\> ^^ ' MIT LIBRARIES I DEWEY , ',r^^\^ lllllll 9080 03317 5917 Massachusetts Institute of Technology Department of Economics Working Paper Series AND PERSISTENCE OF BAD GOVERNMENTS POLITICAL SELECTION Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin Working Paper 09-23 July 31, 2009 Room E52-251 50 Memorial Drive Cambridge, MA 02142 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Networl< Paper Collection at http://ssrn.com/abstract = 1 444 1 45 and Persistence of Bad Governments* Political Selection Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov MIT Kellogg School of Management Konstantin Sonin School New Economic July 31, 2009. Abstract We study dynamic selection of governments under different political institutions, with a special focus on institutional "flexibility" A government consists of a subset of the individuals in the society. The competence level of the government in office determines collective utilities (e.g., by determining the amount and quality of public goods), and each individual derives additional utility from being part of the government (e.g., corruption or rents from holding office). We characterize dynamic evolution of governments and determine the structure of stable governments, which arise and persist in equilibrium. Perfect democracy, where current members of the government do not have an incumbency ad\-antage or special powers, always leads to the emergence of the most competent government. However, any deviation from perfect democracy destroys this result. There is always at least one other, less competent government that is also stable and can persist forever, and even the least competent government can persist forever in office. Moreover, a greater degree of democracy may lead to worse governments. In contrast, in the presence of stochastic shocks or changes in the environment, greater democracy corresponds to greater flexibility and increases the probability that high competence governments will come to power. This result suggests that a particular advantage of democratic regimes may be their greater adaptability to changes rather than their performance under given conditions. Finally, we show that, in the presence of stochastic shocks, "royalty-like" dictatorships may be more successful than "junta-like" dictatorships, because they might also be more adaptable to change. . Keywords: institutional flexibility, quality of governance, political economy, political transitions, voting. JEL Classification: D71, D74, C71. "Daron Acemoglu gratefully acknowledges financial support from the National Science Foundation. participants at California Institute of Technology Political Economy Seminar, in Moscow, NBER summer institute in Cambridge, Third and University of Chicago theory seminar for helpful comments. conference Frontiers of Political Game Theory World Congress in We thank Economics Evanston, Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/politicalselectiOOacem 1 A Introduction central role of (successful) political institutions competent, motivated) politicians. to ensure the selection of the right (honest, is Beslej- (2005, p. 43), for emphasize the importance of the selection of politicians "The aim of every men who good of political Constitution, possess most society: and wisdom to discern, example, quotes James Madison, to for the success of a society: or ought to be, is and most virtue in the next place, to take the most to obtain for rulers first to pursue, the common effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous whilst they continue to hold their public trust." Equally important, but ability to deal less often stressed, is the "flexibihty" of institutions, meaning their with shocks and changing situations, government and changing the characteristics of those environment.^ In this paper, example by adapting the nature of the for in power in response to we construct a simple dynamic model to highlight the potential sources of inefficiency in the selection of features of political processes that create "institutional The "government" may be is made up a government, etc.). determining the collective Each utility flexibilitj'" of changes in the government formation governments and to identify .' of a subset of the citizens (e.g., each three-player (potential) it government has a provides to citizens (e.g., different level of group competence, the level of public goods). Each individual also receives rents from being part of the government (additional income, utiUty of office, or rents from corruption). "votes" from the citizens New governments are put in place by a combination of and "consent" from current government members. necessary consent of current government members is The extent of a measure of the "degree of democracy". For example, a perfect democracy can be thought of as a situation in which current incumbents have no special power and no such consent is necessary. Many political institutions, in contrast, provide additional decision-making or blocking power to current government members. instance, in in many power harder Cox and Katz, democracies, various sources of incumbency advantage to oust than instituting it anew would have been had 1996, for a discussion of such 'For instance, the skills it incumbency advantage make the government been out of power in For (e.g., mature democracies). necessary for successful wartime politicians and governments are very difTerent from management of the economy during peacetime, as Winston Churchill's political career. "Even though we model changes in the underlying environment and the competences those that are useful for the successful illustrated perhaps most clearly by of different governments from deterministic changes in the nature of the economy. For example, authoritarian regimes such as the rule of General Park in South Korea or Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore may be beneficial or less damaging during the early stages of development, while a different style of government, with greater participation, may be necessary as the economy develops and becomes more complex. Aceraoglu, Aghion and Zilibotti (2006) suggest that "appropriate" institutions may be a function of the distance of an economy to the world technology frontier, and Aghion, Alesina and Trebbi (2009) provide empirical evidence consistent with this pattern. as resulting from stochastic shocks, in practice these may also result members In nondemocratic societies, this advantage of current government is more pronounced, even palpable: only new governments that include some members of pre-\aous governments might be feasible (as, unfortunately, illustrated degree of incumbency advantage is by the recent events in Zimbabwe While the or Iran). not the only characteristic of democracy, focusing on this specific metric allows a simple parameterization of different regimes, ranging from personalistic dictatorship to representative democracy, and thus leads to informative comparisons between these regimes both in stochastic and nonstochastic environments. The contribution of our paper first to provide a general is and tractable framework for the study of such dynamic political selection issues and to provide a detailed characterization of the structure (and efficiency) of the selection of politicians under different political institutions. Perfect democracies always ensure the emergence of the best (most competent) government. In contrast, under any other arrangement, incompetent and bad governments can emerge and persist despite the absence of information-related challenges to selecting ample, e-\^en good a small departiire from perfect democracy, whereb)' only one politicians. For ex- member of the current government needs to consent to a new government, may make the worst possible government persist fore\'er. The intuitive explanation for wh}' even a small degree of incumbenc}' might lead to such outcomes is as follows: improvements away from a bad government might lead to another potential government that way for a further common members have any any of the it round of changes. If this with the even the worst) unstable and will open the process ultimately leads to a government that does not initial government members. In initial is itself (or advantage government, then this case, the initial it may fail to get the support of government survives even though has a low, or even possibly the lowest, level of competence. This result provides a potential explanation for why many power in Iran. Russia, in the government autocratic or semi-autocratic regimes, including those currently in Venezuela and Zimbabwe, resist the inclusion of "competent technocrats" —because they are afraid that these technocrats can of further reform, ultimately unseating even the is democracy (and dictatorships). Any in the long run. show no This result clear-cut relationship is in political selection of these different regimes may that, lead to better governments consistent with the empirical findings in the literature that between democracy and economic performance dictatorships, the is no obvious ranking among different shades of imperfect and Limongi, 1997, Barro, 1997, Minier, and extreme become supporters most powerful current incumbents.^ Another important implication of these dynamic interactions beyond perfect democracy, there later 1999). (e.g., Przeworski In fact, both mider imperfect democracies competence of the equilibrium government and the success of For example, on Iranian politics and resistance to the inclusion of technocrats during Khomeini's reign, see Meneishri (2001), and more recently under Ahmadinejad's presidency, see Alfoneh (2008). On Russian politics under Vladimir Putin, see Baker and Glasser (2007). On Zimbabwe under Mugabe, see Meredith (2007). the society depend strongly on the identity of the initial consistent with the emphasis in the recent pohtical science may that leaders Olken, 2004, and play under weak institutions who show this does not (see, for members of the government. and economics literatures This is on the role example, Brooker, 2000, or Jones and that the death of an autocrat leads to a significant change in growth, happen with democratic Our second contribution leaders). relates to the study of institutional fiexibilit}'. For this purpose, we enrich the above-mentioned framework with shocks that change the competences of different types of governments (thus capturing potential changes in the needs of the society for different types of of skills and expertise). dynamic games is Although the systematic and tractable challenging, we provide analj'sis of this class a characterization of the structure of equilibria Using this characterization, we show how the quahty (competence level) of governments evolves in the presence of stochastic shocks and when how of stochastic shocks are sufficiently infrequent. this evolution impacted by pohtical is institutions. While, without shocks, a greater degree democracy (beyond perfect democracy) does not necessarily guarantee a better government, the pattern that emerges when we turn to institutional flexibility different. In particular, is our anah'sis shows that a greater degree of democracy leads to better outcomes in the long run; in particular, this is it increases the probabihty that the best government will be in power. Intuitively, because a greater degree of democracy enables greater adaptability to changes en\dronment (which alter the relative ranking of therefore formalizes the notion that a shghtl}' more technical governments more democratic level, this result reflects in in the terms of quahty). This result institutions ensure greater flexibility."* the fact that when At the degree of democracy is high, there are "relatively few" other stable governments near a stable government, so a shock that destabilizes the current government likely leads to a big Finally, we also show that jump in competence. nondemocratic regimes, in the presence of shocks, "royalty-like" where some individuals must always be in the government, may lead to better long-run outcomes than "junta-like" regimes, where a subset of the current members of the junta can block change (even though no speciflc member is essential). The royalty-like regimes greater adaptation to change because one (or more) of the members might sometimes allow of the initial government is secure in her position. In contrast, as discussed above, without such security the fear of further changes might block We now 'The illustrate all competence-increasing reforms in government. some of the basic ideas with a simple example. stochastic analysis also shows that may sometimes random shocks to the identity of the members of the government lead to better governments in the long run because they destroy stable incompetent governments. "History suggests that four main methods of selection to political office are available: drawing lots, heredity, the use of force and voting." Our model suggests why, somewhat paradoxically, drawing lots, which was used in Ancient Greece, might sometimes lead to better long-run outcomes than the alternatives. Besley (2005) writes: Example > Suppose that the society consists of n 1 A individuals could form a government. change there is that any /c = 3 govermnent requires both the support of in the majority of the population and the consent of Assume 6 of individuals. = / 1 member of the government, so that an imperfect democracy, with a "minimal" degree of incumbency advantage. Suppose that individual j has a level of competence jj, and order the individuals, without loss of any > generaUty, in descending order according to their competence, so 71 competence of a government sum the is of the 72 > > ... The 7„. competences of its three members. Each individual obtains utility from the competence level of the government and also a large rent from being in competence government. ofRce, so that each prefers to be Suppose have a sufficiently high discount factor, so that the future matters also that individuals in office regardless of the level of the relative to the present. It is straightforward to determine the stable governments that will persist and remain in power once formed. Evidently, {1,2,3} a stable government, since is members of competence, so neither a majority of outsiders nor to initiate a change (some outsiders would prefer government and from the {1, 2, i, j} , {i, 2, j}, who would be rest of the population, {4,5,6}. This = is also a stable and {i, j, 3} are unstable (for i,j government must or {i,j, 3}. result in 5, like and 6 > 3), which all exclude them. of the initial of the of of government starts with the government the lowest competence government a whole. This is because any change in one of the following three forms: {l,i,j}, {i,2,j}, of these types of governments are unstable. more competent governments members for the society as it is member more competent government. and suppose that the society anew government But we know that any of the members 6 willing to see a government, even though and thus the worst possible option initial to initiate a change: for example, 4, 3} will receive support from both one current Consider next the case where n the government would starting with these governments, there will necessarily be a change. In particular, in each of these cases, of the has the highest level but they do not have the power to enforce such a change). In {4, 5, 6}, contrast, governments of the form {1, means that may want of the it will ultimately Therefore, any take us to (1. 2,3}, which does not include government. Since individuals are relatively patient, none of government would support (consent As a consequence, the initial change that to) a will ultimately worst government persists forever. Returning to our discussion of the unwillingness of certain governments to include skilled technocrats, this example shows why such a technocrat, for exarnple individual 1, will not government {4,5,6}, even though he would potentially increase the qualit}' be included in the and competence of the government substantially. One can this case also verify easily that {4,5.6} is any change requires the support of all also a stable three government when members of government / = 3, and none since in of them to a change. Therefore, a greater degree of democracjr (lower would consent better outcomes in the long run. In contrast, under so the lower degree of Now consider the democracy can improve the same environment = {4,5,6} 2, qualit)' of the is does not guarantee not a stable government, government. as above, but with potential changes in the of the agents. For example, individual 4 comes the third most competent agent I I) may (i.e., an increase see in his competences competence, so that he be- 74 G (73,72))- Suppose that shocks are sufficiently infrequent so that stability of governments in periods without shocks is given by the same reason- ing as for the nonstochastic case. Consider the situation starting with the government {4, 5, 6} and / = 1. Then, this government will remain power in until the shock occurs. Nevertheless, the equilibrium government will eventually converge to {1,2,3}; at some point a shock will change the relative competences of agents 3 and 4, and the go^'ermxlent {4, 5, 6} would become unstable, because now individual 4 would support the emergence of the government {1,2,4}, wliich has the highest competence. In contrast, when I = 3, now the ruhng government will remain in power even after the shock. This simple example thus illustrates how, even though a greater degree of democracy does not ensure better outcomes in nonstochastic environments, it may provide on political greater flexibility and hence better long-run outcomes in the presence of shocks. Our paper economy is related to several different literatures. While much of the literature focuses on the role of political institutions in providing (or failing to provide) the right incentives to politicians (see, among others, Barro, 1973, Ferejohn, 1986, Besley and Case, 1995, Persson, Roland and Tabellini, 1997, Niskanen, 1971, Shleifer and Vishny, 1993, Acemoglu, Robinson and Verdier, 2004, Padro-i-Miquel, 2007), there investigating the selection of politicians, most notably. are not observed by voters or outside is parties. also a small (but growing) literature Banks and Sundaram The main Keane, and Merlo (2005), and Besley (2005). design of political institutions in these papers is (1998), Diermeier, challenge facing the society and the that the ability and motivations of politicians Wliile such information-related selection issues are undoubtedly important, our paper focuses on the difficulties in ensuring that the "right" government is selected even these literatures, when information we emphasize the importance is perfect and common. Also differently from of institutional flexibihty in the face of shocks. Besley and Coate (1997, 1998), Osborne and Slivinski (1996), Bueno de Mesquita et (2003), CaselU and Morelli (2004), Messner and Polborn (2004), Mattozzi and Besley and Kudamatsu (2009) provide alternative and complementary ernments/politicians". For example, Bueno de Mesquita et al. al. and Merlo (2006), "theories of bad gov- (2003) emphasize the composition of the "selectorate," the group of players that can select governments, as an important factor in leading to inefficient governments and policies. CaseUi and Morelli (2004) suggest that voters might be unwilling to replace the corrupt incumbent by a challenger whom they expect to be equally corrupt. Mattozzi and Merlo (2006) argue that opportunity costs of entering politics. Also notable is more competent politicians have higher the recent work by Besley and Kudamatsu which (2009), which relates the success of autocratic regimes to their ability to select politicians, is in turn related to the composition of the "selectorate" (as defined by Bueno de Mesquita 2003). However, these papers do not develop the potential persistence in bad governments et al., result- ing from dynamics of government formation and do not focus on the importance of institutional We fiexibilit}'. are also not aware of other papers providing a comparison of different political regimes in terms of the selection of politicians under nonstochastic and stochastic conditions. McKelvey and Reizman (1992) suggest that seniority rules in the Senate create an endogenous incumbency advantage, and current incentive to introduce such seniority rules. Our members of these bodies will have an results are also related to recent persistence of bad governments and inefficient institutions, including (2008), Acemoglu, Ticchi, More and the House work on the Acemoglu and Robinson and Vindigni (2007), and Egorov and Sonin (2004). work are closely related to our prior analyses of dynamic political equilibria in the context of club formation as in Roberts (1991) and Barbera, Maschler, and Shalev (2001), as well as dynamic analyses of choice Acemoglu and Robinson and Lagunoff framework paper is a for (2006). Our (2006), political institutions as in Barbera and Jackson (2004), Matthias and Polborn (2004), recent work, Acemoglu, Egorov, and Sonin (2008), provides a general the analysis of the dynamics of constitutions, coahtions and clubs. The current from our previous work in a number continuation of this hne of research. of important dimensions. It differs on the substantive questions concerning the First, the focus here is relationship between different political institutions ments, which and equilibrium of constitutions is new, relatively unexplored, and and the selection of politicians our view) important. (in and govern- Second, this paper extends our previous work by allowing for stochastic shocks and enables us to investigate issues of institutional flexibility. Third, results cannot The it involves for a structure of preferences for which our previous be directly applied.