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Listen to the Whispers of the Grass:
Indigenous American Approaches to Climate Adaptation Planning
By
Rachel Caren Finkelstein
BA in Sociology and Spanish
Wesleyan University
Middletown, Connecticut (2008)
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master in City Planning
at the
MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
September 2015
2015 Rachel Caren Finkelstein. All Rights Reserved
The author hereby grants to MIT the permission to reproduce and to distribute
publicly paper and electronic copies of the thesis document in whole or in part in
any medium now known or hereafter created.
Author
Signature redacted
Department of Urban Studies and Planning
(August 12.2015)
Certified by _
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Prnfpvcrw I Philli Thnm
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Department of Urban Studies and Planning
esis Supervisor
Accepted by
Signature
redacted
Professor Dennis Frenchman
Chair, MCP Committee
Department of Urban Studies and Planning
Listen to the Whispers of the Grass:
Indigenous American Approaches to Climate
Adaptation Planning
By
Rachel Caren Finkelstein
Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning
on August
24, 2015
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master in City Planning
ABSTRACT
In the last decade, Indigenous peoples of the United States have begun a
concerted effort to formalize climate adaptation plans. As communities that are among
the earliest to experience negative impacts of climate change and the most vulnerable to
its effects, tribal communities are keenly aware of the urgency of undertaking an
adaptation planning process. Assessing and adapting to the threats posed by climate
change are not new concepts for indigenous peoples, who view their societies as always
having had to constantly adapt to shifting environmental conditions since time
immemorial. The principles and practices by which tribes plan for and design their
communities to withstand change are centered on the seven generations model, which is
predicated on long-term, sustained patterns of collective ownership and decision making
that is guided by an ethical framework. In contrast, Western planning centers on
regulation of land use, and adaptation planning decisions are largely guided by costbenefit analyses that depend on economic valuations of quantified ecosystem services.
Using directed content analysis of the 24 adaptation plans that have been published by
tribal entities in the United States as of August 2015, this thesis explores the climate
change-induced issues faced by tribal communities, how they are addressing them, and
how their perspectives, knowledge, and approaches can inform community-based climate
change adaptation efforts of other indigenous groups as well as in non-indigenous
contexts.
Thesis Supervisor: J. Phillip Thompson
Title: Associate Professor
3
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thank you to my advisor Phil Thompson for seeing the value in this project. I am also
deeply grateful to the Harvard University Native American Program for the opportunity
to engage with these issues through the Nation Building course, and Professor Dennis
Norman in particular for inspiring my commitment to pursuing this topic and for his
thoughtful feedback on my project. I would also like to express my gratitude to Nina
Lytton for her excellent comments and support, beginning with a chance conversation in
a car in Albuquerque to an MIT classroom defending this thesis. I also would like to
thank Jamie Blosser for helping me think through my ideas at the very beginning of this
project and for encouraging me to take the Nation Building class, and to Anthony
"Chako" Ciocco, Aaron Lowden, and Chas Robles from the Southwest Conservation
Corps'Ancestral Lands Program for opening up their crew leader training and homes to
me, for fascinating and enlightening conversations during spectacular hikes, and for
patiently explaining to a city kid what to do if one encounters a bear in the mountains of
New Mexico. Finally, I want to thank my family, Dusty, and my human and non-human
roommates on Orchard Street for love and humor when I needed it most.
4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract. ......................................................
3
Acknowledgements. .............................................
4
Introduction.............................................
6
M ethodology. ............................................
12
Indigenous Resilience. ...........................................
13
CASE: Yupik. Newtok, Alaska
Environmental Health, Environmental Justice: ............................
18
CASE: St. Regis Mohawk (Akwesasne), New York & Quebec
Traditional Knowledge, Legacies of Exploitation, & Collaboration . . . . . . . . . . .
21
CASE: Sinomish Indian Tribal Community, Washington
"Adaptation Apartheid", Democratization of the Adaptation Process, Governance, New
Institutions .. ...............
.....
......
...............
.. 25
CASE: Isle de Jean CharlesBand ofBiloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw,Louisiana
Conclusion ......................
......
......
......
...
...
31
Author's Note ..................................................
