WHEN THE COWS COME HOME
POST POST-I NDUSTRIAL URBAN
AGRICULTURE
ARCHIVES
BY MARISSA CHENG
BACHELOR OF SCIENCE [2005], MASTER OF CITY PLANNING [2007] MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
FEBRUARY 2010
©
MASSACHUSETrS INS
OF TECHNOLOGY
ET
FEB 2 2 2010
2010 MARISSA CHENG ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
SIGNATURE OF AUTHOR
LIBRARIES
1
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTUIRE, FEBR
15, 2010
iLa
CERTIFIED BY
ACCEPTED BY
ALEXANDER D'HOOGHE
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF A CHITECTURE AND URBANISM
THESIS SUPERVISOn
P
EIA
PROFESSOR OF ARCHITECTURE, CHAIR OF THE DEPARTMENT COM IJTT E ON GRADUAT
BEINART
UDENTS
THESIS COMMITTEE
ADVISOR ALEXANDER D'HOOGHE, ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM, MIT
READER SHEILA KENNEDY, PROFESSOR OF THE PRACTICE OF ARCHITECTURE, MIT
READER HASHIM SARKIS, PROFESSOR OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM, GSD (HARVARD UNIV)
INTRODUCTION COMMITTEE
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME
POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN
AGRICULTURE
BY MARISSA CHENG
BACHELOR OF SCIENCE [2005], MASTER OF CITY PLANNING [2007] MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE ON FEBRUARY 15, 2010 IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
ABSTRACT
Over the past few decades, the industrialization of food has become increasingly influenced by the consolidation of its controlling
corporations. This consolidation has isolated meat processing facilities from small farmers, favoring corporations who have built
enormous processing facilities to match their demand. Given that the consumption of beef has leveled out in the past few decades,
the environmental costs of producing enough beef to meet demand continue to rise. Factory farming transforms huge tracts of land
into wastelands of polluted land, and cultivates animals in unsanitary conditions. The centralization of major farming, packing, and
processing facilities has left more distant, more environmentally conscious farmers to struggle with the economics of profit margins.
This thesis proposes is a new model of industrial facility that can transition with changes in the industry as it moves towards a coop model from an industrial model. Its urban location pits private and public against each other in conditions that force them to
negotiate a truce.
THESIS SUPERVISOR ALEXANDER D'HOOGHE
TITLE ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM
INTRODUCTION ABSTRACT
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION TITLE 1
INTRODUCTION ABSTRACT 3
INTRODUCTION CONTENTS 5
THE
THE
THE
THE
THE
PROJECT
PROJECT
PROJECT
PROJECT
PROJECT
FOREWORD 9
THE PARTI 11
PROGRAM 18
SITE 20
STRUCTURAL + SKIN 26
DRAWINGS PLANS 35
DRAWINGS SECTIONS 49
APPENDICES
APPENDICES
APPENDICES
APPENDICES
PREVIOUS RESEARCH 63
BIBLIOGRAPHY 73
LIST OF FIGURES 75
COLOPHON 76
INTRODUCTION CONTENTS
ON THE AUTHENTICITY OF FOOD
Today we are exhorted to know the name of our farmer, to eat
local, to eat organic, to reconnect to our food. All of these things
are touted to make our food more authentic. But what makes food
authentic? Does an emotional connection to the source of our food
really make us feel better about eating it? No - it is a false veneer
for the guilt of those who can afford "authentic," organically grown
food. The honesty and the authenticity of food come not from the
quality of the ingredients, but what we do with those ingredients.
The emotional connection that we have to food comes from who
made it for you, who you are making it for, who you are sharing it
with. The importance of that emotional connection is that it is, at its
core, a social connection.
We all want our food to be more nutritious, more environmentally
responsible. In the current climate that defines "real" food to be
that which is produced by a named, identifiable farmer, it is socially
unacceptable not to know that name. But what if some of us don't care
to know the name of the farmer who milks the cow who produces the
butter that we bought at the supermarket? What if we eschew trips
THE PROJECT FOREWORD
to the local farmers' market for trips to the local chain supermarket?