^ rest of the paper is " ' • organized as follows. - Section 2 introduces the model. Section 3 introduces the concept of (Markov) political equilibrium, which allows a general and tractable characterization of equilibria in tliis comparison of different regimes in 5 extends the analysis to allow class of games. Section 4 provides our main results on the terms of selection of governments and politicians. for stochastic changes in the Section competences of the members of the society and presents a comparison of different regimes in the presence of stochastic shocks. "Acemoglu (2008) channel also emphasizes the potential benefits of democracy — because the alternative, oligarchy, creates entry barriers and in the long run, but through a different sclerosis. ""In particular, the results in Acemoglu, Egorov and Sonin (2008) apply under a set of acyclicity conditions. Such acyclicity does not hold in the current paper (see Appendix B). This makes the general characterization of the structure of equilibria both more challenging and of some methodological interest. Appendix Section 6 concludes. while Appendix B A contains of the proofs of the results stated in the text, all considers an extensive-form game with procedures, and shows the equivalence between the and voting explicitly specified proposal Markov perfect equilibria of this game and the (simpler) notion of pohtical equilibrium used in the text. Model 2 We consider a dynamic represented by the set X as coalitions ^ C C game J and in discrete time indexed by n < oo individuals. consists of and denote the set of coalitions size greater than k = maxGsg G € Q, \G\ < /cj and \G\, so k is k. It is less is bound for is We refer to 1. is non-empty subsets of also designate a subset of coalitions some integer /c2. or fco) all groups of individuals of To simpUfy the < discussion, we i.e., define for any n/2. ruled by one of the feasible governments G* € Q. given as part of the description of the game and G^ in equilibrium as a result of the political process described below. any date The population 0,1,2 the size of any feasible goverrmient: natural to presume that k In each period, the society government G^ (for /cq than some other integer the upper We C. = For example, the set of feasible governments could as the set of feasible governments. consist of aU groups of individuals of size by i for i > is The government The initial determined in power at affects three aspects of the society: It influences collective utilities (for example, by providing public goods or influencing how competently the government functions). 2. It determines individual utilities because of rents of being in 3. It (members of the government may receive additional utility office or corruption). indirectly influences the future evolution of governments by shaping the distribution of pohtical power in the society (for example, by creating incumbency advantage in democracies or providing greater decision-making ernment under alternative pohtical We now describe each is modeled via its of these in turn. power or veto as members of the gov- institutions). The influence of the government on coUective utilities competence. In particular, at each date designating the competence of each feasible government r^ € E rights to t, G there exists a function G G (at that date). We refer to government G's competence, with the convention that higher values correspond to greater competence. In Section 4, we will assume that each individual has a certain 7 level of competence or ability, members. For now, r* and the competence assumption this additional depends on time. This generality particular, changes in the relative government of a is a function of the abihties of Note not necessary. is also that the function introduced to allow for changes in the en^dronment (in is competences of different individuals and governments). in power herself in the government. More Individual utilities are determined by the competence of the government that and by whether the individual at that date specifically, each individual £ i X /3 £ in question is by = E5^;:^;3('-M, the discount factor and u^ (0, 1) is is at time r has discounted (expected) utility given t/f where is (1) individual's stage payoff, given by uH^^(G^^*GO=^«.(G'), where this in the throughout unless special emphasis Assumption 1. (2) second equality we suppress dependence on F^, to simplify notation; we assumptions on for each The function Wi satisfies the following properties: T and any G.H G wi{H). (E Q such F^ > F^; that E i if G or i ^ H then Wi [G) , • ; „. 2.foranyG,HeGandanyieG\H,Wi{G)>Wi{H). equal, 1 of this assumption is The same G is give higher stage payoff. and H, and conclusion also holds governments or when she only a when latter. to a member more competent one G is of in G is : is a this conflict of interest payoffs from governments that include competence levels of the member member is prefers of either of these two Therefore, this part of the less competent of the former, but not of the income from interesting interactions in our assumption strengthens the always present; that is, We when first part individuals receive higher them than from those that exclude them two governments). else an individual office or additional The all individuals prefer to be in the government even this does not benefit the rest of the society. Part 2 of the and imposes that if which an individual may prefer a being in government due to higher salaries or corruption. of the not a This simply captures the presence of rents from holding setup result from the "conflict of interest" imphes that In particular, (and not of H). when she is It : more competent than H, then she the individual assumption implies that the only situation government ;- a relatively mild restriction on payoffs. more competent governments belongs to both governments G. > . ; , Part do Throughout, we impose the following necessary. is will if,;. 1 i its impose both parts of this (regardless assumption throughout. important to note that Assumption It is of the government, care about a one-dimensional 1 imphes that voters, all government competence; who are not part this featm-e simplifies the analysis considerably. Nevertheless, the tractability of our framework makes it possible to enrich this en\'ironment by allowing other sources of disagreement or conflict of interest and we return to voters, We this issue in the Conclusion. next provide an example that makes some of these notions slightly more concrete. Example produced 2 Suppose that the competence of government G, Fq, economy under in the Uj- : ^R from public good being in 1 to of is a strictly increasing function (for each for individual and ly office, Assumption 1. is In addition, if 6,; be a member of the government, even Finally, the ever consent of if this (for each G for each z, i froiri e X, then (3) satisfies part then each individual prefers government has a very low some current government members necessary for change. is and government members) who can, government by specifying the G > obtains level of competence, power influences the determination of future go^^ernments when- in of indi\'iduals (regular citizens government A'. If 6, i also satisfied. 1 is government G J) corresponding to the utility i sufHciently large for each is good of public (3) a measure of the rents that individual is 6, the indicator of event thus part 2 of Assumption in i, amount = vaTG) + b,l^^eG], w^[G) R the is government G, and feasible ': where among winning set of G G). This coalitions^ We represent the set collect! veh', VVc which is induce a change a function of current an economical way of summarizing the relevant infor- is mation, since the set of winning coalitions precisely the subsets of the society that are able to is We force (or to block) a change in government. only impose a minimal amount of structure on the set of winning coalitions. Assumption 2 For any feasible government Wg = {X e C : maximal The size of the restrictions government and n imposed in government can be instituted {ruG total votes) and government if it is < , V\)g ?s given by Ig < \G\ < k G| > Ig) , < niG < n — 2 are intuitive. In particular, receives a sufficient receives support {Ig of the current Q k (recall that k is the the size of the society). Assumption if it a > mc and \X H \X\ where Ig and tug are integers satisfying G number they state that a new of votes from the entire society from some subset of the members of the current government members need to support such a change). This definition allows Ig to be any 2 that is it and One |G|. special feature of Assumption does not relate the number of veto players in the current government, Ic, to the nmnber total number between who wish of individuals in the society to change the government, mo- This aspect we return of Assumption 2 can be relaxed without affecting our general characterization; to a discussion of this issue in the Conclusion. Given current this notation, the case members where Iq = should be thought of as perfect democracy, where and the case where of the government have no special power, extreme dictatorship, where unanimity among government members Between these extremes are imperfect democracies may arise either because there is some form (or less strict of (strong or weak) is Ig = \G\ as necessary for any change. forms of dictatorships), which incumbency advantage in democ- racy or because current government (junta) members are able to block the introduction of a new- government. Note also that we imposed some mild assumptions on niG- In particular, k individuals is insufficient for a change to take place. This ensures that a cannot take power without any support from other individuals mum TTT-G size of the < n— government, so the < n/2 and mc = [{n among them. + 1) /2J In addition to Assumptions which ensures that the notation and different is (i.e., 1 majority Assumption 3 For any 2, we also > £ Q). we of the levels and any G, different competences. This assumption simplifies would restore H when impose the following genericity assumption, <E Q such it were not satisfied for a society, it. that Political Equilibria in Nonstochastic In this section, G i members rule).'^ loss of generality, since if any small perturbation of competence 3 government must have no more than k members), and governments have without much government For example, these requirements are naturally met and than denotes the maxi- k individuals are sufficient to implement a change provided that Ig current government are k rival (recall that k rival less G ^ H F^ ^ , Fj^. Environments focus on nonstochastic environments, where F' = F (or F^ = Tg for all For these environments, we introduce our equilibrium concept, (Markov) political equilibrium, and show that equilibria have a simple recursive characterization.^ the more general stochastic environments in Section Recall also that [x\ denotes the integer part of a real We return to 5. number x. Throughout, we refer to this equilibrium concept as "political equilibrium'' or simply as "equilibrium". do not use the acronym MPE, which will be used for Markov perfect equilibrium in Appendix B. 10 We Political Equilibrium 3.1 Our equilibrium concept, (Markov) new government current go\'ernment to a and coalition will take place; The equiUbrium). from the onl)' transitions that maximize the discounted utility of a winning no such transition if imposes that political equilibrium, government exists, the current "Markov" qualifier added since be stable will this definition im- (i.e., it will persist in plicitly imposes that transitions from the current to a new government depend on the current government —not on the entire To introduce (j) ^ G : would emerge in period each indi\'idual J G i + t G government Given we can cf), in (G\(P)= G from + w, (G) BVi & G, individual i let us first define the transition rule power at time t to the government that write the discounted utility implied by (1) for G starting from current government V, Intuitivel}', starting feasible 1.^ - concept more formally, this equilibrium which maps each G, — history. is (G) i4> for all 4>) ! J e G G recursively as G Vj {G given cb), \ e G. bj' (4) receives a current payoff of u'j Then (G). (p (uniquely) determines next period's government 4){G), and thus the continuation value of this individual, discounted to the current period, A government G is any (possibly for if Ha = He then Ha = Hb = (4), if infinite) (ji C G chain Hi, H2, if Given mapping stable given {4>{G) is (3Vi 4>). \ = (G) G. In addition, we say that such that i^fc+i € {Hj^), <p (p acyclic is and any a < b < c, He- the next definition introduces the notion of a political equilibrium, which will be represented by the mapping d provided that two conditions are met. Definition G G G, 1 A mapping (p —^ G : constitutes a (Markov) political equilibrium if for G the following two conditions are satisfied: who prefer 4>{G) either the set of players (i) winning coalition, 5 = i.e., £ {i X : Vj {4>{G) \ and !5 n G| > (ii) . tion to {iGl: Wg any there Ic); or else, is and (p{G) V, no (H\(P)> cp = (G) to staying V, [^ (alternatively, for (G) I in terms of discounted (in > Vi{G 4>) G (p)} \ Wq, forms a utility) (or equivalently \S\ > mo G; H government alternative G to G ^)} G any alternative G G permanently, Wg H , and S'Ij that there i.e., = either \S'^\ {i preferred is G I < mc- : is V, or {H \S'fj no \ D <P) G\ both H such > w, (G) / < Ic, or a to that (1 transiS'^q - \S'lf\ /?)} = G < mo, or\S'lfnG\<lc). "in principle, (p could be set-valued, mapping from Q into V (Q) (the power set of G), but our analysis be3, its image is always a singleton (i.e., it is a "function" rather than a low shows that, thanks to Assumption "correspondence," and also by implication, it is uniquely defined). 11 We impose this feature to simplify the notation. This definition states that a mapping equihbrium") maps the if it to alternative (G) that (unless 4> members not to be blocked). Note that in part (so as S= as not a winning coalition, then (G) cp {i £ I = G Vi{(l) : (G) \ > cf)) and thus Vi{G \ Wi (G) / = 4>) to (p G (G) and to stajdng in number H H that stage a move We is to members. The preferred to a transition to H can be blocked. is section. possible disadvantage transitions are is made and latter condition is The advantage that G (G) but not to staying in (j) of this definition is does not explicitly specify it for since this set , if Part P)- (ii) of that would have been a 1 and a if forever, sufficient there exists a then at each as a primitive Markov how offers for different MPE it simple and economical. it is '^ types of Appendix B, we In and when transitions can perfect equilibria high discount factors, and use that the exact sequences of events at each stage. show that (1 S could ^"^ take place exphcitly, and characterize the We — imposed, since specify the sequences in which offers are made, voting takes place, environment. /?) } the set preferred both to a transition take the definition of political equilibrium given in Definition and the next in this H that there should be no is, (i), forever by a sufficient majority of the population of current government subset A transition; that — (1 Wi (G) / the definition requires that there does not exist another alternative "more preferable" coincides it G by a sufRcient majority of the population and a sufficient number have alternatively been written is G current government with G) must be preferred to of current government constitutes a pohtical equilibrium ("is a political cf) (MPE) extended of this coincide with our definition of pohtical equilibria. Genercd Characterization 3.2 We now prove the existence and provide a characterization of political equilibria. a recursive characterization of the mapping elements of the set Q as {Gi, G2, enumeration, Gi is described in Definition 4> Gigj} such that Tq^ ..., Now, suppose that for some q > 3, this 1, enumeration we have defined Mg = {j:l<j<q,{iel:w, (G,) in (4), ' this set depends simply on stage payoffs which are "endogenous" objects. This The explicit > game form in Appendix B set cp is well defined for all w^ (G,)} G in (2), not with is y. With this the least competent and unique. Gj with Wg,, and start Let us enumerate the > ^Gy whenever x < the most competent ("best") government, while Gigi government. In view of Assumption Note that 1. We j < Define the set q. (G,) = G,} on the discounted (5) . utilities defined can thus be computed easily from the primitives clarifies this further. "'In this regard, our equilibrium concept is similar to the concept of (1999). 12 Markov voting equilibrium in Roberts of the model each (for Given q). mapping this set, let the '' rhtr \ / '^9 t '^mm{je.M,} • Since the set .Mg valued. well defined, the is Theorems and 1 2 next mapping show be ifMq = 0; yWg fe3. II fi also well defined, 4> is •, and by construction it is that, for sufficiently high discount factors, this , single mapping constitutes the unique acyclic political equilibrium and that, under additional mild conditions, it is also the Theorem unique political equilibrium (even considering possible cyclic equilibria). 1 Suppose that Assumptions 1-3 hold and there exists /3q < let such that for any discount factor 1 j3 cp > : Q ^ Q be as defined in (6). 4> is the unique acyclic political j3q, Then equilibrium. Proof. See Appendix A. Let us now Recall that Gi, since Gi all illustrate the intuition for is the most competent members (from Assumption to G" some ) government. of the population that are not in move alternative to G' . may HoweA'er, G' of these may (p constitutes a political equilibrium. government G" E But G- Gi will prefer = Gj if itself, it to cp (Gi ) = any other G' G Q and it may we can apply eventuallj' this reasoning Next suppose we start applies. G' we must have not be a winning coalition in will in this case, power. The same argument apphes in that It is clear not persist instead of G', and thus the conclusion (i>[Gi) with government G2 One "best" mapping the Assumption 2 then ensures that there 1). i&voi of a permanent lead to ( why any one of G3, G4 is G\g\- eventually lead to Gi, thus for sufhciently high discount factors, a sufficient majority of the population may support a transition to such a G' in order to eventuaUy reach Gi. However, discounting also implies that in this case, a sufficient majority would also prefer a direct transition to Gi to this dynamic path (recall part choice for the society sufficiently many is between Gi and G2- In supporters, that coalition within G2, or is, more formally if this (ii) of Definition 1). So the relevant comparison, Gi will the set of individuals preferring be preferred Gi to Go is if it has a winning if {iGl:u',(Gi) >k;, (G2)} e Wgj. If this is the case, (b{G2) defined in (6) stipulates. = G\\ otherwise, d{G2) Now let Gi to G3.