37
B ibliography ............................................
38
Appendix...............................................
45
5
INTRODUCTION
"I remember her telling me, 'son, listen to the whispers of the
grass,' in our language. And it'll tell you stories of ages long
past. And I used to wonder what that meant, what did she mean by
'listen to the whispers of the grass.' I've thought about it over
the years, and I think that if we don't listen we don't hear. And
it was her way of saying that even if we open our ears to
something that might seem completely irrelevant or, you know,
then we don't learn."
Caleb Pungowiyi,
Native Alaskan leader and climate change activist
(Pungowiyi, 2001)
"If it were up to us, we wouldn't have written the Bill of Rights
without a Bill of Responsibilities."
Chief
Irving Powless Jr.,
Onondaga Nation
(Kimmerer,
2008)
In the last decade, Indigenous peoples of the United States have begun a
concerted effort to formalize climate adaptation plans. As communities that are among
the earliest to experience negative impacts of climate change and the most vulnerable to
its effects, (Melillo et al, 2014), tribal communities are keenly aware of the urgency of
undertaking an adaptation planning process. Like many tribal nations, cities and towns
across the United States are concerned about the impacts of climate change on their
communities and are struggling with how to make the most of limited resources and
access to expertise. Assessing and adapting to the threats posed by climate change are not
new concepts for indigenous peoples, who view their societies as always having had to
constantly adapt to shifting environmental conditions since time immemorial (Whyte,
2015), whether
it was adjusting to seasonal variation in weather or plant and animal
populations, or dispossession and degradation of tribes'ancestral lands at the hands of
settler states. The principles and practices by which tribes plan for and design their
communities to withstand change are centered on the seven generations model, which is
predicated on long-term, sustained patterns of collective ownership (IDPI, nd) and
decision making that is guided by an ethical framework. In contrast, Western planning
takes place over shorter time scales that center on regulation of land use, and adaptation
6
planning decisions are largely guided by cost-benefit analyses that depend on economic
valuations of quantified ecosystem services (Natcher et al, 2013).
Contemporary scholars of resilience and adaptation planning have recently come
to grasp the importance of the concept of social resiliency and understanding the
structural and historical bases of vulnerability to the impacts of"natural" phenomena.
Applying these concepts to adaptation planning requires a shift in how institutions
approach property ownership, communities'relationships with and responsibilities
toward the natural and built environments, and their interactions with each other. In this
thesis, I examine the role of culture in climate adaptation planning and how it conditions
the choices that tribes make in their planning processes. Using directed content analysis
of the
24 adaptation
plans that have been published by tribal entities in the United States
as of August 2015, this thesis explores the climate change-induced issues faced by tribal
communities, how they are addressing them, and how their perspectives, knowledge, and
approaches can inform community-based climate change adaptation efforts of other
indigenous groups as well as in non-indigenous contexts. These plans represent efforts by
tribes to communicate on their own terms to nontribal people and institutions how their
worldviews impact adaptation planning. They are a phenomenal resource for learning
from tribes with millennia of experience in the participatory, long-range adaptation
planning based in connections between cultural and political institutions with
responsiveness and adaptive capacity and responsibility towards future generations.
Through a close reading of these plans and a focus on critical cases, I use concepts
from environmental sociology, critical indigenous theory, and nation building theory to
answer the following central questions:
-
As communities that center their identities and lifeways in practical activities
situated in community-based relationships understood through the nature-culture
nexus, what are the unique climate change-induced challenges tribes face, and
how are they addressing them?
7
*
Given the new challenges associated with the rapid pace of change and
meaningful collaboration required to address climate change, how do past
legacies and conceptions of resilience affect approaches to indigenous climate
adaptation planning?
e
How are tribes resurrecting and reclaiming knowledge through this planning
process that has been lost through colonial killing of culture while also
collaborating with the settler state?
In adaptation planning efforts, indigenous peoples are building on long history of
adaptation to environmental change, including dislocation, displacement, resource
exploitation and environmental degradation. However, the ecological challenges of
climate change present new threats to collective continuance by changing the contexts in
which systems of responsibilities are meaningful (Maldonado et al, 2013). Rapid changes
in landscapes associated with sea level rise, warming and acidifying oceans, permafrost
thaw, changes in species habitat and behavior, and more frequent forest fires and flooding
may limit opportunities for elders to transmit traditional ecological knowledge to youth in
practical situations.