Take, for example, someone who takes anonymous supermarket
produce and transforms it into sustenance that reinforces social
connections between members of a family. Is it fair to fault this
person for valuing family before being able to identify their produce
farmer? No. Does buying a food item come with an implicit link
to the farmer who produced it? No. What is important is what you
do with the food you buy - knowing your farmer's name is merely a
bourgeois conceit, another way to claim moral superiority. What is
important is that you can afford to buy food, because the reason why
we buy food is for sustenance, physical and emotional. Is it ethical
to assault people with guilt when they are merely attempting to buy
food within a budget? Public shame may be an effective strategy, but
it is not a humane strategy; you can't eat social status.
This project is a testament to that belief - that the production of food
is allowed to be impersonal, a completely functional process. Food
may come with emotional baggage, but that baggage is related to
how we consume it, not how it is produced.
AMERICAN BEEF
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THE PROJECT PARTI
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We may no longer consume beef
in more quantities than any other
kind of meat, but it holds a unique
place in American culture. Besides
our obsession with hamburgers
and hot dogs, beef plays a pivotal
role in American staples of life,
from today's backyard barbecue
and steakhouse, to the Sunday pot
roast of the 1950s. We may eat more
chicken than beef these days, but
we eat it blindly: we choose beef
when we eat out, beef on special
occasions. Beef is our aspirational
meat. We take pride in our steaks,
hamburgers, and barbecue.
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FIGURE 1. Mergers have consolidated the meatpacking industry in the United States, to the degree that 80% of the
country's beef was produced by just three firms in 2008. (Source data: USDA, 2008)
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
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In the early twentieth century, five meatpacking companies
controlled the price of beef: Armour, Swift, Morris, Wilson, and
Cudahy. These companies, dubbed the Beef Trust, controlled 55
percent of the market at the height of their influence (Schlosser,
137). The threat of a federal antitrust trial in 1920 forced the Beef
Trust to disband and break up their monopoly in production,
processing, and retailing operations. Fifty years later, the top
seven meatpacking companies controlled 21 percent of the
market (Schlosser, 137).
However, with the deregulation enacted during the Reagan
administration, the industrialization of food again became
increasingly influenced by the consolidation of its controlling
corporations. By 1981, 85 percent of the market was controlled
by seven meatpacking companies. Multi-billion dollar mergers
and acquisitions shrank this number to four companies in 2001,
far surpassing the consolidation enjoyed by the Beef Trust.
Consolidation has progressed to the pointthat, after a century and a
half, the largest meatpacking corporation in the American market
is no longer American. In2008, when Brazilian meatpacking giant
JBS Friboi acquired both Swift and Smithfield - rendering it the
biggest meatpacker in the US, and in the world.
FIGURE 2. Over the past century and a half, the territory occupied by the production
of beef has spread out and consolidated into five states in the Midwest. (Source
data: Walsh, 1982; USDA, 2008.)
THE PROJECT PARTI
This consolidation has played out not only in the decreasing
nutritious value of our food, but also in the consolidation of
meatpacking and feedlot operations in the American Midwest.
Consolidation has isolated meat processing facilities from smaller
producers, favoring corporations who have built enormous
processing facilities to match their demand. In the competitive
marketplace, large corporations gain the economic edge, with
the volume and profits to be able to run their own meatpacking
operations.
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FIGURE 3. The spread of railroads across the state of Michigan peaked in the late 1800s, moving northwards from major hubs in Detroit and Lansing. As Detroit grew in
economic strength throughout the first half of the twentieth century, its periurban railroad network became increasingly important for the transfer of goods from factory
to factory, and from factory to retailers out of state. (Source data: Michigan Railroads)
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
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TOTAL AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION
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TOTAL LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION
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TOTAL CATTLE PRODUCTION
MEAT PROCESSING FACILITIES
FIGURE 4. Besides its automobile industry, Michigan has a strong agricultural economy. The southwestern and eastern regions of the state are the most fertile and
productive agriculturally. The agricultural industry has adapted to other industries over time, moving farther north and west to accommodate the territorial needs of
the automobile industry. Allegan County, located in the thumb of the state, is the state's largest producer of cattle, with nearly $250 million of cattle in 2008. (Source
data: Michigan Department of Agriculture, 2008)
What of those smaller producers, then? By providing processing
facilities that are more accessible to them, they can benefit
economically, and the region in which they operate benefits by
corollary. Meatpacking, however, is a singular industrial building
type in the public's aversion to it. Instead of relegating the
processing facility to the country, this thesis looks towards afuture
pattern of development in which agricultural land can infiltrate
residential and industrial areas that are facing foreclosures and
economic hardship. The location of a processing facility in a
city provides an economic boost, which plays out architecturally
through the conflict between public and private. In serving
multiple small producers, the facility can maintain the output of
a corporation, while presenting a model for a more responsible
kind of industrial facility.