^' However, G2. This us start from government G3. the choice between Gi, G2, and G3. To prefers = move to Gj, whether the society it is exactly We suffices that a will transition to what the function 4) then only need to consider winning coahtion within G3 G2 depends on the stability some winning coalition also prefers G2 to G3, then Gi should still be chosen over G2, because only members Gj who do not belong to Gi prefer Go to Gi, and Assumption 2 ensures that those preferring Gi over G2 (starting in G3) also form a winning coalition. Then a transition to G2 is ruled out by part (ii) of Definition 1. '"If of 13 we may have a of G2. In particular, necessity, to (/> {G2) G3 move = Then a G\. to G2- In particular, there may coalition that prefers such a transition), even move is not a stable government, which, by G2 may be a permanent transition will lead to non-desirable for some of those who winning coalition in Gs that prefers to stay exist a Gi (and rather than transitioning permanently to that would have preferred a permanent G2 transition to However, this sequence in the next period. Gi prefer to in impUes that situation in which as a consequence, there though there also exists a to G2. Writing this more no winning is winning coahtion in G3 explicitly, we may have that {iGT:u.',(G2)>u.,(G3)}e Wg3, but {ieI:Wi{Gi)>w,{Gi)}iWG,. If so, the transition from G3 to G2 may be blocked with the anticipation that it will lead to which does not receive the support of a winning coalition within G3. This reasoning Gi illustrates that for a transition to take place, not only should the target government be preferred to the current one by a winning coahtion (starting from the current government), but also that the target government should be "stable," will persist in 4>[G') = G' . This exactly the requirement in (6). is Theorem mapping (p and thus equilibrium (will be stable) if there does not exist another stable government In this light, the intuition for the G i.e., for 1 is that a government and the receiving support from a winning coalition (a sufficient majority of the population number required Theorem 1 of current states that members in (6) cp We not rule out cyclic equilibria. Example 11). is -, of government). ' ,, ' the unique acyclic political equilibrium. However, provide an example of a cyclic equilibrium in Appendix Cyclic equilibria are unintuitive and "fragile". We it B does (see next show that they can also be ruled out under a variety of relatively weak assumptions. The next theorem thus strengthens Theorem 1 so that (p in (6) is the unique political equilibrium (among both cyclic and acychc ones). Theorem light of 2 The mapping Theorem 1, any <f> defined in (6) = = For any G 2. For any G GQ. Ig>1- 3. For any collection of different feasible i , \G\ £ I, we have Wi the unique political equilibrium (and hence in the political equilibrium is acyclic) if 1. & Q is (i/i) k, Iq ^ \2_] I and tuq = any of m for som.e governments Hi, ^^ (-^p)) /?• 14 k, ... the following conditions holds: and m. I , Hq G Q (for q > 2) and for all > 4-9 e max{,gj where \g\, „„rf = B G,Hee; zeGnH} {w') rmu,^,^j ,„,^g,h^Q: i&G\H} (G) - u', {^dG) - w,{H)] and = e (iJ)}. Proof. See Appendix A. This theorem states four relatively mild conditions under which there are no cyclic equilibria making (thus size, /c, unique equihbrium). First, in (6) the same degree the number (p of incumbency advantage, of total votes for change, tti, then all and the same threshold /, must be equilibria member of the current two results implj' that there is government Example 3 and on preferences that also Finallj', it).^"^ does not care much about third part of the under a very mild assumption. In is a slight strengthening of did not hold, a small perturbation of if it In particular, this condition states that being in govermnent (greater than utility fi-om 6*) if and the composition of the rest of the government (the difference in her between any two governments including her acyclic. In The B). the fourth part of the theorem provides a condition rules out cyclic equilibria. each individual receives sufficiently high 4 political equilibria (meaning that also holds generically payoff functions would restore if Appendix 11 in the requirement on payoffs imposed in this part of the theorem Assumption be some governments, no incumbency advantage and either the degree of incumbency advantage or the vote theorem proves that there are no acyclic utility in (6) is the new government. These starting from if (p required we always need the consent for a transition to a cyclic equilibria are only possible threshold differs across governments (see fact, if for the and thus acyclic unique political equilibrium. Second, the same conclusion applies of at least one governments have the same feasible if all Appendix B, we show (Example neither of the four sufficient conditions in 11) is always how a Theorem less than e), then all equilibria cyclic political equilibrium is must possible 2 holds. Characterization of Nonstochcistic Transitions In this section, we compare ernments with high different political regimes in levels of competence. important interactions, we assume that where k < n/2. More formally, let — C^\ In addition, simplify the exposition and focus feasible governments have the same on the more size, fc G N, us define &' Then, Q all To terms of their abihty to select gov- = {Y eC: we assume \Y\ that for any = k]. G S C;, i^j = / g N and mo = m e N, so that the set of winning coalitions can be simply expressed as Wg = '"This requirement is exactly the {A' same eC:\X\>m as Assumption extensive form game. 15 and \X n G| > 3' we impose in /} (7) , Appendix B in the analysis of the where 0<l<k<m<n — k. This specification impUes that given n, corresponds to an inverse measure of democracy. and there is Assumption 2' We then 0, all (6) is of 1 government of the is = C^ given by Theorem and that there , individuals have equal weight if > / 0, necessary for a change, thus we have Assumption 2, exist integers m and I such that the set (7). 2' ensures that the acyclic political equilibrium we the unique equilibrium; naturally, the rest of the analysis. is / thus have strengthened Assumption 2 to the following. have that Q of winning coalitions In view of part members We an imperfect democracy. given by = I and m, the number no incumbency advantage, thus we have a perfect democracy. In contrast, the consent of some of the (f) If k, will focus on this equilibrium still mapping (p can be ranked according to their level of In addition, given this additional structure, the wTitten in a simpler form. Recall that governments are throughout competence, so that Gi denotes the most competent government. Then we have: Mq = {j:l<j< n \Gj q, > Gg\ I, and {Gj) - Gj} (8) , and, as before, iiMq = Gg '"' Gr^;„(iaM.\ 1 Naturally, the ,, mapping ,. this 0; ¥=0. us also define let V={Geg:cP[G)=G] governments (the fixed points of mapping government We now Ma again well defined and unique. Finally, .._ as the set of stable and is if will persist forever if the it is in^'estigate the structure of stable initial <^). If G G P, then government of the governments and how it we assume that Assumptions of the propositions to economize Our to first show that and 1, 2' highl)' incompetent/inefficient governments 1 The IfG^H £ V governments governments. stable, regardless of Proposition 1. this qualifiers to any 1). It then uses this result democracy ensures the emergence of the best (most competent) government, but any departure fi'om perfect democracy destro^'s initial Throughout on space. proposition provides an important technical result (part perfect G, changes as a function of and we do not add these 3 hold, = society. the underlying political institutions, in particular, the degree of democracy. section, (l){G) may I, have at most I their governments then — also shows that how low set of stable feasible and \G D H\ > It this result 1 G = H. extreme dictatorship makes competences V may all be. satisfies the following properties. hi other words, any two distinct stable common members. 16 and enables the emergence of 2. Suppose that = I so that the society 0, Then a perfect democracy. is V = In {Gj}. other words, starting from any initial government, the society will transition to the inost competent government. 3. Suppose > I 1, so that the society is an imperfect democracy or there are at least two stable governments, governments may 4- Suppose I = government \V\ i.e., > Moreover, the 2. Then a dictatorship. least competent be stable. k, so that the society is an extreme dictatorship. Then V— Q, so any feasible is stable. Proof. See Appendix A. Proposition 1 shows the fundamental contrast between perfect democracj', wliere there incumbency advantage, and other pohtical members "insiders" (current will necessarily exist at least With any emerge. With no which provide some additional power to institutions, of the government). is perfect democracy, the best government deviation from perfect democracy, there will necessarily one other stable government (by definition less competent than the best), even the worst government might be stable. The next example supplements Example 1 and from the Introduction by showing a richer environment in which the least competent government is stable. Example 3 Suppose n = 9, /c = 3, = / support from a simple majority of the government. Suppose Assume {1, 2, 3} includes as I = {1, 2, also that ^{^^^^2,^2] is 1 — . . . ^000 , 9}, — 1, and m= is is lOOii — 5 and 10*2 is 9 prefer the latter. more competent must include support from any of the members of {4,5,6}. — ''s (for zi < therefore stable. ?2 < Any of the current (3) in Example 2. This imphes that 'a)- other government that However, government {4,5,6} 1 or 2 or 3, and therefore means that any such Now, proceeding government other than {1,2,3} and {4,5,6} that contains unstable. member and that stage payoffs are given by or will immediately transit to {1,2,3}, which is change in government requires unstable. For example, the government {2,5,9} will transit to {1,2,3}, ah individuals except government that so that a including at least one societ)', the most competent government, and or 2 or 3 5, Consequently, government {7,8,9}, which is stable: any either {1,2,3} transition will not receive inductiveh', at least is is we find that any one individual 1,2,..., the least competent government, is stable. Proposition 1 establishes that with any regime other than perfect democracy, there will necessarily exist stable inefficient/incompetent governments 17 and these may in fact have quite low le^'els of competences. incompetent governments will when highly does not, howe\'er, provide a characterization of It be stable. We next provide a systematic answer to this question focusing on societies with large numbers of individuals (i.e., n Before doing large). we introduce an assumption that so, the third part of the next proposition and in later results. sometimes suppose that each individual will K+ and by 7j 6 abilities of its > Ij- e I members. This is be used what follows we more formally stated a strictly increasing function of the is in the next assumption. G G, and individuals i.j £ I are such that E G, j ^ G, and i Then Tq > ^ {G\{i])u{j] The canonical form of the competence function consistent with Assumption 4 is ra = E,,^7. though for most of our Assumption 4 This ranking is analysis, 7,; is strict, > 7 whenever The next k and I), we do not need useful because since i < it to (10) impose this specific functional form. enables us to rank individuals in terms of their "abilities" Assumptions 3 and 4 together imply that WTien we impose Assumption that in has a level of ability (or competence) given that the competence of the government Assumption 4 Suppose G li i In particular, in will 4, we also 7^ ^ 7, whenever enumerate individuals according to their i i^ j. abilities, so j- proposition shows that for societies above a certain threshold of size (as a function of there always exist stable governments that contain no and no member of any group of certain prespecified sizes (thus, member of the ideal government no member of groups that would generate a range of potentially high competence governments). Then, under Assumption 4, it extends this result, providing a bound on the percentile of the ability distribution such that there exist stable governments that do not include any individuals with competences above this percentile. Proposition 2 Suppose 1. I > (and as 1 before, that Assumptions If G g D that contains no ernment Gi Take any x 2' , and 3 hold). ^ then there exists a stable government 2. 1, eN. ^ ' If . 18 members of the ideal gov- X with \X\ < no member of set X then for any set of individuals such that XnG= (so x, there exists a stable G G T> belongs to G). Suppose in addition that Assumption 4 holds and 3. government let ' ' 1 I Then there exists a stable government + G €. (13) ik-iy. (k I) (,_jji(j._,). does not include any of the [pn\ highest T^ that ability individuals. Pi'oof. See Appendix A. Let us provide the intuition for part 2 members G imphes that and therefore as implied of is stable, that H nGi by (9). G Gi (such exists, since G is, n > 2/c when I — RecaU that Gi I. by assumption). In this e V. The reason is that if cp (G) = Intuitively, if Z = 1, H ^ G, member will stable, thus there are Example as in G will take us to but it no threats that further rounds of transitions in the Introduction, 1 G itself an unstable government. becomes the do not Th > Fc, = Gi, member consent to (support) a transition to Gi, which will also receive the support of the population at large. She can do is then then once the cm-rent government contains a this is case, Proposition contains at least one element by construction of G. But then d [H) most competent government Gi, of the of Proposition 2 G be the most competent government among those that most competent government. Let include 1 stable, harm will so, because Gi her. But then, because any reform away from Part 2 of the proposition has a similar intuition, states the stronger result that one can choose any subset of the society with size not exceeding the threshold defined in (12) such that there exist stable governments that do not include any member governments).^^ of this subset (which 1; it shows that there its maximum and exist stable at / 2 of this proposition and = k/2, 2 under Assumption 4, and 4 of Proposition also parts 3 governments that do not include a certain fraction of the Interestingly, this fraction, given in (13), highest abihty individuals. reaching 1 taken to include several of the most competent which follows immediately from part Finally, part 3, further strengthens both parts may be i.e., for non-monotonic is in /, an "intermediate democracy". This partly anticipates the results pertaining to the relative successes of different regimes in selecting more competent governments, which we discuss in the next proposition. We next turn to a more systematic discussion of this question, that with a greater degree of democracy "perform better". For sumption 4 holds. The next example, which ^''Note that the upper bound on A' in is similar to Part 2 of Proposition 2 tliis Example is analysis, 1 we suppose that As- from the Introduction, shows 0(x), meaning that increasing x does not require an exponential increase in the size of population n for Proposition 2 to hold. 19 of whether societies is, same government, the long-run equihbrium government may be worse that, starting with the when Example = {{4,5,6}) competent than under I = 9, = / = /c we 3, there, are not in a perfect democracy). Z = Note that either fc = if or 1 / = = /c and suppose 5), is unstable, is is more an example where the long-run equilibrium government is worse = / democratic" 2 (with "less would be stable again. 6} the structure of stable governments (Note that in this proposition, and examples that follow, in the relatively straightforward. is denote the indices of a, 6 or c individuals, with our ranking that lower-ranked individuals have higher ability; thus 7^ whenever a < If k G 2. = = and I when a I = and 2, = 1 is I I = I Assumptions = (perfect democracy), in which case k (extreme dictatorship), in which case = (perfect democracy), then even and 6 [G] is odd and any G £ Q. 6 = = {a a , a-fl. If k = Proposition 3, governments that if G— (p 1} 2 and I = . . is will — added to the I, > To- However, a} or initial these three cases, (f) (G) G (G) {1} for any G e Q. = =G {a if — 2 a} I, and only — G for v : - = £ Q. If k 2 (extreme dictatorship), then (j){G) be further exploited in the next section. — 2 with rare exceptions, the quality of the {a we have (p = for any for any odd; in particular, and / = 1, initial initial government 1}, so that at best is government. This means that, will improve to some degree, G= i.e., < b, the next highest ability individual is this increase is'generally limited; 0(G) — {a,a+ In the case of an iinperfect the competence of the stable government determined by the more able of the two members of the = b, {Gi] though simple, provides an important insight about the structure of stable democrac}', highlighted here with k typically r^(Q) =G {1. 2} < = {G) (j) [G) 4> = Gi = (G) {a, b) with a when a -t- Proof. See Appendix A. (p{G) 7;, 3 and 4 hold. 2' , 1. (imperfect democracy), then a if that then either I. G Q, or If k > b.) Proposition 3 Suppose 1. and stable, Since {1,4,5} 3, {4, 5, 2, = 2 instead. In that case, {4,5,6} {1,4,5}; thus there will be a transition to {1,4,5}. {4, 5, 6}, this is m and 1, government {4,5,6} (with "more democratic" institutions) than under 1 institutions). When = As we showed {4,5,6}. is Suppose, however, that will therefore persist. (j) (as long as 4 Take the setup from Example 3 (n that the initial government and more democratic poUtical institutions are when {a,b} with a government instead of the lower abihty member. Therefore, summarizing we can say that with a an extreme dictatorship, there will perfect democracy, the best government will arise; with be no improvement in the initial governxnent; and with an imperfect democracy, there will be some Umited improvements in the qualit}' of the government. 20 W'Tien > fc the structure of stable governments 3, more complex, though we can is still de- velop a number of results and insights about the structure of such governments. Naturally, the extremes with ward. If = / = / and the 1 democracy) and (perfect initial government members ranked above a — that Therefore, again with ment G= fact, d a <?C {a, b, always a is 6, where a < c}, member when < b c, (p (G) — 1 c, of the stable then we can show government 0(G), government of the stable G; instead 7^ In this case, 2. when = I {a, 6, d}, 2 allows the initial initial where d < in the where in the case (G)}^ cp govern- can be shown that it improvement government (contrasting with the incremental improvements speaking, the presence of two veto players = (G) (p possible. This implies a potentially very large is < b only incremental improvements in the quality of the 1, where a + c}, {a, become members This ceases to be the case are possible. whenever = / of G, a, (extreme dictatorship) are again straightfor- 3 G= is 2 will never and the most competent member = / and in quahty of the = / c 1). Loosely government to import very high ability individuals without compromising stability. The next example illustrates this feature, which at the root of the result highlighted in is Example whereby greater democracy 4, can lead to worse stable go\'ernments. Example 5 Suppose meaning that the Then of ability. the tliird = /c member take the case where first = / = (G) {100, 101. 102}, that now Suppose instead that / = 2. in terms there will be improvements in the quahtj' of is, member (and second highest ability member). More generally, recall that only very limited improvements in the quality of the highest ability that {100, 101, 220}, of the government, but not in the quality of the highest ability in this case, neither in the quality of the in this case. G= Suppose 1. government consists of individuals ranked 100, 101, and 220 initial (pi-i and 3, Then it can be shown that member are possible 4)1^2 (G^) =" i^-' ^OO- 10^}) so the stable government includes the most able individual in the society. Naturally if the gaps in ability at the top of the distribution are larger, impljdng that highest ability individuals ha\'e a disproportionate effect on government competence, this feature becomes particularly valuable. The following example extends the logic of Example under certain configurations, expected competence is 5 to any distribution higher under / = 2 than and shows how, I = 1 under any distribution over initial (feasible) governments. Example with is is support full '°More c 6 Suppose k (i.e., specifically, a multiple of a multiple of multiple of 3, 3. (p — government = a (any) probability distribution over initial governments fix with a positive probability of picking any Moreover, (G) and 3, (a — G = for {a, b, c), where any government 1, a, a + 1} if a + 1 a G — is < 6 < c, is a multiple of 3. 21 stable {a,b,c} with a 3, < and and only if b cp initial feasible < (G) c, = if (p(G) {a, a government). = 6 — 1 = c — 2, = {a — 2, a — 1, a} + 1, a + 2} if a + 2 a and if a is a Assume that of players ij, . . ,i„, . the (where g first q < a multiple of 3 and 3 is g < n — are "smart," while the rest are "incompetent," so that governments that include at least players ij, . . , . and also among 4>i-2 (G) (under at least one of the players / = 2) is greater than that of (G) (under (pi^i / = 1) . —both expectations intuitive in is the structure of stable governments under the two political regimes. In particular, one of . . , i^ can be showoi that the expected competence of the stable government it evaluated according to the probability distribution fbced at the outset. This at least ii, those that do not are small relative to the gap between the two groups of Then governments. one of have very high competence relative to governments that do not. Moreover, i^ will competence among governments that include differences in 3) ii, . . . so do (pi-i (G) ,iq, not include them either, whereas (pi-2 and But 4>i-2 {G)- if G view of G includes (f^i-i (G) will if does not, then are {G) will include one with positive probability, since the presence of two veto players will allow the incorporation of one of the "smart" players without destabiUzing the government. Fq Conversely, suppose that is very high if all its otherwise. In that case, the expected competence of I = 2. Indeed, of the players if is / = from 1, players are from {ii, (f> . . . {G) will be higher under I the society will end up with a competent government {ii, . , . . iq}, while if / = because there are 2, now two and very low ,iq], = than under 1 if at least veto players, there needs to be at least two "smart" players for a competent government to form (though, I = 2, this is Examples when not sufficient to guarantee the emergence of a competent government either). 