Theory
EnvironmentalSociology
Environmental sociology and political ecology frameworks provide a starting
point for unpacking the ways that dominant Western views of nature-culture relations
and neoliberal economic agendas create social inequality and increase vulnerability
(Escobar 1996; Oliver-Smith
2009;
Peet and Watts 1996). As Neil Smith and others have
noted, resilience to so-called "natural" disasters is deeply rooted in pre-existing
socioeconomic conditions and power relationships that magnify inequalities in impacts
on and the adaptive capacity of communities. Even in more recent recognition among
scholars of resilience of the importance of the concept of "social resiliency" in addressing
the structural and historical bases of vulnerability to the impacts of "natural" phenomena,
Peter Marcuse notes that there are inherent problems with the assumptions that form the
8
basis of "resilience planning": "The'disasters' we care about are not'natural,' but social,
and they are different from the disasters of previous eras. 'Resilience planning' recursively
accepts their recurrence, and often uses them to further already desired urban
restructuring rather than preventing them." These concepts are clearly illustrated in the
history of urban renewal in the United States that demolished thriving, connected
communities with the conditions that we know today create socially resilient
communities, in order to further cities' development agendas. For indigenous
communities especially, colonial legacies of environmental racism and resource
exploitation engender a deep-seated distrust of federal land management agendas. As
shown in the Newtok, Alaska case in this thesis, this is especially critical for groups like
Native Alaskans who are facing the brunt of early impacts of climate change and require
complex coordination between tribe members, local and federal government agencies,
and nongovernmental organizations in order to relocate their villages.
CriticalIndigenous Theory
Critical indigenous theory helps us understand what the discipline terms "the
relationality of place" as central to indigenous thinking: "The meaning of a place, both
individual and collective, is both powerfully present (absolute) and unstable (relational),
dependent on the context in which the place and the human agent are situated." (Denzin
et al, 2008). "Place is always a crucial basis for progressive and emancipatory movements"
(Harvey, 2009).
Nation Building
Nation Building is a theory of culturally relevant self-governance as being at the
root of success for tribes engaged in socioeconomic development. Steven Cornell and
Joseph Kalt describe the trajectory towards self-determination as starting in the mid1970s, partly
in response to the demands of indigenous people themselves, when a a shift
9
in federal policy toward the concept of "self-determination" began: "a belief, often more
stated than acted upon, that Indian nations should determine their own futures" (Cornell
& Kalt, 2006). This shift toward self-determination has allowed Native nations to turn
sovereignty as a legal matter into de facto sovereignty: "sovereignty in fact and practice"
(ibid). Tribes still face many constraints, especially due to the power of the courts and of
the United States Congress, but since the beginning of the self-determination era, a
significant number of tribes have been able to take control of decision making and
management of their own affairs that was long dominated by the federal government,
largely via the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Cornell and Kalt describe the differences between the Nation Building model of
development used to positive effect by tribes and what they call the "jobs and income"
approach:
The "jobs and income" approach sees development as first and foremost an
economic problem and consequently focuses attention on getting grants, finding
a joint venture partner, or any other strategy that might produce usable capital.
The nation-building approach, on the other hand, sees development as first and
foremost a political problem. It focuses attention on laying a sound institutional
foundation, on strategic thinking, and on informed action. (Cornell & Kalt, 1998)
Part of this process of transforming systems is a rethinking of how tribes approach
planning. Self-determination implies the right on the part of tribes to determine their own
priorities and approaches to securing their futures on their own land, and certainly not all
tribes take on environmental planning through dominant Western planning paradigms as
a priority. However, the tribes that have engaged in climate adaptation planning have
largely done so from a place of ensuring both their rights and underscoring their
responsibilities towards the environment according to the seven generations model. By
grounding efforts in the land-based traditions, expertise, and ethics of past generations
and thinking critically and realistically about sustainable leadership and practices to
ensure cultural continuance through land tenure, these tribes are closely aligned with the
tenets of the Nation Building model of successful development.