THE PROJECT PARTI
Focusing on those small producers, the facility is located in
Warren, Michigan. Warren is south of Allegan County, home to the
bulk of the state's $2.3 billion cattle industry. While agricultural
production is spread across the bottom half of the state, cattle
production is concentrated in Allegan County; however, most
processing facilities are located south of Detroit in Wayne
County. A processing facility in Warren, between Allegan County
and Detroit, reduces the distance that cattle have to travel, thus
increasing the quality of the final product, in addition to propping
up the flagging Warren economy. Utilization of the rail lines that
run through the state allows for easy transfers of goods.
At the peri-urban scale, the processing facility offers a strategy
for creating regional centers in which urban consumption areas
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AGRICULTURAL LAND
INDUSTRIAL LAND
FIGURE 5A. Agricultural land has been pushed to the periphery of the Detroit
metropolitan region, marginalized by the higher real estate value of residential,
retail, and industrial land. (Data source: SEMCOG, 2000.)
-----------
RAILROADS
HIGHWAYS
a
STATE ROUTES
AGRICULTURAL LAND
INDUSTRIAL LAND
FIGURE 5B. Agricultural land has been pushed to the periphery of the Detroit
metropolitan region, marginalized by the higher real estate value of residential,
retail, and industrial land. (Data source: SEMCOG, 2000.)
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
can be infiltrated by agricultural and industrial productive areas.
Industrial land and the development of the railroad network are
co-dependent, while commercial land and the highway network
are similarly co-dependent (see diagrams at left). However,
these symbiotic relationships have pushed agricultural land
out of the metropolitan region, relegating it to a position of
little power and influence. The environmental and economic
potential of agricultural land presents a case for returning it to the
metropolitan region, allowing it to recolonize cities via foreclosed
lots and transportation networks.
Facing economic decline, the Detroit metropolitan region needs
new industries to sustain growth in the future. The region can
prepare for this growth by providing the proper infrastructure for
agricultural industries. While the land can always be reclaimed
for the growing of agricultural products, processing facilities are
manmade infrastructure. Access to these facilities, in proximity
to production sites, is of the utmost importance to preserve the
quality of the product. For Warren, as a city, the confluence of
its freight capacity and a meat processing facility offers a way
out of the automobile industry, towards the diversification of its
economy.
FIGURE 5C. Agricultural land has been pushed to the periphery of the Detroit
metropolitan region, marginalized by the higher real estate value of residential,
retail, and industrial land. (Source data: SEMCOG, 2000.)
THE PROJECT PARTI
Economic conditions are not isolated, playing out only on paper.
The consequences of economic decline are rife throughout
our daily life, from unemployment to desolation in the built
environment. Preparing for economic growth can, by corollary, be
triggered by changes to the built environment. This processing
facility for Warren presents not just a single project, but a proposal
for a new way in which industry and the public can coexist in an
urban environment. The industrial component of this facility is
tied into the city's agricultural economic future, while the public
component istied into the city's civic future.
M
A TYPICAL COW
yields about 50% of saleable meat
from its live weight. That cow can
feed almost 4000 people for one day,
assuming single servings.
(735 LBS)
COLD STORAGE
(735 LBS)
THE COLD SIDE
(750 LBS)
THE FREEZER
(750 LBS)
THE HOT SIDE
(1500 LBS)
THE PENS
After
arriving at the
slaughterhouse,
the
cows are kept in the
pens for at least a
day to acclimate.
The cows are stunned by
the knocker, then skinned,
bled, inspected, and
halved before entering the
freezer. A gantry crane
system bears the weight of
the cows throughout this
The sides of beef are
kept in the freezer at a
low temp (-10*F) for at
least 24 hours. The
low temperature kills
bacteria that might be
The sides of beef are
broken down into the
primal cuts at the saw
station, then broken
down further into
saleable cuts, and
finally boxed, as the
beef move,sdown a
conveyor belt.
The boxed beef is stored
in a storage freezer on
standard pallets until it's
ready to be shipped to
retailers and wholesalers.
Adjacent to this area
would be a staging area
with loading docks.
on the meat.
process.