5 and 6 illustrate a in these examples with governments near the in the one / = 2, initial number there are of important ideas. more government With a and "veto" players, this lower degree of democracy, makes a greater number of stable, leading to a higher probability of competence of some of the members of the higher degree of democracy, in these examples = / initial 1, government. improA^ement In contrast, with a fewer governments near the when initial one are stable, thus incremental improvements are more high ability individuals in the government very important, regimes with a lower degree of democracy perform better I = 0, is (naturally, this effect always performs best). is likely. some isolated instances. including a few non-monotonic, and the perfect democracy, Another important implication of these examples situations in which regimes with lower degrees of democrac)' to Consequently, This feature applies for a may perform broad is that the better are not confined class of configurations and expected competences, evaluated by taking uniform or nonuniform distributions over feasible goverrmients. Nevertheless, we will see that in stochastic for initial environments, there will be a distinct advantage to political regimes with greater degrees of democracy, a phenomenon the intuition of which will also be illustrated using Examples 22 5 and 6. Equilibria in Stochastic Environments 5 we introduce In this section, stochastic shocks to competences of different coahtions (or different study the fiexibihty of different pohtical institutions in their abiUt}' to indiA'iduals) in order to adapt the nature and the composition of the government to changes in the underlying environnature and structure of "high competence" governments ment. Changes in the changes in the economic, pohtical, or social environment, which t^'pes of government establish strong links between the degree of democracy and the result from in turn require different Our main with newly emerging problems. to deal may may results in this section flexibility to adapt to changing environments. Changes Q ^ in the in the function P^ : R, which determines the competence associated with each feasible government. Formally, we assume that probability 6, at distribution of Tq in this stochastic when each there assume that there that environment are modeled succinctly by allowng changes i, with probability a shock and is Tq may — 5, there change. at time as functions of T'q t environment is . is no change in Fp (Tq The \ T^^) this for illustrating the T'q , and with we that gives the conditional characterization of pohtical equilibria a very challenging task in general. is Tq from In particular, following such a shock exists a set of distribution functions S is sufficiently small, there and exploit 1 However, we wiU show' a characterization very similar to that in main substantive implications Theorem 1 of stochastic shocks on the selection of governments. In the rest of this section, to this stochastic we first generalize our definition of (Markov) political equilibrium environment and generalize Theorems 1 and 2 (for (5 small). We sj'stematic characterization of political transitions in this stochastic environment the links between the degree of democracy and institutional and illustrate flexibility. Stochastic Political Equilibria 5.1 The structure of stochastic political equilibria need to consider the implications when have assumed here, then political equilibria in Section 3. when on future transitions under a variety of the likelihood of stochastic shocks, must follow a 6, is sufficiently small, as we logic similar to that given in Definition low probabihties of changes in the environment). Appendix the discount factor the exphcit-form complicated in general because individuals Motivated by this reasoning, we introduce a simple definition of stochastic political equilibria (with that is of current transitions scenarios. Nevertheless, 1 then provide a game is high and stochastic shocks are sufficiently infrequent, B shows MPE of outlined there and our notions of (stochastic) political equilibrium are again equivalent. To introduce the notion of (stochastic Markov) 23 political equilibriurn, let us first consider a mappings set of ^' 5 ' 4>{rc] G defined mappings are indexed by {To} of competences of now as in (6), but separately for each {^G}Geg- to emphasize this dependence. Essentially, These the configuration if governments given by {Tcj^cg applied forever, we would be in a different nonstochastic environment and 4'irc} would be the equilibrium transition rule, or simply the shown by Theorems pohtical equilibrium, as cpirn] will sufRciently small (see is Appendix determine political transitions, and a stable government. However, then political transitions will when When B). if set of the set of players (i) be determined mappings winning sition that to I : no is = prefer |i G J ' (pirc] G —^ Q ^"''^ ^'-' G I ©{Fg}) > [G) (f^iYn] staying in {zeI:F, (i^l^^r^j) > V, [i? is m (G) / (1 - /?)} will remain and {'^GJceg changes cpt^, i new government, G" = {^cjceg^ power in to and unless , is {rclGGC' (pi-p, </)rp, as \ {G) = (G). i separate mapping for each configuration (a. When competences the configuration of is G Q: G to V, \<t'{ra] (<^) : G ^^ then the transition rule bj' H government alternative (pirn} (^^ S'h jz e 5= coalition, i.e., there (ii) who ~ a stochastic shock hits have that for any '"-'^ the current configuration (pirc} (*^) {rc}g,ggj be defined by the following two conditions. given by {^G}Geg' that while the current configuration is G, following this shock, there wall be a transition to a Definition 2 Let the idea underlying our definition for determine equilibrium behavior, because the probability of a change in 4>ifQ} will still competences The 2. environment with infrequent changes this stochastic {Tq]q^q, and 1 G I (in ^{rc]] G Q terms of discounted >yi{G\ that is permanently, 'P{Tc]) e Wg both there (alternatively, |5^| < mo, to no is Wg e Vi((i){r^}(G)|(^{rG})} forms a ^ ^G', \ preferred i.e., utility) and or |5^ n a tran- H such = S'fj G| < Ig, or\S'ff\<mG, or\S'l^nG\<lG). Then a set of mappings (Pstq} G ^> Q constitutes a (stochastic Markov) ' for an environment with sufficiently infrequent changes Gt+i at time t (starting with government Gt) if there is and only if if political equilibrium a transition to government = {^g}g'C ~ {^G}Geg ""^ Gt+i -" ^{fg} (Gt)- - :• " • Therefore, a political equilibrium with sufficiently infrequent changes involves the ical transitions (or same polit- the stabihty of governments) as those implied by the mappings (pirc] defined in (6), applied separately for each configuration The next theorem provides the {Tg}- general characterization of stochastic political equilibria in environments with sufficiently infrequent changes. Theorem 3 Suppose that Assumptions 1-3 hold, and by (6) applied separately for each configuration {Tg}- any discount factor j3 > /3q, (ptrn] *•' let (psrc) Then ' G —• G be the there exists /Sg *^^ unique acyclic political equilibrium. 24 < mapping defined 1 such that for Proof. See Appendix A. The same all intuition for this '. theorem _ is When straightforward. shocks are sufficiently infrequent, the calculus that applied in the nonstochastic environment determines preferences because still agents put most weight on the events that will happen before such a change. Consequently, a stable government will arise and remain will in place until a stochastic shock arrives and changes new the configuration of competences. Following such a shock, the stable government for this configuration of competences emerges. Therefore, Theorem we use of characterizing stochastic transitions. In the next subsection, links between difi'erent political The Structure 5.2 regimes and institutional this result to we compare (adaptability to stochastic shocks). flexibility. difi'erent political Our main regimes in terms of their fiexibihty though a greater degree results will be that, even democracy does not guarantee the emergence of more competent governments stochastic en^'ironment (nor does guarantee greater expected competence), it shocks institutional structures with a greater degree of democracy wiU be more "flexible" study the of Stochastic Transitions In the rest of this section, of way 3 provides us with a tractable ("will always impose Assumptions (less in in the non- the presence of incumbency advantage) perform better in the long run"). In the results that follow, we 1, 3 2', and 4 (which again ensure uniqueness of acyclic political equilibria). We impose some additional structure on the distribution also that any shock corresponds to a rearrangement Put individuals. time t. that ai s 7j > individual > , > a2 is we assume throughout differently, = of abilities, say a is ... {ai,...,a„}, On. rest of this section, G.{Tg}) be the regime characterized by k, we will We adopt the convention shock will change which the difference in flexibility implied by different political regimes. our measure of "flexibility" is the best government will be in power (either at given government a fixed vector abilities across individuals at of this vector a. tp^ is best placed to solve certain tasks and thus most effective in government functions. Throughout the \ T'q^) by assuming \ of the abilities of different Intuitively, this captures the notion that a The next proposition shows Trt{l.k.n ) (Tq this subsection that there and the actual distribution of given by some permutation > "permutation" ( F-p G I i or as probability that in a society with (for given fc), a conflguration of G Q, the most competent government think of a regime characterized by I' as will more £ n ^ the probability with which oo).'-'' More indi^'iduals formally, let under a pohtical competence given by {Fg}, and current be in power flexible at the time t. Given n and than one characterized by I if This IS a natural metric of flexibility in the context of our model; since we have not introduced any cardinal comparisons between the abilities of individuals, "expect competence" would not be a meaningful measure (see also footnote 18). Note also that we would obtain similar results if we related flexibility to the probability that one of the best two or three governments comes to power, etc. 25 jTt {I', k,n shock. Similarly, limt—oo "{ > G, {Tg}) \ {!', k,n TTf {I, k,n\ G, {To}) we can think G, {Fg}) \ for all G and {Tq} and of the regime as asymptotically > limt_oo T^t (h k,n\ G, {Fg}) l.lfl = more for all these limits are well defined). Clearly, "being more flexible" Proposition 4 for all G t following a stochastic than another, flexible if and {To} (provided that a partial order. is perfect democracy), then a shock immediately leads to the (i.e., replacement of the current government by the new most competent government. 2. If I = 1 imperfect democracy), the competence of the government following a shock (i.e., never decreases further; instead, {k ^ increases with probability no less than it ~ ly. in - ky. fn-r^"'^ _ [n-iy Starting with any ultimately come G and {To}, power to \k-i, as a result of a shock is 3. fixed k as If = I k > 2 n ^ oo, (i.e., tt (/, /c, — n) t) after the ^ ' G is in "'.'''" := /c,/c,n ,•) = than iTf (l = to a power . I for any 1. ' is is strictly less < J ( will ' 0. > TTf (/ This probability 1 extreme dictatorship), then a shock never leads shock •' n — k\ /n^ t ment. The probability that the most competent government (any , ' lim7Tt{Lk,n\G,{TG})^7ril,k,n) = lFor most competent government the probability that the change in governat any given period , f ^ 0,k,n \ G, {Tg}) and tt; (/ = 1, k, n \ G, {Tg}) and {Tg}. Proof. See Appendix A. " Proposition 4 contains a number of important results. A perfect democracy {I = 0) does not create any barriers against the installation of the best government at anj^ point in time. Hence, under a perfect democracy every shock is "flexibly" met by a change in government according to the wishes of the population at large (which here means that the most competent government will come to power). As we know from the analysis in Section 4, this is no longer true as soon as members of the governments have incuinbency advantage. In particular, we know that without stochastic shocks, arbitrarily incompetent governments in power. However, in may come to power and remain the presence of shocks the evolution of equilibrium governments becomes more complex. Next consider the case with / > 1. Now, even though the immediate effect of a shock may be a deterioration in govermnent competence, there are forces that increase government competence 26 in the long run. This institutions, there is is most clearl)' illustrated in 1=1. With this set of political zero probability that there will be a further decrease in government tence following a shock. Moreover, there and the case where a positive probability that competence will improve is in fact a positive probability that, following a shock, the most competent government be instituted. In particular, a shock may make the current government unstable, and case, there will be a transition to a new stable govermnent. A transition to a less government would never receive support from the population. The change be such that the only stable government may after the shock, starting can deteriorate following shocks Most importantly, part degree of flexibility will (in fact, in this competent may competences political institutions take the never be any transition, thus the current government can do so significantly). it 3 of Proposition 4 shows that imperfect democracy has a higher than dictatorship, ensuring better long-run outcomes (and naturally perfect democracy has the highest degree democracy and dictatorship of flexibility). This unambiguous ranking between imperfect shocks (and in the presence of stochastic in the next proposition) contrasts with the results in Section 4, stronger version stated its which showed that general comparisons between imperfect democracy and dictatorship are not possible case. in will with the current government, be the best government.^' Proposition 4 also shows that when form of an extreme dictatorship, there compe- in the Thus, a distinct advantage of more democratic regimes might be their nonstochastic flexibility in the face of changing environments. An informal intuition for the greater flexibility of more democratic regimes in the presence Examples of stochastic shocks can be obtained from from these examples that an advantage of the of two veto players makes a large number imphes that move if the initial govermuent to a nearby government. is of less 5 and 6 in the previous section. democratic regime, governments near the Z = 2, is initial that the presence one stable. But this destabilized because of a shock, there will only be a In contrast, the more democratic regime, 1 = 1, often highly incompetent governments stable because there are no nearby stable governments example, part 2 of Proposition for 3). Recall But this also implies that if makes (recall, a shock destabilizes the current government, a significant improvement in the quality of the government becomes hkel}'. Thus, at a broad level, more regimes with lower degrees of democracy "create more stability," facihtating small or moderate-sized improvements in initial government quality, but do not create a large "basin of attraction'' for the highest competence governments (in particular, the best government). In contrast, in regimes with higher degrees of democracy, low competence governments are often made stable by the instability can ' instability of nearby alternative governments; be a disadvantage in deterministic environments as illustrated in the previous Nevertheless, the probabiUty of the most competent government coming to power, though positive, arbitrarily low. 27 this may be section, but turns into a significant flexibility advantage in the presence of stochastic shocks because may be creates the possibihty that, after a shoclv, there it competence government a jump to a very high government, which now has a larger "basin (in particular, to the best of attraction" than in less democratic regimes). The next proposition strengthens the conclusions of Proposition lishes that the probability of having the most competent goverrunent in power the degree of democracy more generally Proposition 5 The any (for t), lit (i.e., it is probability of having the {l,k,n G, {Tg}), j democratic regimes are more is I in G for any k, n, - ' . and and {Tc}. after a shock That more is, produce the most competent government. likely to results of Propositions 4 increasing in is most competent government in power decreasing in estab- it decreasing in l)}^ Proof. See Appendix A. The In particular, 4. 5 - can be strengthened further, when shocks are "limited" > the sense that only the abilities of two (or in the second part of the proposition, of x The next proposition contains individuals in the society are swapped. Proposition 6 Suppose 1. = that any shock permutes the abilities of If X 1, then the competence of the government in power TTt {I, (so that the abilities of two individuals are 2 k,n \ Moreover, G, {Tc}) if is nondecreasing in t for any then the most competent government will be in power as 2. If X > 2, G the probability of swapping of abilities between limt_,oo "f {l,k,n \ G, {Tg}) = 1 then the results in part (for 1 any I. k, n, G t and {Tg} such I that any two individuals < I <k — that \x/2\. I < k — < I is ^> oo with probability and {Tg} such hold provided that and at a time) k nondecreasing over time, that k, n, I, these results. x individuals in the society. swapped is 2) k — — is, I. positive, I, that is, I). .. Proof. See Appendix A. An interesting application of Proposition 6 is that when shocks are (relatively) rare and limited in their scope, relatively democratic regimes will gradually improve over time and install the most competent government in the long run. This is not true for the most autocratic governments, however. This proposition, therefore, strengthens the conclusions of Propositions 4 and 5 in highlighting the flexibility benefits of more democratic regimes. This conclusion need not be true for "expected competence" of the government, since we have not made some player is not a member of any stable government for some and becomes part of a stable government for some I' < /. If this player has very low ability, then expected competence under V may be lower. In Appendix B, we provide an example (Example 10) illustrating this point, and we also show that expected competence of government is monotone in when is close "cardinal" assumptions on abilities. In particular, it is possible that I I to or to k. 28 I The political institutions considered so far are "junta-like" member is members no specific in the sense that indispensable. Incumbencj' advantage takes the form of the requirement that of the current government must consent to change. The alternative is a "royaltj^-like" environment where one or several members of the govermnent are irreplaceable. All this can be conjectured to be a negative force, since it some else equal, would mean that a potentially low ability person must alwa^-s be part of the government. However, because such an irreplaceable meniber (the member of the "roj'alty") likely to arise resist certain More Wg changes because of the further transitions that these formally, we change Assumption We Wg = {X The next like may be more We will unleash. of the set of assume that there are royalty individuals be implemented (regardless of whether they denote the set of these individuals by Y. So, the all e C : royal individuals are |.Y[ > m members and YC A'} new set . of the initial government, that proposition characterizes the structure of equilibrium in this and junta-like / winning coalitions becomes of winning coalitions assume that and the structure for a transition to are current government members). also 2 "royalty-like" situations. whose votes are always necessary We governments also unafraid of changes, better under certain circumstances, whereas, as we have seen, junta members would accommodate to is Ccise is, YC G°. and compares royalty- competence of the equilibrium (stable) institutions in terms of the expected go\'ernment Proposition 7 Suppose that governments are given by // {ai, ..., a„} is we have a (10). royalty-systern with so that the sufficiently "convex" I meaning royals are never that °'~°^ competence of the government under the royalty system, like system, 1 = (with the same I). 