironically, while they may go unnoticed by job evaluators. may men often talents (i.e., lifting heavy women objects), recieve little or no compensation for their (i.e., nurturing or counseling). Even if "natural" evaluators prevailing patriarchal are sensitive to these biases, do to be rewarded for the things they are assumed "naturally" better Consequently effectively. skills required to perform jobs views which underlie the undervalution of women's work may be hard to For example, detect. many evaluation systems Many women's in fiscal terms. responsibility measure occupations carry a great deal of responsibility--but for people not for (day-care workers, money social nurses, workers), and thus these responsibilities may be overlooked and undervalued. Under Washington, legislative the choice of consultant the factors of in process the Minnesota and (who in turns chooses evaluation) was in the hands of the governor. When the employer chooses the system they must be careful to watch biases for bias becuase they can be held resonsible for in bargaining making their compensation procedures the choice. puts system. the task force For example, The in in Vacaville, any collective charge the of task force carefully reviewed several allowing the unions to help chose the system (whether bias, in While not certain to eliminate sex- met their needs. best studies to choose one which process) legislation or collective bargaining the may insure a higher level of acceptability of the results. way to get a less-biased system is to design a job One evaluation system evaluation has been tasks) related and what (based historically to standard the evaluate all jobs on male on that York state, workers bargained for a the development of a new where evaluation methodology. asks workers to describe their jobs. job The New York study 1984). (Cook, of white based is what is being done in New This standard. looks at which Realizing that workers might describe what they think others consider valuable, the of designers the study have developed a new rating scheme which includes for workers to use in evaluating their jobs, job factors that may have been undervalued or disregarded in the past. As with other reforms, there are tradeoffs between achieving short run goals and run long women) (obtaining more money for goals (creating a less-biased standard of If short term goals are pursued, it may be at the equity). expense of the long run goals--management may realize paying workers based on a consistent that application standards is cheaper than developing and instituting a of more bias-free system. There are no definitive "fairness" in choosing factors. tests of what Treiman and Hartmann conclude fairness in this context can only mean 95 constitute (1981) "achieving a consensus and about factors and employees." legislation their weights among employers Whether through collective bargaining employees should be included because the ones most affected by the job evaluations. they or are Chapter 6: CONCLUSION comparable worth--equal of policy assertion the supports by which one policy as large portion and a great Legislating number state example set other employers.' of through Legislation legislation. worth the state. policy a legal As an employer of a large makes a diverse group the of occupations, the public 1?7- sector, to the The influence implementation The spillover effect from in jobs. of the state has the potential comparable worth relies power. in politicians apply the policy to a broad set by of worth comparable in sector in the public sector. comparable implement extent on the support of of the over womens' bargaining and of workers can fairly for I have reviewed the efforts of unions to responsibility a yet implementation (Livernash, 1980), this thesis collective to comparable private worth and comparable supporting done is alleviate potentially could claim advocates simply because it comparable worth has been widespread groups over the exact however, Economists continue to argue employers oppose it In significantly are of the wage gap by rewarding women work they do. evidence research Feminists and unions have advocated women. worth the Recent two the undervalued is work" "women's that fact that Comparable worth the linkage. of nature that Disagreements exist, correlated. as is the sex-segregated. is highly workforce the between differential widely recognized, and women is now equal of work for pay The wage value--has been implemented. men the this thesis was to investigate how purpose of The or by one large be studied empirically. has yet to there is an relatively low cost to the state, resistance increasing institute changes in the On As process. degree of collective a direct ways. of bargaining begin bargaining employee input result significant a job evaluation study implementation. of it appears to in the wage in setting a through always of legitimate table comparable worth can employee input in entire is not Regardless implementation, once raised as a areas is that is Most details of bargaining worth interpreted worth has been to the to labor-management of necessary at served unions their comparable when collective comparable negotiations variety hand, other greater a and their wage-setting procedures. through implemented through state the Minnesota both to and a lobbying force to get elected officials as primarily workers, the Washington, In governorship. and legislature had environment implementation within to the exemplifies case political changing a with struggle progressive and women's groups union extreme--where opposite offer Washington The issues. political historically to environment and a commitment union strong and at a easily achieved relatively has been where In Minnesota, process. sometimes fruitless, implementation to scrutiny which can make implementation significant political long, is subject it be effective, legislation can While a is something which in an area, onto other employers employer expand practices. the issue the The oversight for ongoing and committeees, negotiating studies, evaluations job in involved more were show how workers Yale and Vacaville, County, Costa Contra Jose, San of cases bargaining collective than implementation when instituted through legislative procedures. implementation of further of issues found power new this been were able to can be concerns their have will management; by addressed In the years to come it addressed. if have workers women demands worth comparable important to be in effective such as see achieving comparable worth as well concern to women workers, their until strike or fought contract settlements on gone worker greater strength, workers have Using