WASTE MANAGEMENT
45 to 55% of a cow's live weight ends up packaged for consumption. The
remaining balance is a combination of waste (blood, guts) and non-edible
byproducts (hide, bones, etc) that are routed to the appropriate subcontractor.
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
:
THE DISASSEMBLY LINE
The slaughter of animals, dubbed "the disassembly line," has
come a long way in efficiency over the past century and a half. In
the 1950s, it was so smoothly choreographed along an assembly
lines that Henry Ford visited a number of stockyards before
designing his automobile assembly lines. The basic process of
slaughtering animals (diagrammed at left) has not changed much
in the past fifty years, although new technologies and machines
have streamlined the temporal element of the assembly line.
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The assembly line provides architectural potential; if it is designed
for efficiency, is there any benefit to introducing an inefficiency
into the line? The short answer is yes. By pulling apart the
pieces of the assembly line, which, with respect to meatpacking,
is meticulously defined physically, it becomes possible to insert
disparate programmatic elements into the assembly line. In the
case of this thesis, the line is pulled apart so a public path can
be inserted into the building; the structural facade mediates the
interaction between these public and private programs.
As the assembly line is applied to its site along the railroad tracks,
from which cattle will be supplied to the facility, it deforms to the
physical requirements of trains along the tracks. The beginning
of the assembly line is anchored on one side of the tracks, while
the end of the line is anchored on the other side of the tracks. The
bridging of the building over the tracks also provides a crossing
for the public path. The public path meanders around the pieces
of the assembly line, with a large public open space that overlooks
the railroad tracks.
THE PROJECT PROGRAM
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
WARREN, MI
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LAND ORDINANCE OF 1785
1880: THE RAILROAD ERA
The development of the city of Warren follows the Jeffersonian
grid: a 6x6 set of 1-mile-square blocks. This grid proliferated
naturally until the growth of the railroad network across the state.
While one railroad runs along the grid, the other deviates from it,
running diagonally across the southestern corner of the city.
Warren is the third largest "city" in Michigan, after Detroit and
Grand Rapids, with a population of about 140,000, living within
THE PROJECT SITE
1950: CONSTRUCTION OF M-97, 1-75, 1-95
a six mile by six mile square territory. Essentially a suburb within
the Detroit metropolitan region, Warren, incorporated as a town
in 1950 and as a city in 1957, was originally the result of white flight
from Detroit. The story of Warren is the story of the automobile
industry; the city's six-by-six mile territory developed around a
core of industrial buildings that house production by GM and
Chrysler.
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INDUSTRIAL LOTS GROESBECK BLOCK
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
The physical territory of Warren is characterized by flatness - the
city is stretched thinly over a large territory, emphasizing vacancies
in its civic fabric. The majority of Warren - its residential land - is
comprised of low-rise housing with low population density (1,670
people/km2 as opposed to 10,964 people/ km2 in New York City).
Two conditions fragment the city: its lack of density and a wide
buffer zone between industrial and residential territories. Because
of the industrial core of the city, the daily population of the city is
constantly in flux - Warren gains about 28,000 in population each
day due to commuting workers (City Data, 2008).
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Looking more closely at the industrial fabric of the city, it
is apparent that residential and industrial lots are carefully
segregated from each other. The typical residential block has a
cellular morphology, comprised mainly of residential lots with a
commercial buffer at its edges. The typical industrial block also
has a buffer of commercial lots that separate it from adjacent
residential blocks. However, along Groesbeck Highway, where
the railroad and highway cut the Jeffersonian blocks into jagged
pieces, industrial and residential lots lie side by side, forced to
coexist by the geometry of the diagonal.
Specifically, on the site of this project, residential lots follow the
Jeffersonian grid, while industrial lots follow the railroad. These
commingled land uses require the resolution of a long-standing
conflict between the territory of the public (residential), and the
territory of the private (industrial). This conflict can be mediated by
THE PROJECT SITE
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Warren is in decline. Its population is shrinking, the automobile
industry is in dire straits, and unemployment is higher than the
statewide average. Warren is thus a perfect candidate for a
new industrial typology, which can be deployed as a strategy to
increase density and civic infrastructure in Warren.
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FIGURE 1. Residential foreclosures in Warren are distributed in accordance with
economic wealth, clustering most densely towards the southern border of the city
that is shared with Detroit. Fewer residences in the wealthier, northern part of the
city have experienced foreclosures, while the southeastern corner of the city has
experienced significantly more foreclosures than other areas of the city. (Source
data: Warren Department of Economic Development, 2008.)
a hybrid architecture: combining public and private in a way that
builds the city's density, with respect to the physical environment,
the city's economy, and its civic space.