I0
Old knowledge doesn't apply with change - don't have same clues from the environment
Adaptation as generational process
Ask what skills you still use or know that your grandparents used
"At the root of this conflict is how lands and resources are conveyed for those who
are yet unborn. Sustainability becomes the embodiment of collective action. The land and
its resources becomes a birthright and the primary vehicle for maintaining it is
stewardship."
Given a legacy of the seven generations model, it becomes easier to understand
how Indigenous communities evolved distinctive world-views. Such world-views
embodied values that were essential toward attaining a balanced and symmetrical
interrelationship between humankind and the natural environment. The imprints of this
relationship are the unique cultures that evolved in time and place.
Worth thinking about climate adaptation in context of property and ownership
that we have now - is it possible? Connected to responsibility - with whom do we share
these things? Who do we work with?
II
METHODOLOGY
I used a blended approach of directed and summative content analysis. Starting
with theory about integrating cultural and spiritual factors into plans to direct my analysis
of plans, I also took a summative approach by using word frequencies to determine
priorities of plans. I used NVivo version io to query plans for word frequencies. After
combining similar words, (ie. "village" and "villages"), I then coded the top iooo most
frequently used individual words for relevancy by breaking them up into categories:
e
explicitly cultural/social/spiritual
-
climate/nature-related
e
technical/infrastructure
*
economic
*
location
*
time-related/ expressing urgency (ie. "immediate")
I then created "nodes" for these categories containing all occurrences of the terms within
those categories, and used this process to analyze cases with high numbers of references
to terms in the "explicitly cultural/social/spiritual" category.
Case Selection Criteria
In order to choose the cases that I focus on in this thesis, I relied on the qualitative
analysis methods described above as well as discussions with participants in the
Indigenous Peoples Climate Change Working Group, researchers from the Northern
Arizona University Institute for Tribal Environmental Professionals, and the Harvard
University Native American Program to identify influential planning processes from any
tribe (federally or state recognized) that has completed and published a climate
adaptation plan. (See Appendix for full list of plans analyzed).
12
INDIGENOUS RESILIENCE
"Natural Law is very simple. You cannot change it: it prevails
over all. There is not a tight rule, there is not a court, there
is not a group of nations in this world that can change this
Natural Law. You are subject and born to those Natural Laws. The
Indians understood the Natural Laws. They built their laws to
coincide with the Natural Laws. And that's how we survived."
[ ...
]I
"What about that seventh generation? Where are you taking them?
What will they have?"
Oren Lyons,
Faithkeeper of the Turtle Clan of the Seneca Nations of the
Iroquois Confederacy
(Erikson, Vecsey, & Venables, 1980)
In a recent blog post on his website, planning scholar Peter Marcuse describes
inherent problems with the assumptions that form the basis of "resilience planning":
Vulnerability to the damages and compensation for the suffering such 'disasters'
cause are both unjustly distributed. No vision informs disaster planning policy,
and participatory planning to deal with them is badly underdeveloped. Good,
democratic, equity-oriented planning is badly needed. (Marcuse, 2013)
While the term "resilience" when applied to the field of climate change adaptation
has so many interpretations that it loses most of its meaning, it is of critical importance to
recognize the need that Marcuse points out of incorporating social justice into analysis of
and planning for resilience to shocks like climate change.
A common feature of indigenous environmental planning is long-term goal setting
and deep historical reference to past resource changes that provide an intergenerational
awareness of social-ecological processes and change. (Rotarangi and Russell, 2009).
13
Resilience thinkers have much to learn from the ways locally-based societies manage and
respond to their local ecologies and natural resource perturbations. At the same time,
social-ecological resilience is a potentially useful framework for guiding indigenous
societies on how best to respond to the shocks that have destabilized their own culturescolonization, monetary markets, global food systems, corporate resource exploitation,
global threats like climate change, and even invasions of scientists But the application of
resilience thinking by external theorists and management professionals creates risks for
the participating societies. (Rotarangi and Russell,
CASE:
Yup'ik,
Newtok,
2009).