1 I < k and cornpetences of removed from, the govem.ment. sufficiently large, then the expected is is < greater than under the original, junta- The opposite conclusion holds °^~°"~^ is if sufficiently low and 1. Proof. See Appendix A. Proposition 7 shows that royalty-like regimes perform better in the face of shocks than junta-like regimes in terms of generating higher expected that {ai,...,a„} is competence governments, provided highly "convex" (such convexity implies that the benefit to society from having the highest ability indiAddual in government is relatively high). As discussed above, juntas are unlikely to lead to such high quality governments because of the fear of a change leading to a fmther round of changes, excluding like regimes avoid this fear. all initial members of the junta. Royalty- Nevertheless, royalty-like regimes have a disad\'antage in that the 29 may be ability of royals verj' low or may change at some point and become very and the low, royals will always be part of the government. In this sense, royalty- like regimes create a clear disadvantage. However, this result shows that when outweigh the royal), loss of it is (so as to may have is distinct implications government and performance, and regimes that provide security to certain incumbent government may be better of the convex sufficiently nonetheless higher under the royaltj'-like system. This result suggests that different types of dictatorships for long-run quality of members is expected competence because of the presence of a potentially low ability expected competence interesting because {ai, ...,a„} relatively high-quality governments at dealing with changes and in ensuring in the long run. Conclusion 6 we provided a tractable dynamic model In this paper, to the selection of good politicians and The main of political selection. to the formation of good governments in our barrier model is not the difficulty of identifying competent or honest pohticians, but the incumbency advantage of current governments. Our framework shows how can lead to the persistence of highly inefficient a small degree of incumbency advantage and incompetent governments. This is because incumbency advantage implies that one of (potentially many) members of the government needs to consent to a go\'ernment change may in the composition of government. However, may recognize that any change all current members unleash a further round of changes, ultimately im.seating themselves. In this case, they will all oppose any change in government, even changes can improve welfare significantly governments can remain Using this in power. for the rest of the society, ; if such and highly incompetent - : , framework, we studj' the implications of different political institutions A lection of governments both in nonstochastic and stochastic environments. corresponds to a situation in which there no incumbency advantage, thus is of the , for the se- perfect democracy citizens can nomi- nate alternative governments and vote them to power without the need for the consent of any member ment of the will incumbent government. In this case, we show that the most competent govern- always come to power. However, interestingly, any deviation from perfect democracy breaks this result and the long-run equilibrium government can be arbitrarily incompetent ative to the best possible government). In extreme dictatorship, where any single the current government has a veto power on any change, the in power and this can be arbitrarily costly for anj' political institution other for the societ}'. initial More government than perfect democracy. Moreover, there is member alwa5's surprisingly, the (rel- of remains same is true no obvious rank- ing between different sets of political institutions (other than perfect democracy and extreme dictatorship) in terms of what they will imply for the quality of long 30 run government. In fact. regimes with lower degrees of democrac}' (greater incumbency advantage) can lead to higher and quality governments both in specific instances in expectation (with uniform or non-uniform distribution over the set of feasible initial governments). pohtical institutions is possible, stable governments in our we provide and competences "fiexibiUtj'" A . distinct In particular, in stochastic environments, ei- of individuals or the needs of government functions change, governments shuffling the ranking of different possible fectiveness. society. more democratic pohtical regimes have a In contrast, in stochastic environments, ther the abilities a fairly tight characterization of the structure of benchmark nonstochastic advantage because of their greater Even though no such ranking across in terms of their competences and ef- greater degree of democracy then ensures greater "adaptability" or flexibility. Perfect democracy is most flexible and immediately adjusts to any shock by government that has the greatest competence after the shock. opposite and again leads to no change in the initial installing a Extreme dictatorship is new the polar government. Therefore, shocks that reduce the competence of the individuals currently in power can lead to significant deterioration in the quality of government. Most more democratic interestingly, political institutions allow a greater degree of institutional flexibility in response to shocks. In particular, we show that shocks cannot lead to the emergence of a worse government (relative to the competence of the government in They may, however, power following the shock). destabilize the current induce the emergence of a more competent government. We show that government and political institutions with a greater degree of democracy have higher probability of improving the competence of the government following a shock and ultimately instalhng the most competent government. Finally, mark we society, members also compare where change and "junta-like" in "royalty-like" regimes. The former is our bench- government requires the consent or support of one or multiple The second corresponds of the current government. to situations in which one or multiple individuals are special and must always be part of the government (hence the title "royalty"). If royal individuals have low ability, royalty-like regimes can lead to the persistence of highly incompetent governments. However, we royalty-like regimes ma}' lead to the emergence of than junta-like regimes. This is because also show that liigher qualit)' in stochastic environments, governments may increase goA-ernment competence or quality because such changes round of changes, ultimately excluding An all members important contribution of our paper is For example, to provide a tractable it is may may resist changes lead to another of the initial government. analysis of the selection of politicians. This tractability in various fruitful directions. run individuals are not afraid of changes in govern- roj^al ments, because their powers are absolute. In contrast, members of the junta that in the long makes it framework for the dynamic possible to extend the analysis possible to introduce conflict of interest 31 among voters, for example, by having each government be represented by two tence and ideological leaning. In this case, not government. The all characteristics: compe- voters will simply prefer the most competent general approach developed here remains applicable in this case. Another generahzation would allow the strength of the preferences of voters towards a particular govern- ment to influence the number of veto players, so that a transition a few insiders, but more unified opposition from government government can be blocked bj' members would be necessary to block a transition An open ronment when shocks occur approach here, in this is frequently. emphasized this of the government. equilibria ability of is again feasible using the general an individual is not observed until she becomes part In this case, to install liigh quality governments, become a guarantee. difficult to For example, we can generalize the environment "experiment" with different types of governments. analysis will then becomes framework to incorporate the asymmetric information in the previous literature. paper such that the struc- This case introduces a number of nontrivial technical direction for future research, which an extension of is more the characterization of equilibria in the stochastic envi- and even existence of pure strategy The most important issues away from a highly incompetent government. question, which would be interesting to investigate perhaps by placing ture on preferences and institutions, difficulties, away from a semi-incompetent The dynamic barrier to such experimentation. institutions that will ensure high quality governments it is necessary to first interactions highlighted by our In this case, the set of political must exhibit a different type of flexibility, whereby some degree of "churning" of governments can be guaranteed even without shocks. Another interesting area is to introduce additional instruments, so that can provide incentives to pohticians to take actions in large. In that case, successful political institutions line some political regimes with the interests of the society at must ensure both the selection of high ability individuals and the provision of incentives to these individuals once they are in government. Finally, as hinted to develop a by the discussion in this paragraph, an interesting and challenging extension more general "mechanism design" approach in this context, is whereby certain aspects of political institutions are designed to facilitate the appropriate future changes in government. We view these directions as interesting and important areas 32 for future research. A Appendix we use In the appendix, on the governments set of feasible H G of > G have higher stage payoff in than V= The next two lemmas summarize Lemma Suppose that 1 e I, w, (G) 1. If for 2. H ^G. 3. i{2 i I e > w, (G) : Proof of Lemma i is E G or i G.H < u), [E)}\ u;; (G) ruled out by Assumption Assumption Part Wg, and We hence, \{i We Lemma I e : < have \H \G\ H ^ G by Pai-t 3. all members as (j). Then: i£H\G. k. Fg > w, [H) F//. mapping F/f then, by is Assumption possible only At the same time, ii e i H\G € i H G \ Wj (G) 1, > w, (H) whenever (note that Wi (G) implies ib\ (G) < = U', (H) Wi [H) by hence the equivalence. 1. 2. such that the properties of payoff fimctions and > n/2 > 3). D G. Let us also define set G and To > 1. If < in (Al) {GeG:(j>{G) = G]. w^ [H], then Part 1. ^ H. Hence, (E G there exists a winning coalition in if H Q we write E a {ie I: w,{H)>Wi{G)} eWo- only and only \i H any G, Q. For H yGii&nd In other words, we introduce the following binary relation the following notation. First, \H\ I have {i G w^ (G) > w^ {H)]\ cp{G)=G Either 2. V^(G) 3. If(p{G) 4. (/>((/.(G)) k < mo; since by Assumption = I € : w^ (G) (and then > w, {H)} G = and H >- \ {i I >n-k>n-n/2 = n/2 cp defined in (6) G eV) or 4, (G) > Tg>- 2 fc < mo, then H \G ^ definition (Al). 2 Consider the mapping 1. < G. then T^^Q) > ^H- 0(G). 33 and >- : > w, (G) L letG,H€G. G. < w, {H)} D I Then: \ {H \ G), Proof of Lemma The proof 1. Proof of Theorem As 1. y. straightforward and is we prove that the function First, constitutes a (Markov) political equilibrium. Take any Gq, Gq Gq (i.e., Since by definition (5). (Gq) (p 0-stable, is of players. Hence, in either case condition Now, suppose, X,Y Vi Wg^ e {H) > hence the we have Vj y G set of players who have This Wi is {4> > [H)) Wi impossible if [4> a government mc, <p {H) which players at least Iq except perhaps (all members of Gq - those then means they belong to and r^i^Gg) > (p-stable is (p (6). {H) > are the '^(i>(H) 1, = Vi {cp r^(G > )• = ^(h{G > for the current period. = G. exist If this G eg would not be p the case F^///) is close to ^ci>(G )> 4> {H) would however, we would get members of Gq > w^ {Gq) / (1 — {cp by {H)) > {H)) (5), and and thus would be , at least Iq Vj {4> 1, y^ Gq by preferred to Wj {Gq)) as (p> (indeed, which /?), {H) is > but in that case r^(^H) at stable ^4>{Gg) {Gq)) for all i G = 3 implies cp{H) as the instantaneous utilities 1', Since this includes at least viq^ players, (6), so >'^h> T^^h) 156 satisfies (p{Gq). we must r^iG,)- which contradicts both conditions of Definition is another acychc political equilibrium all we must have satisfied for large transitions x{G) is that F^(G) ^'-stable for all G. ^ Tg; ip. We For each prove the indeed, otherwise condition /?. must take place in one step, x {G) i.e., = ip {G) for were not the case, then, due to finiteness of any chain of transitions there would such that Th > Fg and and G i and Mq {G); due to acycUcity, tp Second, we prove that all X (only players in j > first Y and political equilibrium. £ Q, define x{G) 1 Gq by violated, for all /3) as 1 is is This contradiction proves that mapping and thus forms a of Definition {cp But T^^h) > Th by F^(g,). following sequence of claims. First, (i) - / {I which by Assumption )> Wi To prove uniqueness, suppose that there G of Definition and which had = . {Gq)) impUes Wi {H) same except have that F// in coalition A' - cpiGg) cp {H), and hence must have Wi Finally, consider the case ^q,{H) Vi T^i^q If ^q,{H} of Gq) Tg,- This would imply that (p{H) G would contradict Now (ii) £ Q. Consider < by construction of members (6), either 1 is satisfied. {Gq)) would include F^j^/) possibly prefer (p{H), and they are less than mCg)- (p higher stage payoff under Vi{H) > Vi{cp{Gq)) would imply Wi{d){H)) > Wi{(p{Gq)) a winning coalition in Gq. least H and some alternative } defined in (6) (Gq) for a winning coalition Vt V,{H) > Wi {G q) are winning coalitions such that i > {Gq)) {4> of Definition (i) By \G\- G\g\ ..., (Gq))) form a winning coalition in to obtain a contradiction, that condition Vi {4>[Gq)) for all t^tien ^^(G,)! > Wi those with Wi {(p{Gq) <q I < who obtain or (f>{Gq) £ M.q. In the latter case, the set of plaj^ers (p{Gq) than under omitted. is enumerate elements of Q as {Gi, G2. in the text, let us > Tcy whenever x < such that Fg^ lemma of this ip {H) ip (G) = H. 7^ For x {G) but /? ip'^ (G) = x (G). sufficiently close to 34 1, Take H = x {G). the condition Vi {H) Then F^ > > Wi {G) / (1 F^(G), — /3) is who had automatically satisfied for the winning coalition of players We > next prove that Vi [H) condition {(f) Fh > be members of H; naturally', The Wi {(p{G)). H they prefer to (p we prove that Finally, (p{G) Without i'{G). r" loss of generality, / government that has (p{G) we have that F^^c) As treated similarly). Definition 1, for if Wi {(p{G]) > ib'i Now, we = ip{G), (G). Consequently, condition = (G) in particular. Since (G), and thus Vi winning coahtion of players: {H two \ > cp) H and )/' > ^^,^G) facts {G) cp must hold. from the this follows (1 ]/, — G H fact that {H it') \ > Vi By Assmuption ^G- H leads to of such (G) are 0-stable, and the former is covered bj' > (b{Hq) Take = H Part 2. 1. We {H > V) j w^ (G) / (G) ip) for | the same is that i/'-stable as a winning coahtion preferred to the latter (in terms ^^{G] The = I The 0. governments Hi, .... 4>{H2} V^ for all (if (H) > g V > then 2 > Fi/.(g) existence case / > 1 = let Hj, a cycle: this imphes that so that there Hi be the and = that d>{Hj) if g = least 2 V, [H) > w, [Hi] [H) > / (1 - V /?) //j+i for all < 1 < j q, and competent of these governments. then {H2) holds for a winning coalition in governments, so 1, V^ H Hg such is H = As Hi). (p is a political But winning coahtions are ffo- {H2) holds for a winning coahtion in Hi. Moreover, for all pla3'ers except, perhaps, members the least competent government). However, the existence of such alternative <p is for a /9) Part 2 of the theorem. by Assumption Hi — (1 and thus (p-st&h\e prove the statement for the case Hi. Without loss of generality, equilibrium, of (ii) a contradiction which completes the proof. 2 different = is must be that it cp To obtain a contradiction, suppose that there are g r^(G) satisfy condition mc players and at least Ig government members, as of H and G contains at least Iq members (since H = (G)). Proof of Theorem is < a winning coaUtion of players. is (•!/' that i.e., the most competent is Th > must 3), for First, V, to must also Suppose not, (6). r^(G) (the case r^,^) it H of Definition (ii) a pohtical equilibrium, is G of of states payoffs) by at least and the intersection /?). G. all ip{H) whenever w, (G) / fi-om the choice of G. Second, of players; indeed, = 4>{H) i.e., {G) forms a political equihbrium, li-' see that the following Th > Fg and (G) for ip we may assume that Suppose that r^(G)- ¥" — / (1 players prefer members at least Iq {G) coincides with (p{G) defined in tl' mc fact that at least x (G) = H, F^f^). Moreover, since violated. This contradiction proves that x (G) 1 is > Wi (G) (G)) (G)) for a winning coalition of players in G. Note that this > equivalent to Wi {H) is (p{G) follows from 3, Vi V-j {(p a political equilibrium, as the condition (ii) of Definition 1 is of Hi (as H contradicts violated for government Hi. This contradiction completes the proof. Part different Without 2. Suppose to obtain a contradiction that there governments Hi, . loss of generality, . ,Hq such that 4>{Hj) . let = H-j+i for Hi be the most competent 35 a cycle, so that there are q is all 1 < j < q, and (f>{Hq) of these governments. = > 2 Hi. Take any i > E Hi. In that case, Vi {Hi) we have Wi {Hi) + pVi of Hi and Vi {H2) > > > is of mappings /? can only consider > as /?) gets the highest utihty under i most preferred government is i's > {Hi) V, 4),13) is (p = there exists finite, is which > Vi{G arbitrarily close to mapping 1. As this inequality limit as /? ^ ^ i < 9 Without G cycle. Consider first H2 may = for cyclic political , . . Hq . . ,Hq], the inequality coalition of players for (1 — /?) Vi {(p{G) | some 0, /?), /3 we <Ui = -'^Wj {Hp) , - We 2. . Hi, so that the sequence € {Hi,. < we is finite, that suppose that H2 the case q and hence w^ {Hi) < Wi {Ho), of same winning the quality defines Ui. loss of generality, = and 4>{Hq) equivalent to Wi {G) is 1) Wi (G) last As the supported by the same coalitions in players. Let Hi, satisfied for the is which forms a d) Moreover, since the number of coalitions 1. -^j + i for all 1 (p,P) \ must have (by taking the where the Hi the condition This contradiction completes the proof. Q —^ G in hence members to obtain a contradiction that the statement does not hold. 2 satisfs' 'P{Hj) \ (formally, V, (i?2))- Since this holds for all constitutes a cycle for 0. This means, in particular, that for any Vi {4>{G) Hi in the cycle, impossible that for a winning coalition of players in arbitrarily close to (3 Hi which means satisfied. Suppose 3. — (1 Vi {H2), it is 1, {Hi) equilibrium for with q Wi [Hi) / {H2) ///^ Vi Part number < Vi {H2) Vi {H2), as player is the least competent of the governments in the must have that ,. , a winning coalition of players in Hi. However, only members satisfy these inequalities, and number their is less than vih-^ We get an immediate contradiction. Consider now the more complicated case governments. for current We take H = H^ and show government Hi and alternative > (? 3. In this case, Hi,H2,H'i are three different that the condition H= Vi {H3) > Wi {H2) < This Vi {H2) for a Vj (i/3). The last inequality 7n//j of of Hi. is . Note that satisfied for sufficiently large holds for aU players except, perhaps, However, we know that Wi{Hi) Assumption 1 for Hi and Fj/j < < /3 Ui for at least < this is equivalent to provided that Wi {H2) members them. Therefore, we just have to prove that Wi {Ho) over, since they belong to violated is " winning coalition of players. latter 1 H^. In particular, we need to check that the following two conditions are satisfied: 1. of Definition (ii) of i/o, i.e., members ^Hi, we must have that u-'j {H2) each of these players. But this immediately implies u'i{H2) 36 members of Hi. < Ui. for at least u, for at least Ifj^ Ifi^ < More- Wi {Hi] by < Ui. > Vi (Hs) 2. must — w, (Hi) / (1 exist player i a winning coalition of players. for /?) such that — (1 /3) V,, < {H^) u), < (Hi) {I — Suppose not; then there (3) we inequality holds for a winning coalition of players). Taking the limit, = and hence w, (Hi) Ui, Consequently, we found get u, < un (Hi) < However, this contradicts the assumption. u,. H= (Ho) (since the latter Vi H^ which the condition for of Definition (ii) 1 is violated. This contradiction completes the proof. Part The proof 4. checking the condition it of this part follows the proof of Part Vi (H^) > Wi (Hi) / — (1 for a /?) 