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WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
STRUCTURE + SKIN
During the Industrial Revolution, the architecture of industry
was openly manifest in the city, which embraced the wonders
of engineering and manufacturing. Monuments of this time the Eiffel Tower, the Crystal Palace - are a physical testament
to civilization's fascination with the power of industry. Industry
enjoyed such favor that the factory tour became a family vacation
destination. Some of these factory tours still exist - the Hershey's
factory in Pennsylvania, for example. However, in the postindustrial phase of mass customization, economies diversified
and moved away from manufacturing, towards the suburban ideal
of the American dream. The architecture of the factory reacted
accordingly, retreating towards a single archetype: a cheap, onestory box surrounded by parking, pushed as far out of the city as
possible.
This negative perspective of large-scale industry is reinforced
by the rise of hands-on artisanal production. Whereas one
used to be able to buy directly from the factory, now retail acts
as an immovable middleman between producer and consumer,
manipulating the way in which we consume. The romanticism
associated with artisanal production prefaces the emergence of
the boutique, a fully customized, "unique" retail model calculated
to wring the highest possible prices from consumers' wallets.
The study of factory typologies and the progression of its
morphology over time provides a foundation from which a new
typology can be derived. While the typical factory at the beginning
of the Industrial Revolution was a paternalistic structure that
expressed wealth and social values of the time, the corporation
and the drive for efficiency transformed that archetype. Artifice
THE PROJECT STRUCTURE + SKIN
and ornament that was lavished on nineteenth century factories
disappeared in twentieth century factories, in the interest of
lowering costs. Fordism and assembly line production processes
led to a rehaul of the factory architecture: the assembly line
process was literally translated to the architectural form of the
factory. Transportation - usually rail lines - were sometimes
bundled directly into the factory, and were always at least located
in proximity to the factory. In Chicago, the stockyards were such a
large sector of the economy that railroad companies were directed
to locate at least one stop in the stockyards (Wade 1987).
The modern factory has hewed close to the open-plan, one-story
archetype. However, contemporary architects have transformed
the traditional archetype. The new typology leaves the open
plan intact, but takes the only mechanism for formal exploration
to the extreme - the building skin. Some factories - such as the
Aplix factory by Dominique Perrault - are purely supreficial, while
others, like the Volkswagen factory in Dresden, use the skin to put
the factory's inner workings on display.
These factory typologies must also be considered within
their physical context. The early productive landscape was an
urban phenomenon. Factories originated in cities, where they
could minimize costs by their proximity to major networks of
transportation - first by ship and canal, and later by rail. Early
factories were both an economic and a social construct, giving
rise to factory towns in which the values of the factory owner
were memorialized in their architecture. As consumption of
luxury goods became the norm, industrial territories were pushed
out of the city by rising property taxes and cheaper labor in the
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most factoriesweremade
DuringtheIndustrialRevolution,
out of brick. In linewith thearchitecturalconventions
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Concernsabout economyand securitytransformedthe
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Inmanycities,
workingenvironment.
providedanadequate
thesebuildingsare beingconvertedinto artists' studios
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2000s
havemovedtowardsfurther economywith
Manyfactorybuildings
arestill common.
thoughconcretebuildings
massiveshedbuildings,
with steel trusses andcorrugated
are constructed
These buildings
steel,providinga lightweightstructure. The tradeofffor cheaper
lifespanand
inthebuilding's
decrease
is a corresponding
construction
reuse potential for programsother than warehousingor
manufacturing.
mmw,
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
Complete facade of the building. The verticals of each structural module
flip open for the public path and where the functions of the processing
facility require openings in the building (ie, loading docks).
country. Industry was perceived as a blight for its pollution of
the urban landscape, both environmentally and architecturally.