Alaska
"One thing that we gain from pioneering is continuing and
honoring our values. If we rely on the western society's
way of life, that's forgetting who I am. We need to go back
to our way of life. We have to start somewhere."
- Newtok Traditional Council Member
"The erosion isn't waiting for any one agency.We need to
start pioneering."
- Newtok Traditional Council member
Seventh generation, health, landscape change
With the importance of land to the Yup'ik identity, it was critical to stay within the
ancestral territory without burdening the resources of other villages. Moving the
settlement to Mertarvik allows the villagers to stay connected to each other and to their
physical, economic, and cultural heritage.
Seventh generation, health, landscape change
Concept of pioneering
-
Governance, funding, agencies working together, whose responsible for relocating
community?
14
o
Impedance mismatch - tribal time cycle and US/state infrastructure
-
-
Off the grid without support of state or federal agencies?
Changing of the reference point for how environment is understood
o
Relationship of Alaskan villages with federal govt diff from lower 48.
o
Don't have same degree of sovereignty
-
Practice self determination
o
Less leverage in Washington
o
Federal/Alaskan govt broke up villages into corporations when Alaska became
a state
o
Native Alaskans are "shareholders"
o
Vulnerable in dealing with govt compared to treaty tribes
* Alaska engaged with new technology? Off grid/microgrid?
o
Energy
o
Isolation has helped with openness to embracing new technology - ahead
of the curve on health than lower 48 because no one was willing to go to
remote places.
o
Advanced telemedicine
Time frame is important
Cost-benefit analyses short, defined time scale vs. Seven generations thinking
Lessons
i. For Indigenous nations, having authority over decisions about homelands is often the
first step toward effective problem solving in the face of disaster.
2.
Strategic negotiation can be an important means of advancing a nation's interests.
3. Tribally led partnerships can help municipal, state, and federal agencies find new and
effective ways to cooperate.
Characteristics that have contributed to resilience have been eroded (social, health,
ecological).
The inabilityto managestresses does not il froni the sky. It isproducedby on-the-
15
groundsocialinequality; unequal access to resources;poverqy; poor infrastructue;lack of
reiresentation;and inadequatesystems ofsocialsecurity, early warning, andplanning.
These factois translateclimatevagariesinto suffering andloss.
(Ribot 2010:49)
A deeper understanding of the diverse causal structures of vulnerability is needed
to determine appropriate solutions and policy responses. Attention has been directed at
the assessment of climate change impacts. This risk-hazard approach identifies places and
peoples who are at risk (high exposure), but reveals little about why specific places or
peoples are vulnerable and may lack response capacity. Following Sen (1981), an
alternative approach views 'vulnerability as a lack of entitlements' and focuses on society's
responsibility to provide resources (entitlements) that enable people to increase their
resilience in the face of climate change (Adger and Kelly, 1999; Ribot, 2010).
Legacies of colonialism: As argued by Cameron (2012), the persistence of colonial
relations and its effects on vulnerability and adaptation must also be considered part of
the climate change equation. Ill-conceived climate mitigation policies to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions may disrupt indigenous land management practices (ICHRP,
2008)
and drive traditional subsistence economies to increasing dependency (White,
1976). Rapid industrial expansion of oil and gas, mineral and fisheries development may
undermine territorial governance and indigenous self-determination (Cameron, 2012).
Throughout these historic changes, indigenous peoples maintained access to
many traditional foods. Tribal cultures developed sophisticated socio-economic and
technological systems to access, acquire, process and store foods (Anderson and Parker
2009).
In the Pacific Northwest, archaeological evidence suggests remarkably stable use
of salmon over the past 7,500 years despite broad regional climatic stressors that reduced
salmon populations and habitat quality (Campbell and Butler 2010). The key to this
resilience is found in strong, multifaceted connections to the resources used, adaptive
16
resource management, and beliefs and social institutions that kept salmon harvest within
sustainable levels (Campbell and Butler 2010).