3, except the steps im^olved in winning coahtion of players (indeed, only in this step that the assumption in Part 3 was used). To check that last condition, is again suppose that < Wi {Hi) (1 Taking the this is — Vi /3) we limit, did not hold. it only possible Then there must exist player i such that < get u, if player i < w, [Hi) is member either a them (otherwise Wi [Hi) > and hence w, (Hi) = u,, of all u,. V, (i^s) < Given the assumption, go\'ernments Hi. < G Hi and w^ (Hi) . none of IV, {H2) < 1. This contradicts the double inequality above, which proves that Vj {H^) for a - P) [Ho) (since the latter inequahty holds for a winning coalition of players). of w, (Hi), (1 u^ if and thus w, {Hn) < i But then u,. > V; (i/3) u, {H2) V, . ,Hq or a member . ^ Hi). In both cases, if i if sufficiently close to is > w, {Hi) / {1 — j3) winning coalition. Consequently, we found H = H^ for which the condition of Definition (ii) 1 is violated. This contradiction completes the proof. Proof of Proposition but G^ H and by (5), Gq = for some (t){Gq) 7^ i^ ;^ G Suppose, to obtain a contradiction, that \G 1. to have 7(^ Lemma by < j such that j q. H is > stable, However, (6). > 7/^ or ^'q since \G r\H\ 1, Since Gq, as follows from < (p -)fj\ I. H\ > I, w-ithout loss of generahty, Note that {Gj) (1 = G— Gq Gj, but then for Mq some 7^ this contradicts the hypothesis that € V, and thus completes the proof. Part since |G Now, = Gj and so G Part H. By Assumption 3 we need assume the former. Then q 1. for 2. By definition of n Gij > = /, (Gi) = Gi by part 1. mapping we have G= (p, 4> any G, 6 (G) e P, and thus 4){G) Pai-t 3. As before, the = Gi, so Gi e P. Take any government Consequently, V= {Gi], so P is G £ P; a singleton. Gi. most competent government, Gi, is the set of governments which intersect with Gi by fewer than stable, / i.e. Gi £ P. Now consider members: B = {Ge^:lGnGi| </}. This set is non-empty, because n > intersect with G\\ obviously, it is 2/c in B. implies that there exists a government which does not Now take the most competent government from B, Gj 37 where j We have Gj Gq such j^ =mm{q:l <q < Gi, because Gi ^ B. Let us show that Gj > Jq that 7(^ . = 1. Now we = Gi = violated is Gj, so Gj elements. Finally, note that this boundary Part H y^ 4. If / = then for any Gq S Q, k, Gq, as there will exist player for all q, — Gq and thus 4>{Gq) Proposition 1 Part whom Consequently, (6). if I impossible that ioi unstable, except for is 1 > Wi (H) C= ^, H < and I, if V / < q But < j this contains at least two = 1 y Gq and n < for some alternative Hence, Wi [Gq). 3k. Mq = this completes the proof of 1. Proof of Proposition of part by H Gq\ E i it is common members with or the second one (otherwise). 1) achieved: for example, is / each government Gq with for This proves that stable. is = g (if Note that any government and therefore Gq empty: is stable. is therefore has at least (see (6)), Mj observe that set either the first condition in (8) implies that (p{G^) B and does not belong to stable government Gi. Hence, (j^iGq) the case g and Gg E B} \G\ will Part 2. We 1. be a corollary: to obtain prove the more general part 2, one only needs to substitute x (11), then the statement = k into (12). Let us prove the existence of such stable government. Define a set-^'alued function 2. X:C' ^C'^-'u{0} by ^,o.\ G\S .. '^^ \ ' if In v/ords, for any coalition of such that their union set when does not it is ifGeDandScG; there exists no G 6 D such that individuals, function / (part 1 exist. Note that x (S) 1), as ii,. . . ,ii-i. We / now add will we wiU denote the intermediate requirements. Let X;_i = X , X, Intuitively, we take the coalition oi k G H and —I /c members from individuals such that ATil/_i - / + 1 individuals coalitions and / which contain 5, by Yi, . . . ii,. ,Yk, . . = for this A'(_i = in the A'. individuals empty would violate 0; denote these individuals ,ik to this coaUtion one by one and and then prove that Y^ satisfies the let = (XUl;_i)ufu,Y(^;-iU{i})J. set of individuals same government with Now I S. all take some individual - ;, (A3) which are either forbidden to join the government under construction by our requirements (A') or are already there {Yi^i), and add can be — ' a well defined single valued function: indeed, there is they intersect by at least Let y;_i be some coalition of by ^ a stable government whenever such other coalition exists or an carmot be two different stable governments Proposition x assigns a S CG. ii all individuals which individuals from l;_i and at least one individual from E I \ A'; 38 (below we show that such individual exists) and — let Y] Y(_i U At each subsequent step {i;}. the government under construction as follows. z, We I + first < 1 < z we choose zth individual k, for define and then take eI\X, i, (A5) (we prove that we can do that later) and denote Y^ obtained in this We now By way be denoted by show that (p{Y} we must have that (6) > added Now go\'ernment and A' (p n 1' = (Y) 0), side of (A4) for ~ picked (i> (Y) ij n It = — 0, so j, t ij (p we let S" nY\ > will is take the individual I; could not be a ij the last government {i}) (p \ {ij} such that (V). Consequentl)', if immediately get that as well as </> We according to (A5). (F) c i A'^-, (1>{Y) n X. and was of the initial Yi-i X S e i with the highest j of such ij (E entire = individual is member be a subset of (0 [Y] n Y) and contains the T\Xj, [Y) Suppose not, then there 0. we must have \ (5 U such that A' = U {u}. Let Y^-i Y'k. so individual I, stable is X \(t>{Y) individuals. Clearly, j at a later stage. Ci Y= = (and |5t ^ i = — / Since 1. S because S C Y we consider the right-hand and therefore ij £ But we A'j. get to a contradiction, wliich proves that a stable government which contains no member of A^. remains to show that we can always pick such individual; we need to show that the number of individuals in A'; is less than n for any z : I < z < Note that the union k. the inner in parentheses of (A4) consists of at most individuals, while z — I < — k n Because we are dealing with Part 3. 1. Therefore, it is sufficient to require that > x + k-l + {k-l)( = x + /.-l+.(.-/) ]x J^li^. integers, this implies (12), which completes the proof. This follows immediately by using Assumption 4 and setting p = x in which (12), gives (13). Proof of Proposition / = 0, for all then Proposition G 1 € Q, where Gi 3. Part 1. By Assumption 2, < / < /c, so either (part 2) implies that the only stable government = {ii}. If / = 1, then Proposition stable. 39 1 is / = Gi, so or cp / = (G) (part 4) implies that any If 1. = Gi G is Part In this case, either 2. that of part / = 0, / = and foUows from Proposition 1 = / If 2. (part 1 = Z and (parts 2 1 By competent, and hence stable, government. 12 is or 1, or 4). li I = ^ = 2, < the construction of then b, cp and is because ia, either cp, (G) will include either state which includes exists mapping ia or cp (G) =G Now ifc. evident that it is 3. The proof Theorem follows immediately from that changes are sufficiently infrequent. Indeed, in the latter case, 1 and Part [n/k\ is 2. < n/k 4. Part 1. If = / Suppose = / 1, then Proposition Each stable governments. stable. < j '^72. h} with {ia, (G) will be the stable the latter 15 if The government the strict inequalities in all then by Proposition • 1 • 1 any G, for provides a full = l/(^) is change to a more competent one The most competent government at least 1 of the k contain any of these equals k most competent ("^^ will — 1 < [n/k\ /(^) is ' " . if = '^7 ^ and only if it is The members divided by the random = "~(„_i)T ^/(fcZi)- happens unstable, which ." l/()!lj). be installed (this G\, probability '; ^ if and only if after the shock, the govern- most competent members. The probability that ")/(]!) = There are characterization. , will 0* (G) i]i.}. , coincides with any given stable government with probabihty greater than or equal to ment contains and the assumption 1 consists of k individuals, so the probabihty that a coincides with any stable government it 0, the most competent government {^i, new government that G= If I. < 1 or 2 are preserved. Proof of Proposition where G\ cf) foi' 12, is ii different. Proof of Theorem Definitions = or [^ [G] r\G\ i2j} or ii more competent than the one which includes it is most the is any other government containing 1), unstable. Hence, {13,14}, the most competent government not containing By similar to is then {11,12} I, Proceeding hkewise, we find that the only stable governments are {i2j-i, a the proof is the total number number (n- it does not of combinations that do not include of combinations). We have - ky.kl [n -k\) (n-2/c)! n! (n--k)\ (n- k\) (n- 2ky. n k\ I n TJ' -'-'-7=1 Since each of the k factors tends to 1 as n — > 00, so that the most competent government wiU arise, as n ^ Part change. lit - -k- n— J j does the product. Hence, the probabihty (l,k,n j G, {Fg}) = 1 — ("^ ')/(fc)' tends to oc. 3. If It will / = k, then (p^ (G) = G be the most competent pens with probabihty l/(^)- This is if it less for any t and G. Hence, the government will not contains k most competent individuals, which hap- than 40 1, which is the corresponding probability for / = so 0, = TTt {I k,k,n\ G, {Tg}) < 1=1: the corresponding probability for ments which TTt {I = I 0, G,{rG}) > 2/(^) > Proof of Proposition n | G, {To})- in the latter case, = 7rt(/ specific most competent government G\ that at least members members of G' are than also less is it 2, there are at least two govern- and ,i\} {i\, > fc {*!, • i.e., ifc_i, 'ij^+i}, , • I Given the 5. If G,{Tg}). This completes the proof. 0,/c,n of ha\-ing the / fc, the most competent one: will lead to 0,k,n = tt^ (/ of changes in {To} in this case, the probability (for G\ . any initial G and {Fg}) the probability is This probability equals (from hypergeometric distribution): eU n{l,k,n\G,{TG}) and strictly decreasing in is Proof of Proposition a. where a /, Part 6. F^ = G 1 all > — > — F!- G F*,^,. p{G) hence, 1, p{G) F^ G < If which Hence, is F'^^^,. cj)^ (G) is is (;/)^-stable. G at least p{G) either or a competence of government cannot decrease. However, competent members. Indeed, j e G. F^ > 0. if <£'*"' has) induces a one-to- and only = (G) a if G G. {i) 0* {p{G}) for all with G*""' is (i)'~''^-stable. > /c — Consider two cases. > — If G But /. F^ > F*,^,, since there P[G) common members and / > 1 is F',^,, is a rf)*- the competence more competent government. Hence, the it may in that case there exist z,j £ increase, unless T with i < G contains k most j such that i ^ G and Obviously, swapping the abilities of these individuals increases the competence of G: F^ , and thus the stable government that improve. Since there is then with probability 1 2. a finite thus \{G\p (G)) U more than x . number of possible values of current government's competence, from an argument of part k — (p (G) \ G)| > {p(G)\G) changed T^q non-zero, eventually the competence of government will X individuals changed, then \Gr\p[G)\ (1 > F^ > the most competent government will emerge. Tills follows we would have \G will e\'oh'e will satisfy '^\iq:. is Since the probability of this swapping Part £ p (G) F' ^,. then again r*,,„, b p(G)<p'{G) Stable government p (G) which has with of now i any transposition triggers a period of instability, then where government t generallj', only two individuals are swapped, then \Gr]p{G)\ (^'"^-stable with probability <p'{G) and a shock i mapping r*,^,, and, by construction of shocks arrive at times If abilities of then F',,^, government p (G): to transitions occur in one stage, probability more (or, the indi\'idual whose former competence individual (i) is B}' construction, If all Any such swapping 1. one mapping that maps government G. iU) p {G)\ < [(i + 2 [{x > k - [x/2J 1) /2J since + 1) /2J > 1, > taking into account that I. Indeed, if \Gr\p{G)\ < abilities of k- [x/2\, the numbers of both sides are integers, and x. However, aU individuals their abilities, so the last inequality contradicts the individuals did. This contradiction completes the proof. 41 if in (G \ p (G)) U assumption that no Proof of Proposition under the royalty system I irreplaceable The 7. is 1. Indeed, government members and k — the most competent player. probability of having the most able player in the government Now is i.e., k, this is always includes is a positive probability is sufficiently large, if and only if the irreplaceable The not. i^, is any a part of member is with probability 1/n. In a junta-like system, the probabihty that the is government immediately that any given plaj^er If < and any G* consist of consider the probability that the least competent player, most competent government in the stable. °'~°^ t more competent that a government that does is i\ i\ the government. In a royalty system, this can happen the least competent, I In the case of a junta-Uke system, there government that includes player part follows. (G*) will for any most competent members. Since I that a goverrmient that does not include player first (/>* among installed is the probability that one of the players This probability after the shock. i\, . , . . i\, which is 42 is ij, . , . . i^ is higher than the probability k/n > 2/n. This completes the proof. B Appendix This Appendix presents an extensive-form game in wliich individuals make proposals for alternative governments and vote over alternatives. of this game, establishes their existence the notions of MPE also provide a number and It defines the their properties, and that of the (stochastic) Markov perfect equilibria (MPE) and shows the equivalence between We political equilibrium defined in the text. MPE of examples referred to in the text (e.g., on possibility of cyclic or pohtical equilibria, and on changes in expected competence). Dynamic Game We now present a dynamic ment change. This game then game that captures certain saUent features of the process of govern- individuals (including current all and involves different individuals proposing alternative governments For reasons that will become clear members the belo'v\', of the government) voting over these proposals. game also involves an additional state variable, which governs when new proposals and transitions can be made. Let us first introduce this additional state variable, denoted by v\ which determines whether the current government can be changed. In particular, v' takes two \'alues; u' to a "sheltered" pohtical situation (or "stable" political situation, although we "stable" for go\-ernments which persist over time) The government can bilizes and u' = = s corresponds reserve the term u designates an unstable situation. A sheltered political situation destaeach period, that is, P (u* = u v^~^ = s) = r. we also assume that v*^ = u. An unstable situa- only be changed during unstable times. (becomes unstable) with probabihty r in These events are independent across periods and tion becomes sheltered \ when an incumbent government sur\'ives a challenge or is not challenged at all (as explained below). We next describe the procedure for challenging an incumbent government. some government G^ at time t. If at time ordered according to some sequence governments A^ to C G \ {G^} that t r)Qt. will the situation Individuals, in turn, in ^ as follows. some 0, then AU all = {G eg\{G*} alternatives in order as the protocol, ^^t . The individuals i G with X are An individual = may choose not 0. All nominated set .4', so -.G e A, for A* take part start nominate subsets of alternative in the some i e l} (Al) . primaries at time of the alternatives in .4' are ordered ^Qt (1) .^Qt (2) pre-specified order (depending all which case he may choose A* governments (except the incumbent) make up the If .4' unstable, then be part of the primaries. nominate any alternative government, A^ is We , . . . t. The primaries work ,E,Qt (|-^*[) on A^ and the current government G*). We according to refer to tliis primaries are then used to determine the challenging government 43 G" t ^*. In particular, we start with G\ given by the At the second step, G'l Appendix that the sequence in the not have any affect on the outcome). G2 = ^Qt (2); otherwise G'2 and G' = G' and only we say there If becomes sheltered, that new government, but is, G*"*"^ it votings which votes take place does in 1 . . and ., then are determined, G',_^ti This ends the primary. • a coalition that belpngs to (i.e., that the incumbent government G* wins. the incumbent goverrmient wins, all of individuals support the latter, G'^^t no challenger and the incumbent government is assume that (1). voted against the incumbent government G*. G' wins a winning coalition of individuals if Otherwise, . is We (2). Gj. Proceeding in order, Gj, G4, After the primary, the challenger G' if more than n/2 If equal to the last element of the sequence, is element of the protocol ^^t, ^^t voted against the second element, ^Qt is show are sequential (and first is = u*+-' ^* = to start with, then again the winner. and moreover the stays in power, = G* and If Wnt) supports political situation Otherwise, the challenger becomes the s. the situation remains unstable, that is, individuals receive stage payoff m, (G*) (we assume that the G*"^^ = G' and new government v^'^^ — v* = All u. starts acting from the next period on). More • formally, the exact procedure Period = t 0,1,2,... begins with sheltered, v^ = period, = G^~^'^ s, G*, as follows. f*"*"^ = = u* is unstable, vt s I £ i — feasible in power. If the political situation is receives stage payoff uj (G'); in the next with probability 1 — r and v^^^ = u with probability r. then the following events take place: u, Individuals are ordered according to nominates a subset of ' , government G* then each individual • If the poUtical situation 1. is and i]Qt, governments A^ in this sequence, each individual C Q \ {G^] for the primaries. i These determine the set of alternatives A^ as in (Al). 2. If .4' = 0, then we say that the incumbent government wins, and each individual in A*^ are 3. If ^' the 7^ ordered according to protocol If = 7^ G*, u*"*"^ = s, 0, then the alternatives <J^t. is Gj = ^^' (1). voted against If |y4*| <^^, (j). > 1, then for 2 < S^Qt (j) if majority and only (i.e., if y^ > if j < \A*\, a.t step j, alternative Voting in the primary takes place as follows: individuals vote yes or no sequentially according to G' A^ = 0, then the alternatives in A^ are voted against each other. In particular, at first step, G'._i receives states payoff u* (G*). G*"*""^ the set of the individuals n/2); otherwise, G^ 44 = some pre-specified order, who voted yes, y'-, is Gj_j. The challenger is all and a simple determined as Government G' challenges the incumbent government 4. takes place. some pre-specified order, voted If 5. In particular, 3^"', yes, G' wins, then G'+i and each case, individuals vote yes or no sequentially according to all and G' wins = G*, v^+^ = for if the set of the individuals who £ ^g'^' otherwise, G* wins. (i.e., if 3^* G' wins, then G^+^ s; if = G' u*+i , = u. In either indi\'idual obtains stage payoff u^ (G'). There are several important features about winning coalitions, First, the set of and only if a winning coalition in G' is G', and voting in the election W^t when game this dj-namic the government govermnental change are accepted. Second, to is that are worth emphasizing. G^ determines which proposals specif}' a well defined game we had to introduce the pre-specified order tjq in which individuals nominate alternatives for the primaries, the protocol ^Q for the order in which alternatives are considered, and also the order in which votes are cast. we would Ideally an essential part of the economic environment and we do not have equilibria, since they are not a good way of orders not to have a major influence on the structure of like these mapping the We specific orders to reality. in the equilibria of interest. Finally, the rate at which will see that this political situations is indeed the case become unstable, r, has an important influence on payoffs by determining the rate at which opportunities to change the government In arise. what situations are not unstable we assume that follows, most of the time. Here, it is r is also relatively small, so that political important that political instabiUty ceases after the incumbent government withstands a challenge (or if there no challenge). This is can be interpreted as the government having survived a "no-confidence" motion. In addition, we as in the text, focus on situations in which the discount factor /3 large. is Strategies and Definition of Equilibrium We define strategies and equilibria in the usual fashion. In particular, let of the game up to period This history includes The We set of histories can wTite h'-'^ is = all t and stage Q* governments, denoted by in period . A events that have taken place up to period \^dthin the time instant A when when strategy for individual i i there is t - for alternatives is is I Ti'''^ and Q* is = H^ the list x Q* = u). to this time. where , h^ summarizes all an opportunity to change the government. g I, denoted by is v' of events that have taken place at, (i.e., maps Ti.''