Post-industrial land consumption has shifted towards programs
of leisure: parks, shopping, sports, libraries, convention centers,
movie theaters, restaurants, nightclubs.
impotent, lacking any transformative power. The structural skin,
described above, modifies the 21st century closed facade by
proposing a structural facade module. This module has degrees
of variation that allow its vertical members to shift, allowing
the building to open to the exterior environment according to
programmatic functions. The shifting verticals also create a
New industrial typologies have the power to transform the thickness of bays along the consequent openings, which can be
landscape, as evidenced by Industrial Revolution-era company used for public and private programs. This system thus becomes
towns, and 1950s hermetically sealed, assembly-line boxes. embedded into the urban landscape as an infrastructure,
Entering the 21st century, the current industrial typology - a integrating industry into the daily life of a city and mediating the
hermetically sealed box with an articulated architectural skin - is consequent scalar shifts.
THE PROJECT STRUCTURE + SKIN
66per year
lbs
3900
Ibs ma
per person
per cO\
1200
slaughtering waste travels
down chutes from the
upper level, transferred to
containers, and trucked
away for further processing
gallons water
per serving
CONSUMPTION, WATER USAGE, AND MANURE PRODUCTION OF
MAJOR AMERICAN MEATS
the manure is composted
in planters, and cycled
through the greenhouse
100%
90%
80%
* CHICKEN
70%
* BEEF
60%
1 PORK
50%
TURKEY
40%
LAMB
30%
VEAL
20%
10%
water is used to sanitize the
slaughtering areas, then
cycled through a sanitation
system and re-used; some
of the water is cycled
through the plantings in
the greenhouse
0%
CONSUMPTION
WATER USAGE
MANURE
FIGURE 6. Beef, while no longer the primary meat in the American diet, ranks
second in consumption to chicken. The production of beef still consumes vast
amounts of water and produces thousands of tons of manure each year, at rates
that are higher than most other produced, processed meats. Each person in the
US is responsible for 3901bs of manure and millions of gallons of wastewater, for
their consumption of beef. (Source data: US Department of Agriculture, 2008.)
]
1
,_
i
_
_
_
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
,7
C
The north-facing facade modules aretiled with photovoltaic
panels. The photovoltaic panels collect energy that is used
to power both the lighting system and the HVAC system.
THE PROJECT STRUCTURE + SKIN
r~
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
THE PROJECT STRUCTURE + SKIN
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disposal area. Vertical
chutes collect manure and
slaughtering waste from
the upper levels. Manure
is processed through
the greenhouse, while
slaughtering waste is
transferred to containers
and trucked away.
01
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02 Plan detail of
power and water
management area.
Water is used to
keep slaughter
areas sanitized,
and is treated and
recycled within the
building. Energy
is collected via
photovoltaic panels
on the roof, and
distributed to the
HVAC system.
03 Plan detail of public
greenhouse. This
greenhouse is for public
use, and is supplied with
water and composted soil
from the slaughterhouse
operations.
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power and water
management area.
Water is used to
keep slaughter
areas sanitized,
and istreated and
recycled within the
building. Energy
is collected via
photovoltaic panels
on the roof, and
distributed to the
HVAC system.
........
....
02 Plan detail of waste disposal area. Vertical chutes collect manure
and slaughtering waste from the upper levels. Manure is processed
through the greenhouse, while slaughtering waste is transferred to
containers and trucked away.
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
+20'
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DRAWINGS PLANS
........
01 Ramp from railroad to cattle pens
02 Cattle pens (skylight above)
03 Hot side. Initial slaughter (the kill, skinning, bloodletting, gutting,
and inspection) happens here.
05 Hot side (2). Carcasses are halved here with saws.
06 Main offices (conference rooms, etc).
07 Workers' locker rooms.
08 Cafeteria and kitchen.
09 Freezers. Carcasses are stored here for at least two days to sanitize
them and kill and dangerous bacteria
10 Cold side. Frozen carcasses are broken down into the primal cuts.
11 Carcasses travel down conveyor belts to packing area on the ground
level.
13 First floor packing room.
04 Plan detail of
power and water
management area.
Water is used to
keep slaughter
areas sanitized,
and is treated and
recycled within the
building. Energy
is collected via
photovoltaic panels
on the roof, and
distributed to the
HVAC system.
SWHEN
12 Plan detail of public greenhouse. This
greenhouse is for public use, and is supplied
with water and composted soil from the
slaughterhouse operations.
THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
+35'
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05 Benches lining main public space.
06 Main interior public leisure space.
07 Ramp from Groesbeck Highway entrance to main public space.
01 Plan detail of viewing
space into cattle pens and
slaughter area. Viewing
area comprised of floorheight windows are set
above benches.