Indigenous Peoples possess a proven record that their deep-seated knowledge
and experience have enabled them to confront, survive, and overcome countless
disasters throughout the centuries in all kinds of weather and cultures. They have
often been dispersed and subject to relocation, whether forced or willingly, due to risk,
danger, natural disasters, or victimization by the dominant cultures throughout
history. (IPCWG, 2012)
17
ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH,
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
"Our traditional foods are killing our people," she said. "But
without our traditional foods, we die as a culture."
Vi Waghiyi,
Yup'ik resident of Alaska
(Johnson, 2015)
Health and Livelihood Impacts
Culturalkeystone species
"Loss of a traditional food is directly related to loss of morale, and cultural health and
well-being (Arquette et al. 2002; Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996)." Swinomish plan (io)
" cultural keystones could be an idea useful in other contexts - sort of like
landmarking in cities and elsewhere
"
frames priorities for cultural and ecological aspects of climate impacts, adaptation
* Considered example of use of traditional knowledge
Community members talked about changes in their own and family members' health over
the years, including soaring rates of diabetes, cancer and high blood pressure. The
impacts being experienced are not merely coexisting illnesses, but rather the
interconnectedness with health-threatening social conditions (Farmer 2003; Singer and
Clair 2003). Decades-long industrial contamination, encroaching toxic industries,
chemicals from dispersants, oil spills, including the
2010
BP Deepwater Horizon oil
disaster, and post- storm debris continue to contaminate the communities' air, soil and
water, creating severe health and livelihood impacts and a forced change in diet
(Louisiana Workshop 2012; Maldonado etal. 2013). Furthermore, traditional means of
dealing with illnesses are no longer available, as saltwater inundation has killed the
medicinal plants and herbs.
18
Pre-existing stressors, including dwindling territory, pollution, declining health services
and ongoing assimilation policies are affecting access to and availability of cultural
species, such as berries. As climate change adds to the impacts on berry plant use and
access, tribal health and well-being will be under even greater threat. (The impacts of
climate change on tribaltraditionalfoods).
Cultural keystone species
"Loss of a traditional food is directly related to loss of morale, and cultural health and
well-being (Arquette et al. 2002; Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996). "Swinomish plan (0o).
cultural keystones could be an idea useful in other contexts -sort of like landmarking in
cities and elsewhere. Holistic understanding of health impacts -physical and mental.
Loss of sense of place.
CASE:
St.
Regis Mohawk
(Akwesasne), New
York/Quebec
Plan is example of holistic understanding of the world, signaled by comprehensiveness of
topics covered by thanksgiving address. Mohawk part of Iroquois confederacy, which
had an impact on US Constitution - Oren Lyons "Only standing on one leg"if
constitutional law does not include these foundations.
Cultural priorities, righting past environmental wrongs (remediation), presents
-
information in a format that legitimizes indigenous perspective/worldview/framework
ethical framework for moving fowrard vs. cost-benefit analysis.
"Because of their close ties to the land, these communities are more sensitive to shifts in
climate than other non-Tribal communities in the same general geographic area. As a
result, in the Tribal lands of Northern and Western New York, climate change is a
19
particularly important problem, one that threatens not only local plant and animal species
but also tribal sovereignty, economy, and culture. For this reason, we have chosen to use
the Mohawk Thanksgiving Address as the structure for this plan".
Community Health
Table 4-1. Suggested Top 5 Tribal Health Factors and Associated Health Indicators
(Salish Sea natural resources, including seafood, seaweeds, shells, etc.)
Fme
Hnttaor
fte
ath
diar
wtDentn for each
Participation& cooperation- the community depends on each other;
strong support network (e.g., everyone supports the maintenance,
harvest and distribution of resources)
Roles (e.g., harvest, prepare, preserve natural resources) - each
member of the community has a role that is respected
Familiarity- food roles are known and trusted; therefore, it is
assumed food is "safe"
Availability - natural resources are abundant and healthy
Access - all resource use areas (i.e., Usual and Accustomed areas) are
allowed to be harvested with an emphasis on local resources for
subsistence consumers.