-^ (for all done according to a protocol). and Q*) into a proposal i where v' = u) (recall that the ordering of A Subgame a strategy profile {o'i},^j such that the strategy of each 45 t at the first stage of the period each possible proposal at each possible decision node automatic and up t if historj' can also be decomposed into two parts. history h*'^ nominates an alternative government and a vote (SPE) t (there are several stages in period and correspondingly, (/]',(5*) denote the proposals, votes, and stochastic events all 'H*'*^ t /i*''^ is Perfect Equilibrium the best response to the strategies of all other individuals for many supported by complex games, Appendix, we Since there can be several all histories. dj^namic in which are not our focus here, trigger strategies, We our attention to the Markovian subset of SPEs. will limit SPE in this next introduce the standard definition of Markov Perfect Equilibrium (MPE) in pure strategies: Definition 3 a* for each period A Markov Perfect Equilibrium in each period i is an depends only on C*. t SPE such that profile of strategies {o'*}jgj W*, and Q* (previous actions taken F*, in t). MPEs dynamic games, are natural in such since they enable individuals to condition on all of the payoff-relevant information, but rule out complicated trigger-like strategies, which are not our focus in this paper. behavior. MPEs For this reason, is it initial characterize, motivating our _ Qti _^ An Qt2 MPE a* Q^iQfig ifiQ MPEs Cyclical main focus on it at is fold. acyclic MPEs. equilibrium path is positive. i depend on the order = {ic S'S \ \S,] lead to the We orem ' if for any same acycUc Formally, we An MPE a* MPEs is more ^' if cycles difficult to have: < acychc ^2 < such that ^3 if it is not cyclic. or simply order-independent These equiUbria require that which certain events (e.g., proposal-making) un- slightly modify) their definition for our present context. denote the above-described game when the set of protocols Definition 5 Consider GAME in is some future date) do not take place cyclic if the probability that there exist ij is Here we generalize (and this purpose, let us in particular, acyclic an equilibrium introduced by Moldovanu and Winter (1995). strategies should not MPEs, are both less realistic and also Another relevant subset of MPEs, order-independent equihbria, potentially lead to a very rich set of in the text, government but then reinstalling along the equilibrium path. Definition 4 MPEs also useful to consider subsets of and order-independent MPEs. As discussed (changing the Qti turns out that even It GAME GAME [^] 6 M, there [<J] and denote the Then a' . exists an an equilibrium distributions of equilibrium will establish the relationship is set of feasible protocols order-independent a'* of governments C^ between a'cyclic [ GAME \^'\ G* for t > is hy For given by X equiUbrium for such that a* and a'* t. and order-independent equilibria in The- 5."^^ One could also require order verified that the equilibria independence with respect to 77 as well as with respect to n. It can be easily satisfy this property and hence, this is not added as a requirement we focus on already of "order independence" in Definition 5. 46 Markov Characterization of mapping defined hy Recall the theorem Q -^ Q and r/ Q -^ Q he the mapping defined by : to establish the equivalence Theorem : 4> Perfect Equilibria political equilibria 4 Consider the game described above. /3) > MPE in the dynamic game. and Then there exists £ > such that MPE an acyclic 1. There 2. Take an acyclic (G^) MPE = in pure or if • otherwise, with probability there are no transitions, so Proof of Theorem We take (l-^l^l)w, G Part 4. /3q mixed strategies a* 1 Then we have . there exists a period = I/* u. game by finite t where the government H = The proof 1. Lemma I (G')+/3l^'lu,v(G) < (l-p''^^')w,{H')+p\^^w,{H). X Now ^ ^ . mtake ' , ^ Xg € ^ ; After that, . w, (G) < introduced 1 Pq the following inequalities are i is >t. theorem rehes on of this > t (G°) satisfied: w^ {H) implies (A2) S- liH ^G iiH = G 4j[H) ^ some node of the game in the beginning of some period Consider the stages of the dynamic game that take place in this period as a assigning the following payoffs to the terminal nodes: C^'^^ is the any such period is all g and - t, take a government that SPE in ,iH^G w.{H) + ^^w,{0{H)) is government that defeated the incumbent G^ SPE (G^) for <S f where <p E Q, define the following mapping Take any protocol when —e 1 that H,H' G', Xg t G^ = such that for any P any G, for For each P < G°, then there are no transitions; • Appendix A. if let in pure strategies a* proposed, wins the primaries, and wins the power struggle against G^ in use the next then for any protocol ^ e A': e exists We Suppose that Assumptions 1-3 hold and be the political equilibrium given by (6). — (1 between (6). scheduled to be in power in period if it was defeated and G* pure strategies ctq = ct^, itself if it t + I, was i.e., not. the For of the truncated game, such that this the same for any two nodes with the same incumbent government; the latter requirement ensures that once profile will we map these SPEs to a strategy profile a* of the entire be Markovian. In what follows, we prove that 47 for any G game GAME{£^], & Q, this (a) if a*Q is played, then there no transition is if (p = G and (C) actions in profile a" are best responses if there with part start subgame where some First, consider the a*Q. G take any government (a); complete the proof of part will and consider the H will be accepted imphes, in particular, from the construction of mapping 4>, that We proved by backward induction: assuming that evident: makes its prove that (we drop the subscript v{G,H) either get where waj^ to jth round, q (p for player to refer to H for population, and thus cp ^ if = [G) if (b [H) > G. This G, then no alternative < w j < \A\, then and v (p it (p{G) will win >~ this round. = Xg = (G)) (4' as vectors of payoffs), while from gth round, starts = (f>{cl)[G')) (G)) Clearly, voting for (p{G) (p{G). made and the (p{G) £ A, then 4>{G) wins the (p G. This let is show us The base jztr''^' {<P is (G)) they if it loses, better for a majority of the is (G) wins the primaries and defeats G. subgame which hence, in the and only (G) has number q in the protocol, (G) wins in the last round, players will get v (G, ii (p if if (p primaries regardless of ^ (and subsequently wins against G, as if it of the truncated gam.e Second, consider the subgame where nominations have been players are voting according to protocol ^q. that SPE 1. H has won the primaries and challenges alternative the incumbent government G. Clearly, proposal H may be accepted. {G) otherwise and (b) 4) continuation payoffs are taken from profile a* rather than assumed to be given by (A3). These two results We a transition to is The step is proven similarlj', (G) defeats the incumbent government. Since this holds irrespective of what happens in previous rounds, this concludes the second step. Third, consider the stage where nominations are made, and suppose, to obtain a contradiction, that H 7^ <p (G) is not proposed. Then, in the equilibrium, players get a payoff vector v (G, H), where But then, 4>{G). nominate <p clearly, member any of (p{G) has a profitable deviation, which (G) instead of or in addition to what he is nominating Part (b) H is straightforward. Suppose that the incumbent government (a). is G. If some alternative defeats government G, then from part (a), the payoffs that players get starting from next period are given by the payoff is jzrg'^i i^) becomes given by Wi (G) Vi + (p (G) ii^g)n-Rii_T)) (G, H), which ''^i i'P some node on and only if no alternative defeats government G, then government G stays until the situation G=H an acyclic and G z^'"^-^ = s becomes in all periods ever since; this again gives the payoff if in the entire game profile a* is played, no player has a 1. MPE. Take any government or off the equilibrium path. Define binary relation -^ either in either case, {G))- This implies that the continuation payoffs are indeed means that is If power in is H and w^ {H) + —011)1 {(p{H)) otherwise; after that, profitable deviation. This proves part Pcirt 2. Suppose a* = {G,H). and stable), unstable, and government i_g,'[_^\ ''^^4>{H) exactly' equal to Vi (the situation if SPE in profile a*Q. Since in a there should be no profitable deviations, this competes the proof of part to is G= on G* set Q at some period in -^ H when G^ = G as follows: has a positive probability of staying in power 48 t G and u^ = G u, or H y^ and another binary relation h^ on empty) of H^ H. different G from to Hq such set [H € Q G : '-^ H) H . . Hq such . any only if G ^ that Hi ^ H2 and stabiUzation of pohtical situation is H2 there -^ G Hq —^ -^ H Hq = -^ Hi. Suppose that From {H' € Q set, H : E Q 1-^ : H'] it since a* G one call cTq. it a positive probability, The way we picked and profile a' does not exhibit government H' j^ G G easy to derive the is G ^-* is a singleton. H} contains at least G may defeat G any such government for any uncertainty, and the = H) (but perhaps H' H H such that between two terminal nodes of governments H'l G V' {G) G >- proof, alternative of is 0(G) (otherwise G it — \Q\ 2 steps. no player is on the equilibrium last player to act must mix, and therefore be H G such that H >—* But overthrowm. is is . This implies that must win the primaries; it government is indifferent. well defined. cp (G) for all G. Suppose not; then, is V' = (G) if G= if some easily who prefers cp{G) to V 1-^ cp G. By construction of A we (G) is no such If (G) (any deviating and nominating ^(G). (t>{G) for all (p H such that H shown by backward induction. a player off alternative to stay in G), member deviation mapping ip, this [G) and one or more transitions ultimately leading (G) otherwise. This completes the proof. The most important result from by the same mapping defined in Definition equihbrium used is would be better not possible in equihbrium. so sitions given this nominated, then, since there does), such player = would not be defeated as players would prefer imphes that there are no transitions to no more than and one where stays we must show that V (G) must have that T^jg) > r^(G) nominated, in unique government by V (G). this To complete the since H' small, this implies that is This contradiction proves that for any G, government Denote with which ultimately lead to two different possible to get different outcomes it is still ^^ means that the players act sequentially, one at a time, which path when r this period and H^, or between one where in is the subsequent evolution prescribed by political situation will stabilize at the Given our assumption (A2) and the assumption that indifferent some government implies that is & Q, the Consider the restriction of profile a* on the part of the game where government power, and and governments different for at least acyclicity {H Now, H. at two at least with the following properties: H of this Define u. an on-equilibrium path that involves a sequence is no sequence that contains —* — u* there exists a sequence (perhaps if H ii = G and C' >—* any element for . iJ contains at least two elements. existence of government two elements, but G h^ if G -^ Hi that with positive probability as follows: cj an acyclic equilibrium, there Hi H governments H\, In other words. of transitions = G*"^^ in 1. this (p^ theorem is that acychc MPE lead to equilibrium tran- defined in (6), which characterize political equilibria as This result thus provides further justification our main analysis. 49 for the notion of political The hypothesis that r ciently "stable," so that some for in nontrivial sufficiently small ensures that stable political situations are suffi- is if the government passes a "no-confidence" voting, amount Such a requirement of time. is stays in important to ensure that an power MPE pure strategies exists (which in turn allows us to obtain a characterization of equilibria), and is related in spirit to the second requirement in part 2 of Definition Example 1. presented next, illustrates the potential for nonexistence of pure strategy is it MPE 7, which without this assumption. Example 7 Suppose that the society consists of each government consists of two members, so = (/ 1), m= and suppose competence member a if One can is "almost perfect" democracy There 2. 30 — min is is if if in equilibrium there is challenged by G, both {1,2} and {3, 4}. no MPE in pure strategies if u' = no alternative may win 1 and 2 for all t show that any G ^ and {2,5}) of the governments that include lose the contest for the primaries, it power to {1,2} must be the winner for otherwise individual 1 {^,'^}, then in the off rejecting lead to {1, 2} which for 3 and 4 is We now or 2 (intuitively, this is stable: (i.e., it as well; therefore, if there is some 4, the alternative and postponing would be better off less. It is also not hard Indeed, if {1,2} happens because {1,2} must always be included is is 1 included in the Condorcet in the primaries, We can now or 2 will immediately while {3, 5} and {4, 5} are worse than {3, 4} transition in equilibrium, then 3 and 4 are better an extra period, which makes a profitable deviation. from {3,5} the individuals move when 2}: indeed, {1,3}, {1,4}, {1, 5}, {2,3}, {2,4}, consider the governments {3,5} and {4.5}. First, the last voting incmnbent when {1,2} last voting, any government which includes undesirable for both 3 and off staying at {3, 4} for 1 is {1, would have a profitable deviation and nominate {1,2}. conclude that government {3,4} being such equilibrium for some protocol in equilibrium. winner in simple majority votings). Given that, (so that the the incumbent government if would be better is u transition to the government (or a chain of governments) that they like to utility of almost indifferent. In this environment, there are d>: a transition to some is . an individual compares contested in each period). Suppose that there easily see that is — 5max{i,j} {i.j} they are not in the government; however, two fixed points of mapping ^. = of two different governments, she government = /c 5). individuals care a lot about being in the government, and about the all Let us show that there Suppose 1,2,3,4,5 (n Assume 3. F/jji Moreover, assume that = five individuals to {4,5} the government is and vice {3, 5} blocking this transition we versa. Indeed, and the alternative (i.e., 50 rule out the possibility that postponing it if this is {4, for was the case, 5}, individuals then in 1, 2, 3, 5 one period). Hence, either one of governments in two We steps. {3, 5} and {4, 5} is stable or may be is a in was the case, an equilibrium. then 1.2.3.4 would support it. won 5). This than {3,5} for a individual 4 is the primaries, cannot be stable. Indeed, its way through the primaries if it get a contradiction, since accepted, even must or case to consider ,3 is if close to 1). Similarly, we proved is nominated, individuals latter). make is that in this case, {3, 4} off which proves that cyclic it is if better for, say, {3, 5} were {3. 5}. if it won the primaries: indeed, individuals is also better off if {1,2} any alternative which would lead to {1,2} in the next period leads to {1,2}) for This imphes, however, that such alternative ({1,2} must necessarily win the primaries nominated (by if not be a stable government, and hence the only choice the means that {1,2} must be nominated, no protocol and acyclic MPEs 1 there exists a do not exist is MPE in the for otherwise, say, individual 1 Hence, we have come to a contradiction in ,f the)' prefer all possible cases, pure strategies. Thus, the proof that complete. and Order- Independent Equilibria acyclicity requirement in Theorem may doing that. Cycles, Acyclicity, librimn in Because of must be nominated, whether to move ultimately to {3,4} or to {1.2}, of which This, in turn, would be better for would where from {3,5} the individuals transit to {3,4}. Note also be accepted in the last voting. the previous discussion, {4,5} The if this the former grants him an extra period of staying in power (as the discount some other one which both leads to {3,4}. 2 prefer {1,2} over {3,4} for obvious reasons, but individual 5 factor to {1,2} were, since he prefers {3, 4} to {3. 5}. Consequently, that in this case, alternative {1,2} would be accepted is it if as individuals simple majority of individuals. But then {3,4} must be nominated, The remaining and the intermediate step to would be accepted, it win the primaries and take over the incumbent government 1 if this transition, At the same time, any alternative that would lead would make better off we would stable, would block a profitable deviation which cannot is not be accepted, and neither will be alternative {4,5}, unless that, alternative {3,4} 5 more period (even also trivial to check that {3, 5} It is alternative {3,4} if and last voting, individuals 3 government that includes either 3 or happen {1, 2} considered similarljf and also leads to a contradiction. since they are better off staying in {3,5} for one {1,2} one step or to see that a transition to {1,2} (in one or two steps) cannot be an equilibrium. were the case, then in the If this {3, 4} in consider these three possibilities for the government {3,5} and arrive to a contradiction; the case of {4, 5} It is trivial one of them leads to Theorem in the text) is 4 (similar to the requirement of acyclic pohtical equi- not redundant. We next provide an example of a cyclic MPE. Example 8 Consider a society consisting of five individuals (n 51 = 5). The only feasible govern- ments are {1} {2} {3} {4} , for G , , , Suppose that there {5}. & Q^ and that voting takes the form of a simple majority competences of also that the = so {1} is also that stage payoffs are given as in utilities Finally, , we {5} and {2}) , we ^fij ^ again define (^^^ <^^ ^2} Cg A^ for Example as follows. If ({3} , {4} in A: for example, ^ define ^«J>'W,{4},{5}} ^{{j},{2},{3},{5}} A i, , {3} , {5}) and {5} , is ^ {2}; {2}) is obtained from ~ ^^^ ({^} ' {^} ^ ^^3} , {3} , ^jj2}.{3},{4},{5}} ^ by dropping ^{^^''"'^ ^ {4} ^^^^ , {1} , , {2} and {!}), {4}), , other for by dropping the governments absent in A. Then there exists an equilibrium {!}, — {4} > —+ {3} -^ {2} -^ {1} ^ two individuals nominate {2} and the other three nominate {5}; if it is {4}, {!}; if it is {3}. if it is . Let us next turn to voting strategies. Here we appeal to which individuals always vote in this class of games, Lemma it is if it is {5), two the {2}, nominate _ ;, . from Acemoglu, Egorov 1 sufficient to focus for the alternative yielding the highest payoff for stage. In equilibrium, any alternative If two nominate {4} and three two nominate {5} and three nominate {3}; and Sonin (2008), which shows that —>••. {5} nomination strategies by the individuals. {1} and three nominate {4}. in = {2})- For other govern- > ^3^^^ ^{g}.{2},{3},{4}} two individuals nominate {3} and three nominate nominate {!}, then ^^^^^^ Cm verify this claim, consider the following government G= ^{{i},{2},{4},(5}} ^-^ (^^^ , where the governments follow a cycle of the form {5} To In particular. 