their collective empowerment. to led has participation worker This as other childcare or part-time employment. differences in approaches, the Despite bargaining and legislation higher wages for workers in have been effective simply adjustments raise the pay of lowest the went to all undervalued lowest paid jobs at the bottom of at the bottom of undervalued, are worth winning in female-dominated job categories. collapse an employer's wage structure. the collective wage adjustments are different from wage realignments These that both likely primarily filled and In these cases wage job classes not the wage scale. just Jobs by women, therefore, they receive a larger percentage adjustments. between jobs the wage scale are often disproportionately and to level male- and of comparable Thus, in closing the discriminatory gap female-typed jobs, en(. comparable worth may also collapse the overall theory, In wage structure. worth requires that comparable fairness (consistency) in the application methods for jobs and setting ranking of skills case of proponents In fact, these the that the and promote way possible, While the recognize approach increases in further revaluation of wage term, the longer job evaluation methods as part of of emphasis former. may achieve fairness and win to been whatever both achieving both goals, the pragmatic desirability of has always accomplish worth comparable as women In worth activity has been on comparable also incumbents. job the indicate clearly studies It women's work through or completely. these goals simultaneously evaluation jobs performed by comparable worth does not practice, of the from distinct the tasks of of recognition job salaries. requires that there be a revaluation of a of be there ongoing process. much remains to be done in defining Still, comparable worth. the standard of on been Expanding methods The scope and identifying based the jobs to the fashion. limited a to include the ways of developing and in sex-bias lead discrimination in Comparable worth has comparable worth eliminating may eventually full job elimination evaluation of sex- in wage setting practices. begin to beliefs which undervalue women's work and implementation challenge cultural of of distribution widest implemented and interpreted equity based of comparable 100j( worth can economic practices which In doing employer's operation. to has the an may not so comparable worth wage but also women's raise only a them by not paying reflects their contribution accurately which wage exploit women of potential initiating a more open discusion of the wage system within Since wages are influenced by how one perceives work firm. and comparable worth by raising who does it, policy alone will It able to of the wage gap comparable worth will much of reduce the discriminatory differences in the pay of men's Economic forecasts indicate that during occupations will few is clear 1984; even sex-segregated Consequently, researchers many 1984) believe that the wage women is likely to relatively remain Consistently applying job evaluation standards unchanged. to and employers that when applied Walker and Grune, men and between begin decades grow rapidly. continue to (Blau, be it can it but next the can broader on and women's jobs. gap a be part of is too early to draw any definitive conclusions eliminate, some must worth social to overcome major justice program. social how not be enough Comparable inequities. women's wages women's work and change Yet, value of can raise the societal one a further, reduce that gap. society values but Revaluating what it gap about work can close the this struggle will not be is accomplished very easily or very quickly. The living economic recent rapid increase in the number in poverty only heightens the urgency equity for women. The 10 1 immediate of economic of women achieving interests of run; part never for accomplished fully the wage scales worth as part of comparable handling be is need the underscores once, at all short worth comparable for process long term institutionalized a establishing that The fact term goals. long restructure to struggle the that and of in dictate that wage increases be won women worth any comparable policy. Comparable worth is one policy intervention which also Employers growing. can no spread, longer will it collective "As both require to in If workers to implement it legislation, bargaining, more value of women's widespread is the private and public the can lessen and Action issue. avoid the employers on pressure through economy the the perceptions of dependence on men's wages. economic sector to contribution women's and to alter cultural begin It women. significantly alter the wage earning power of concept to organize is or litigation. to exert either voluntarily firms adopt comparable worth, the the permeate will adjustments salary resultant Through markets. labor of local wage structure imitation, innvovation, of pressure, process the done work wages paid for the adjustment, and the with up catch will women by primarily women represent a large, permanent, that reality These of employees. set highly productive and eventually doubt, no will, actions concrete controversial and highly charged a transform and routine a into demand political employment of equal feature institutionalized (Remick and Steinberg, 1984, p. 301.) policy." 1 02 could or BIBLIOGRAPHY American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Pay EggUity, Manual. 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Boston: Auburn Publishing House. 108 INTERVIEWS Chernoff, Deborah. Member Local 34. Yale University, New Haven, CT. Phone Interview, 7 March 1985. Collette, Cathy. Coordinator, Women's Issues. AFSCME, WashingtonD.C. Phone Interview, 22 March 1985. Dorty, Carol. Vacaville High School Libararian and Vice President SEIU Local 285, Vacaville, CA. Phone Interview, 19 March 1985. Finney, Lee. Chief Shop Steward, SEIU, Contra Costa County. Phone Interview, 19 March 1985. Gregory, Judith. Research Associate. Department of Professional Employees, AFL-CIO. Interview, 18 February 1985. Padia, Anna. Women's Coordinator. Communications Workers of Phone Interview, 19 March America, Washington, D.C. 1985. Rondeau, Kris. Organizer, Harvard-UAW. Interview, 26, February 1985. Thomas, Pat. Researcher. SEIU. Washington, D.C. Phone Interview, 14 March 1985. Walker, Laura. Director. CLUW Education and Research Center, Washington, D.C. Phone Interview, 28 February 1985. Watkins, Bonnie. Minnesota Department of Employee Relations, St.Paul, Minnesota. Interview, 22 March and 1 May 1985. Wayne, Claudia. Director. National Committee on Pay Equity. Washington, D.C. Phone Interview, 18 March 1985. 109