04 Different unit
types in wall bays
facing out onto
railroad. Units
include retail,
medium office
(<15 people), artist
studios, and planted,
public open spaces.
02 Different unit types
in wall bays along
Toepfer Road. Units
include retail, small
offices (<6 people),
and artist studios, in
addition to planted,
public open spaces.
03 Different unit types
in wall bays along
Groesbeck Hwy. Units
include retail, artist
studios, and planted,
public open spaces.
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
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m
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01 Plan detail of roof
at Groesbeck Highway
edge. The facade of the
greenhouse on the interior
of the building is pulled
inside, transforming the
bays into exterior park
benches.
03 Plan detail of loading
area roof. The north-facing
roof modules are tiled with
photovoltaic panels that generate
energy for the processing facility's
HVAC system.
._1
I~
I
02 Plan detail of roof system
adapting to the direct public ramp
cutting through the building. The
public ramp is comprised of a
truss system enclosed by a glass
curtain wall.
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
~;
--
+80'
DRAWINGS PLANS
SECTIONS
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-
longitudinal sections
SECTION A
SCALE 1' =1/32"
SECTION B
SCALE 1' = 1/32"
SECTION C
SCALE 1' = 1/32"
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
SOECTION
A
SCALE
I-1/7"
SECTION
B
SCALE
1'=11/32'
SECIN C
SCALE
1'=1/3T
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SECTION D
SECTION E
SECTION F
mWHEN
THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
SECTION G
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SECTION J
DRAWINGS SECTIONS
I
I
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SECTION D
SCALE 1'= 1/16"
#F
Kf
SECTION E
SCALE 1'= 1/16"
SWHEN
THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
_ __ __
DRAWINGS SECTIONS
____
SECTION F
SCALE 1'= 1/16"
SECTION G
SCALE 1'= 1/16"
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
DRAWINGS SECTIONS
SECTION H
SCALE 1'= 1/16"
SECTION I
SCALE 1' = 1/16"
SECTION J
SCALE 1' = 1/16"
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
------
,
I,
DRAWINGS SECTIONS
i i i~i
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appendices
APPENDICES
previous research
APPENDICES PREVIOUS RESEARCH
m
. ..............................
....
.........
. _
..
...................
. ...
- .1
I - -. __---
UPHOLSTERY
FELTING,
HIDE
12%
PLASTER RETARDANT
HAIR
ARTISTS' BRUSHES
BRUSHES,
CLOTHING
SHOES,
LEATHER
LUGGAGE
LEATHER GOODS
EDIBLE
-F
CARCASS
80%MEAT
8%08
ICALS
ORGANSFOR HUMAN
CONSUMPTION
ANIMAL FEED
GELATIN
BONES
BLOOD
FAT
7%
PEPSIN
TESTOSTERONE
LIVER
EXTRACT
THYROXINE
EPINEPHRINE
ALBUMIN
INSULIN
THROMBOPLASTIN
BILIRUBIN
ACTH
ANIMAL FEED
FOOD
GOODS
CANDLES,
SOAP
GLUE
BUTTONS, HANDLES, COMBS
FOOD
GOODS
[
PUDDING
SAUSAGE BINDER
SAUSAGE,
MEAL (ANIMAL
FEED)
FERTILIZER
WEATHERPROOF GLUE
FOOD
GOODS
FEED
ANIMAL
SOAP
GLYCERINE
FERTILIZER
SWHEN
PACKERS'ENCYCLOPEDIA
SOURCE
THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
EXPORTS
AS% OFPRODUCTION
BEEF
CONSUMPTION
BYREGION
BYSTATE
RISKOFRECALLS
r-
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
SOURCEDATA
USDA
VALUE OFRECALLED BEEF
INTHE UNITED STATES, 1994-2008
LEGEND
- Approximately$8 000 000 worih of beef is recalled each vear.