2. from government competence. define the protocols governments which are not ments, aU G. 3 for imply that each individual receives a high value from being part of the government relative to the utility she receives {4} - mc = m = = I the best government. Assume These 5 = Ig i.e. governments are given by different feasible Tfi} , rule, i.e , Suppose ({3} "perfect democracy," is government which wins the primaries, on or on strategies them off at each equilibrium path, subsequently wins against the incumbent government. In particular, in such an equilibrium supporting the incumbent government breaks a cycle, but only one person (the incumbent government) is in favor of it. nomination stage, then next government current government is We next show in the cycle still last voting in the primaries is wins in the primaries. Suppose that the may Then by construction, governments either be nominated or between {2} and {4}, then {2} wins: indeed, that both alternatives can take over the incumbent government, but {2} individuals 1, 2, and 5 (because they would want 52 to of the only one individual deviates at the {3} (other cases are treated similarly). {2} and {4} are necessarily nominated, and {1} or {5} know if member all is not. If the individuals preferred by be government members earlier rather than later). however, the If, last stage involves voting between {4} on the one Now, or {5} on the other, then {4} wins for similar reason. then in the first voting voted against {2}. is it if hand and either {1} or {5} All individuals know either {1} nominated, is that accepting {2} will ultimately lead to a transition to {2}, whereas supporting {1} or (5} will lead to {4}. Because of that, at least three individuals (1, 2, 5) will support {2}. This proves that {2} will win against the incumbent government {3}, provided that {2} and {4} participate in the primaries, which is necessarily the case if no more than one individual deviates. This, nomination strategies are also optimal for We in the sense that there no profitable one-shot deviation that this holds for other incumbent governments as well. any indi^'idual. We have thus proved that the strategies we constructed form an SPE; since they are also Markovian. ^ it is can MPE a easilj' verify Along the equihbrium path, the governments follow a cycle as well. {4} -^ {3} -^ {2} — {1} -^ {5} the other direction: {1} — {2} {5} is in turn, implies that > » different protocols). Hence, for Intuitivelj', a cycle government makes is it can similarly construct a cycle that moves in {3} -^ {4} -^ {5} -^ {1} -^ » some (though this would require protocols, cyclic equilibria are possible. to enjoy the benefits of being in power. This example, when there from the statement clear clear that is structure. In the text, we showed how and 4, intuition also artificial from Theorem and 5). we suggest, still exists. Example 8 also Moreover, as em- less robust. an intuitive and economically meaningful certain natural restrictions rule out cyclic political equi- Here we take a complementary approach and show that the refinement of (Theorem MPE introduced above, order independence, 2). and acyclic equilibria have libria without the conditions in Theorem that with order-independent in the 1, cycUc equilibria are somewhat 1 and the a cyclic equilibrium, an acyclic equilibrium Theorem in phasized in Theorems shown We . enables different individuals that will not be part of the limiting (stable) also highlight that even (This — —^ 2). MPE, This is is also sufficient to rule out cyclic equilibria (even established in the next theorem, which also shows multi-step transitions, which are possible under MPE as next example, will also be ruled out. Example 9 Take the setup of Example individual 1 is 8, with the exception that Zni needed to change the government when the government check that the strategy profile constructed in Example 8 since individual 1 will vote against is a MPE in is = 1 (so that consent of {!}). It is then easy to this case as well. However, any alternative which wins the primaries, the difference is that alternative {5} wiU not be accepted in equilibrium and government {1} will persist. Hence, in equilibrium, the transitions are as follows: {5} -^ {4} We now establish — > {3} -^ {2} -^ {1}. that order-independent equilibria always exist, are always acyclic, and lead to rapid (one-step) equilibrium transitions. As such, this theorem will be a strong 53 complement to Theorem though 2 in the text, proof requires a shghtly stronger version of Assumption its 3, which we now introduce. Assumption (for q For any 3' > 2), G i 1 and any ,Hq € Q sequence of feasible governments, Hi,H2, we have Wi{Hi) ^ -^ . q- 1 same Recall that Assumption 3 imposed that no two feasible governments have exactly the competence. Assumption strengthens this and requires that the competence of any government 3' should not be the average of the competences of other feasible governments. Like Assumption 3, Assumption 3' is satisfied perturbation of competence levels would restore anj' small Theorem 5 and let Q -^ Q if (3 < (j) : — 1 e Consider the game described above. and r/ (1 — > /?) £• 2. Any 3. In any order-independent order-independent • if 4> (G°) = C^ • if 4> {G^) r G^ there are no MPE '^- MPE a* more MPE in pure n? MPE in 5. is MPE a* • Proof of Theorem , transitions: -• there exists a Suppose that Assumptions Then S, G Part X > 3' hold such that we have .'.,''- is acyclic. that: ' ' ' '- ' , a transition from, G^ = <p (G"*^) for G^ all t to > fj [G'^) . the payoff of each individual = ^.(G°) + ^i..(^(G°)). 1. In part 1 Theorem of 4, = G^ for each in period t = 0, t; and 1. i G 1 is given by ;• - we proved that pure strategies, and from part 2 of Theorem 4 constructed for different 2 and 1, there exists e strategies a* in pure str^ategies a* then there ! for a society, it. then there are no transitions and government G* , In any order-independent 4- were not satisfied for any protocol ^ E X: an order-independent There exists if it be the political equilibrium defined by (6). 1. .- -" "generically," in the sense that it for X MPE any ^ & follows that these have the same equilibrium path of governments. The existence of an order-independent equilibrium follows. Part a* is 2. Suppose, to obtain a contradiction, that order-independent cychc. Define mapping x • 5 ~* path which starts with government G^ the equilibrium is in t? x (G) as follows: =G and u' pure strategies, this mapping 54 = is u, = i? if for MPE pure strategies any node on equihbrium the next government well defined in G*"*"^ = H. Since and unique. The assumption that equilibrium a* ,Hg (where Hi.Ho.. = > 2) such that x {Hj) H2 cannot implies that H2 those in = Hj+i > defeat Hi even we onh' need is = and x {Hq) q Hi. Without governments Hi,H2- all , Hq. the worse government. However, this wins the primaries, since to consider the case g we ma}' assume that the protocol definition, H2 < j competence of least > then, by the choice of H2, Fj/j 3, H3 (if if it < for 1 players, except, perhaps, all Hi, prefer Hi to an eternal cycle of Hi and H2- This immediate contradiction \ implies that the end a sequence of pair-wise different governments is then the cycle has two elements, of which 2, If g q assume that H2 has the loss of generality, If q acyclic implies that there is is nominated); this is such that > 3. r//2 if the incumbent government possible since is we must have that proposal H2 is and Fh^ > ^H2- Without cr* is loss of generalit}', is Hi Hs put at is , By an order-independent equilibrium. nominated and accepted in this equilibrimii along the equilibrium path. Let us first prove that alternative the primaries. Consider a player government, to win over Hi if Hs will defeat the incumbent government who would have weakly i H2 won utiUty of be strictlj' prefers Hi defeat Hi; to defeat governments all better off Hi if H2 Now Hi. H2 won defeat The the primaries. then, as implied by 1, Hi also support H^. or that H2 ^ H2, then if2 brings i would be willing suppose e H2. i Hi on the equilibrium defeats i the lowest to skip H2', hence, such in addition, If, i would & Hi, then he i weakly prefers that H^ does not i last case to consider Assumption which proves that Ht, is would be accepted H'j, must defeat if i H2 and € ^ Hi. i all players if2 in this voting. /? is who would support nominated. primaries: indeed, in the last voting, Hn may If wiU either prefer that both not nominated. Suppose the opposite, H3, and since, as we showed, only members of next government, is i 3', plaj'er none of them does. Consequently, Then H2 cannot win the nominated. If to obtain a contradiction, that Let us prove that in equilibrium if 3 is i wins then easy to see that since he prefers Hi to H2, he would strictly prefer H2 not sufficiently close to Ho and H^ H'i defeated if Assume, to H2. it is in the cycle; hence, if it preferred H2: the next equilibrium the primaries; since path, such players must form a winning coalition in Hi. Hi prefer that Hn This means that in i.e., ii"2 H3 that must face rather than H^ is the equilibrium H^ is not nominated. Consider, however, what would happen some government Hi: indeed, iii). and if this G then wins the primaries. instead Hi would imphes that is at least one It alternatives were nominated. G 7^ H3 (we know in the last voting of the primaries, plaj'er i gets with Vi{G) > if Vi Suppose that must necessarily be the case that stay in power, then the continuation utility that player there if all Hs would some government H that G defeats H3 would defeat defeat G. Let us denote comes to power as i;, (H). If (H2), then this pla^^er has a profitable deviation 55 during nominations: he can nominate Otherwise, defeats Hi. for a if v^ [G] < Vi and ensure that alternatives all {H2) for players, all imphes that there are no Part The proof 3. chose, G d,- < {G) Vj (H^) cannot win the primaries. This H2 cannot be the next government, and this cyclic order-independent equihbria in pure strategies. is similar to the proof of part H such that and choose government we wins the primaries and we must have that winning coalition of players, which again means that contradiction proves that for the protocol G x ix {H)) We 2. mapping x define X {H), but x [x {x i^))) 7^ take a protocol which puts government x {x {H)) at the end whenever = xix it is same way in the i^})- We then nominated and come to a similar contradiction. Part at period t = Stochastic We This follows straightforwardly from part 4. since the only transition 3, 0. Markov Perfect Equilibria next characterize the structure of (order-independent) stochastic independent MPE in the presence of stochastic shocks) order-independent (or acyclic) Once may happen again, the MPE and our notion of most important conclusion from this MPE (that is, order- and establish the equivalence between (acyclic stochastic) pohtical equilibrium. theorem is that MPE of the dynamic game discussed here under stochastic shocks lead to the same behavior as our notion of stochastic pohtical equilibrium introduced in Definition Theorem 2, 3', 1, and 4 Let hold. > : (f)' such that if Q ^> Q P < 1. There exists 2. Suppose that between periods - . 1 — Suppose that Assumptions be the political equilibrium defined by (6) for r/ e, [1 — /S) > and e 5 > e then for F^. any protocol ^ Then <E X the following results. MPE m pure . :•. , 6 Consider the above-described stochastic environment. there exists c we have 2. aii order-independent ti MPE in pure and t2 there strategies. are no shocks. ., ; Then in. any order- independent strategies, the following results hold: ~ * if 4> {G^^) • if 4> (G'*') 7^ G^\- G^*^' then there are no transitions between then alternative cp (C^) is ti and ^2/ accepted during the first period of insta- bility (after ti). Proof of Theorem 6. Part 1. If 5 is sufficiently not change the ordering of continuation utilities at small, then the possibility of shocks does the end of any period any for any player. Hence, the equilibrium constructed in the proof of part as well. 56 1 of Theorem 4 proves this statement Part Theorem the proof of If S is sufficiently small, 2. here with minimal changes, which are omitted. and 5 (parts 2 3) maj' be applied . Examples Example 10 This example shows that in stochastic environments, even though likeUhood of the best government coming to power competence higher under more democratic institutions, the expected is = governments maj' be lower. Suppose n of stable 9, the individuals be denoted 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9, with decreasing ability. given by abilities of individuals 1,...,8 are = 7, 2^~', governments, in the order of decreasing competence, are given , , 1234 2358 1256 2367 1278 2457 1357 2468 1368 3456 1458 3478 1467 5678 = and 79 m = = 4,/i=3, fc 5. Let Namely, suppose that —10^. Then the 14 stable as: , (Note that this would be the = I2 2. Then governments of stable may become than except for that, say, rnsggi but take list rri458i.) evolves is = j|g of jg: any decreasing sequence {7,},_i, Now consider the same parameters, there are three stable governments 1234, 1567, and 2589. For a government, the probability that individual 9 initial for = (^) random be a part of the stable government that will 126 feasible governments there are 9 governments that lead to 2589. which are 2589, 2689, 2789, 3589, 3689, 3789, 4589, 4689, and 4789. Clearly, the expected competence of government government includes the Excimple 11 There B = = are n players' utilities G A B h C The 1, say, 2 negative, whereas for is C = > /3 and 19 players /i = The 0.999. 3 it is positive, as no stable 9. A = 3 feasible go^'ernments: {13,14,15,16,17,18,19} (so k from them are given = 7). {1,2,3,4,5,6,7}, The discount institutional parameters of these factor in the following table. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 10 90 90 90 90 90 90 90 60 60 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 45 11 60 20 20 20 20 20 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 20 20 20 20 20 20 12 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 70 70 70 70 70 70 70 constructed as follows. who receives 45. receive 10, except for 1,2,3 that the condition 7 = /c < m < n— for all go\-ernments, w'hich is governments and 1 receive 30, except for 19, > n/2 = VI utilities are non-members Zt competent individual least {7.8,9,10.11,12,13}, sufficiently close to m.Q for A: = Members Members who 12 is of A of government B receive 80, except for 7 receive 60. who Note that Assumption satisfied for all feasible means that any two winning 57 receive 90, non- members 1 receives 30, holds, and governments. Moreover, coalitions intersect. We claim Let us that 4) given by check property first (j) = (-4) 0,4) (B) of Definition (ii) {10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19} (as for player i is whether Wi (A) to verifj' is /3 is = A, (C) cp The 1. close to 1, =B is & (cyclic) political equilibrium. set of players the simplest with Vi{C) way greater than or less than the average of Wi [A], wi {B), The example). These ten players form a winning coalition in A. (B) The is {2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19}; these eleven players set of players with V,, form a winning coalition Let us the only is now check H {B) V^ (C) is to consider B. is ii H Indeed, = 1. H= B, condition (ii) ii H = C A, then the and any two winning of Definition 1 is close to 1, as 45 only government and this is thus H this is not a (p is the average of 20 and 70). H=C If = A twelve players needs to be checked. But winning coalition in > 58 = Vi{4>{A)) Vi {(p{A}) > Vi {A) holds for a is Vi > Wi {A) / > Vi [B], but Vi [B) the current government if V^ (1 — /?) (C) for a winning But for holds for not a winning coahtion, as there are only > K (A) is the current government (A) > Vi > w^ {A) / (1 - /?) B, then, as before, holds for ten players only, is C, then again, {B) holds for only eleven players, C. So, both conditions of Definition a cychc political equilibrium. A; then is (H) > Vi{(p{A}) cannot hold needs to be considered. But Vi (C) not a winning coalition in B. Finally, only the case and is V, then Vi{H) also satisfied, as Vi (B) nine players (we used the fact that player 19 has V^ (A) P > form a winning coalition in B. coalitions intersect in this example. players {10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18} only, which for with Vi (A) Suppose the current government winning coalition of players, as the opposite inequality (i)), set of players {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12}; these of Definition (ii) impossible for any player, and coahtion (condition critical for this is in C. condition we need > is to check this condition Wi (C); the case where these are equal deserves more detailed study, and Vi > Vi{A) 1 are satisfied, and References Acemoglu, Daron, Philippe Aghion, and Fabrizio tion, and Economic Growth." Journal of the Zilibotti (2006) "Distance to Frontier, Selec- European Economic Association^ 4(1), pp. 37-74. Acemoglu, Daron, Georg)' Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin (2008) "Dynamics and Stability in Constitutions, Coalitions, and Clubs," NBER Working Paper No. 14239. Acemoglu, Daron and James Robinson (2000) Democracy, Inequality, And Growth "Why Did The West Extend The Franchise? In Historical Perspective," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 115(4), 1167-1199. Acemoglu, Daron and James Robinson (2006) Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Cambridge University Press. Acemoglu, Daron and James Robinson (2008) "Persistence of Power, Ehtes and Institutions," American Economic Review, 98(1), pp. 267-93. Acemoglu, Daron, James Robinson, and Thierry Verdier (2004) "Kleptocracy and Divide-andRule," Journal of the European Economic Association, 2 (2-3), 162-192. Acemoglu, Daron, Davide Ticchi, and Andrea Vindigni (2007) "Emergence and Persistence of Inefficient States," Alfoneh, Ah forthcoming Journal of European Economic Association. (2008) "Ahmadinejad vs. the Technocrats," American Enterprise Institute Online, http://www.aei.org/outlook/27966. Aghion. Phihppe, Alberto Alesina, and Francesco Trebbi (2009) "Democracy, Technology and Growth," in Institutions and Economic P.erform.ance, edited by Elhanan Helpman, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Baker, Peter and Susan Glasser (2007) Kremlin Rising: of Revolution, updated edition, Banks, Jeffrey S.. Potomac Books, \n,adim.ir Putin's Russia and the End Virginia. and Rangarajan K. Sundaram (1998) "Optimal Retention in Principal/Agent Models," Journal of Economic Theory, 82(2), 293-323. Barbera, Salvador, and Matthew Jackson (2004) "Choosing How to Choose: Self-Stable Majorit}' Rules and Constitutions," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 119(3): 1011-1048. Barbera, Salvador, Michael Maschler, and Jonathan Shalev (2001) "Voting for Voters: of the Electoral Evolution," Games and Economic Barro, Robert (1973) "The Control of Politicians: A Model Behavior, 37: 40-78. An Economic Model," Public Choice, 14, 19-42. Barro. Robert (1996) "Democracy and Growth," Journal of Economic Growth, 1(1), 1-27. Besley, Timothy (2005) "Political Selection," Journal of Economic Perspectives, 19(3), pages 43-60. 59 Timothy and Anne Case (1995) "Incumbent behavior: vote Besley, yardstick competition," American Besley, racy: Besle)', Anatysis," of Representative Democracy," 112(1): 85-114. vol. Timothy and Stephen Coate (1998) "Sources A Dynamic and 85(1), 25-45. Timothy and Stephen Coate (1997) "An Economic Model Quarterly Journal of Economics, Besley, Economic Review, seeking, tax setting of Inefficiency in a Representative American Economic Review, Democ- 88(1): 139-56. Timothy and Masayuki Kudamatsu (2009) "Making Autocracy Work," in Institutions and Economic Performmice, edited by Elhanan Helpman, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Brooker, Paul (2000) Non-Dem.ocratic Regimes: Theory, Government, and Politics, St. New York: Martin's Press. Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce, The Logic of Caselli, Alastair Smith, Political Survival, MIT Randolph D. Siverson and James D. Morrow (2003) Press, Cambridge. Francesco and Massimo Morelli (2004) "Bad politicians," Journal of Public Economics, 88(3-4): 759-782. Cox, Gary and Jonathan Katz (1996) Elections Grow?" American Journal of Chwe, Michael "Why Did the Incumbency Advantage in U.S. House Political Science 40:478-97. Y. (1994) "Farsighted Coalitional Stability," Journal of Economic Theory, 63: S. 299-325. Diermeier, Daniel, Michael Keane, and Antonio Merlo (2005) "A Political Economy Model Congressional Careers," American Economic Review, 95(1): 347-373. of • Egorov, Georgy and Konstantin Sonin (2004) "Dictators and their Viziers: Endogenizing the Loyalty-Competence Trade-ofF', Harvard, mimeo. Ferejohn, John (1986) "Incumbent Performance and Electoral Control," Public Choice, 50(1): 5-25. . Jones, Benjamin and Grov,i:h Since .. Benjamin Olken (2005) "Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and World War II," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 120(3): 835-864. Roger Lagunoff (2006) "Markov Equilibrium tutions," Georgetown, . Political Insti- "Seniority in Legislatures," American Po- mimeo. McKelvey, Richard and Raymond Reizman (1992). litical Dynamic Endogenous in A4odels of Science Review, 86(4): 951-965. Menashri, David (2001) Post-Revolutionary Politics in Iran: Religion, Society in Power, Frank Cass Publishers, London. Meredith, Martin (2007) Mugabe: Power, Plunder and the Struggle for Zimbabwe, Perseus Books. Messner, Matthias, and Mattias Polborn (2004) "Voting on Majority Rules," Review of Economic ' Studies, 71(1): 115-132. 60 Minier, Jenny (1998) "Democracj' and Growth: Alternative Approaches," Journal of Economic Growth, 3(3): 241-266. Moldovanu, Benny, and Eyal Winter (1995) "Order Independent Equihbria," Games and Eco- nomic Behavior, 9(1), 21-34. Niskanen William (1971) Bureaucracy and Representative Government, New York City, Auldine, Atherton. Osborne, Martin and Al Slivinski (1996) "A Model of Political Competition with CitizenCandidates," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 111(1): 65-96. Padro-i-Miquel, Gerard (2007) "The Control of Politicians in Divided Societies: Fear." Review of Economic Studies The Politics of 74(4): 1259-1274. Person, Torsten, Gerard Roland, and Guido Tabellini (1997) "Separation of Power and Political Accountability," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 112(4): 1163-1202. Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi. (1997) "Modernization: Theories and Facts." M^orld Politics 49(1): 155-183. Raj', Debraj (2008) A Game- Theoretic Perspective on Coalition Formation, Oxford University Press. Roberts, Kevin (1999) "Dynamic Voting in Clubs," London School of Economics, mimeo. Shleifer, Andrei and Robert Vishny (1993) "Corruption," 108(3): 599-617. 61 Quarterly Journal of Economics.