most commlllonlly
because of E.ColicontanilatlO l
$300-
*
AUGUST12,1997
HUDSON
FOODS
RECALLS
25,000,000LBSof beefprocessed
by a plant in Columbus,
Nebraska;
the company
waslaterbought
by TysonFoods
*
JUNE-OCT2002
In4 months,23,000,000Ibs are recalled
by Emmpak,
ConAgra,and
GFIAmerica;fearsof mad cow disease
causeexportsto drop
200*
$100-
-
94
95
96
91
98
9
00
01
W-------------------
--------------------------
02
03
04
05
06
07
DB
Service
USDA,
FoodSafetyInspection
SOURCEDATA
APPENDICES PREVIOUS RESEARCH
SEPTEMBER
25, 2007
UnitedFoodGroup,LLCrecalls5,700,000 poundsof beefbecause
of E.Colicontamination
FEBRUARY
17, 2008
Westland/Hallmark
recalls143,000,000poundsof beefwhenan
activistdiscovers
thatworkersare usingforkliftsto forcedowner
cattleonto the killfloor
CONSUMPTION
EXPORTS AS %OF PRODUCTION
PRODUCTION
80
30
12
75
25
10
70
20
8
65
15
60
10
lO
=
4
55
2
50
2002
2003
2004
2005
2008
2007
2002
2003
VALUE
OFPRODUCTION
2004
2005
2006
2002
2007
2003
RETAIL VALUE
2004
2005
2006
2007
RETAIL PRICE PER
POUND
40
35
75
4
30
70
25
3
.5
20
!2
cc
.
15
10
5
n
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
Source: USDA, 2008
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
I
I-It. 64. REVOIA
IN(; BONE WAMIER.
.#
T
FIG. 53--OE1.) FAT CUTTER.
FIG.60--A'L'.LEHEAD SPITUM.
STOCKYARDS AT LA VILLETTE; LATE 1800S MEATPACKING EQUIPMENT
APPENDICES PREVIOUS RESEARCH
SOURCE: ORLANDINI, 2003 AND WADE, 1987.
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APPENDICES PREVIOUS RESEARCH
-
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Schlosser, Eric. 2001. Fast food nation. New York: Houghton Mifflin.
WHEN THE COWS COME HOME POST POST-INDUSTRIAL URBAN AGRICULTURE
list of figures
IN THE TEXT
IN THE APPENDICES
1.Mergers and acquisitions in the American meatpacking industry. (p12)
1. Consumption, recalls, and exports of US-produced beef. (p63)
2. Territorial consolidation of the American meatpacking industry. (p13)
Source data from Walsh, 1982, and the USDA, 2008; re-visualized onto a
generic US map.
3. Evolution of Michgan state railroad network. (p14)
Source data from RRHX; re-visualized onto a Michigan state map with
county borders.
4. Agricultural production in relation to the railroad network. (p15)
Source data from Michigan Department of Agriculture; mapped, by
county, on Michigan state map. Overlay of current railroad network reveals
continuities and discontinuities between production and transportation.
5A-C. Commercial, industrial, and agricultural land use. (16-17)
Source data from SEMCOG; re-visualized and simplified to show the
relationship of specific land uses to railroad and vehicular transportation
networks.
6. Average consumption, manure production, and water usage of
American meats. (p30)
Source data from the USDA, 2008; data charted to illustrate the effect of
beef on the environment.
APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY
Source data from the USDA/Food Safety + Inspection Service, 2008.
Data re-charted and mapped.
2. Various statistical aspects of US beef production. (p64)
Source data: USDA, 2008; re-charted.
3. Urban grid dimensions. (p66)
Plans and axons drawn using dimensions from Google Earth, 2009.
4. Figure-ground of Groesbeck Highway corridor. (p67)
Drawn with images from Google Earth, 2009.
5. Typical Warren residential block. (p68)
Plan and axon drawn from electronic Warren zoning map (courtesy of
City of Warren).
6. Typical Warren industrial block. (p69)
Plan and axon drawn from electronic Warren zoning map (courtesy of
City of Warren).
colophon
This thesis is about sustenance - specifically, nutritional sustenance. To
survive this world we need more than nutritional sustenance.
To my family for your constant and unwavering support, in all of its many
forms.
Through all of the trials and tribulations, sometimes we fall down. To
Morgan, Haruka, Chris, and Erica: thank you for understanding, and being
there when I needed somebody.
The good times are good because of the people around us. Thanks,
Dudio.
I would have forgotten what life is like on the outside if not for CUTCAT
+ friends. To Carrie, Eric, Erica, Josh, Keith, and Mary: thank you for the
reality check.
To my advisor, Alexander D'Hooghe, for sticking by me.
To Marika, Victoria and Haruka, thanks for your abundant help in making
it seem like my building was hospitable to the many Illustrator people that
you inserted into my drawings.
To the City of Warren, and everybody I met there, thanks for talking to me
about the city, and also for all of the data you provided so generously.