Sharing - ensuring that everyone in the community receives natural
resources from the Salish Sea, esp. Elders
Gatherings& ceremonies - particular community assemblies that
require natural resources from the Salish Sea
Giving thanks - thanking Nature/ the Spirit for providing the natural
resources when harvesting and preparing them; done with prayers and
thoughtful intentions
Feedingthe Spirit - using natural resources from the Salish Sea to
satisfy a spiritual "hunger" (e.g., consuming traditional foods)
The Teachings - knowledge, values and beliefs about tribal health in
connection with the Salish Sea
Elders- the knowledge keepers; they have and are able to pass on the
knowledge
Youth - the future; they receive and respect the knowledge
Healing-ability to choose life-style desired for what is considered
"'goodhealth" (e.g., traditional medicines, language programs)
Development-community enrichment opportunities directed by and
for the community
Restoration-environmental or habitat restoration projects that are
.
Community Cohesion
Food Security
Ceremonial Use
Knowledge Transmission
Self Determination
community driven
Swinornish Climate Change Initiative,
2010
20
TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE, LEGACIES
OF EXPLOITATION, & COLLABORATION
-
Knowledge held by community vs. held by one person. Proxy knowledge
community internally creates map of priorities, shares useable results with western
scientists and government agencies. Utility of but need to protect traditional knowledge
and engage in respectful, meaningful way that recognizes sovereignty and ownership of
knowledge.
An example of using traditional knowledge in a respectful manner for climate
change adaptation comes from the Waswanipi Cree in Northern Quebec through the
Ndhoho Itschee Process (Trosper et al.2012). They are interested in documenting their
traditional forest knowledge in order to enter into respectful stewardship agreements to
promote climate change adaptation and appropriate forest management on traditional
lands not under their direct control. They do not believe they can convey their complex
knowledge and values to others for management on their behalf, but want their
stewardship role acknowledged. Communities are producing detailed community "family
maps"which detail past, present and future desired land use. These maps are not shared
outside the community. The maps are used to prepare a map of conservation values,
which are shared with the government and industry for use in collaborative planning
processes. In this way, they retain and manage sensitive cultural knowledge internally,
while making available proxy values useful for climate change adaptation and resource
scenario building.
21
CASE:
Swinomish Indian Tribal
Community,
Washington
Partnerships/collaboration example. Part of confederation of Northwest tribes,
British Columbia - effective in getting environmental control from governments over
fishing and ocean populations. Washington has been listening - timescale of what they
can do is open question but have gotten attention after confederation was formed. Issues:
Cultural keystones, checker boarding of reservation causes governance and authority/selfdetermination challenges.
In
2007, the
Swinomish Indian Senate issued a proclamation directing action to
study the possible effects of climate change on the Swinomish Indian Reservation.
Following this proclamation, the tribe initiated a comprehensive Climate Change
Initiative to assess projected impacts and develop an action plan outlining potential
responses. Climate change adaptation has now become a theme throughout tribal
government, placing the Swinomish Indian Tribal Community at the cutting edge of
climate change mitigation planning, not only among Native nations but throughout the
country as a whole.
Challengesof 4lace"
"Swinomish" means "people by the water," and the Swinomish Reservation is
surrounded by water. The Swinomish Indian Tribal Community is a political successor
to several treaty-time bands and groups, including aboriginal Swinomish, Kikiallus,
aboriginal Samish, and Lower Skagit. The traditional places used by the people ranged
across a large area and changed with the seasons as culturally significant resources were
gathered. If the range of native species were to change in response to climate impacts, this
may create new challenges in pursuing traditional practices.
22
Within indigenous communities, there exists the idea that multiple knowledge
systems serve to increase both social and ecological resilience (Rotarangi
2009).
Rich datasets, but exist in peoples' minds.
In a widely influential definition, Berkes has characterized traditional ecological k
nowledge (TEK) as "a cumulative body of knowledge, practice, and belief, evolving by ad
aptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about t
he relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their enviro
nmcnt" (Berkes 2012).
The challenges brought on by global climate change are beyond the lived
experience of all knowledge holders, whether scientific or indigenous (Huntington et al.,
2005;
Nuttall et al.,
2005).
Effective adaptation planning requires access to the best
available knowledge, whatever its source. In the face of climate change risks and impacts
that remain uncertain and unpredictable, there is a growing need for policies and action
that foster the co-production of new knowledge sets, based upon collaborative efforts
involving community-based knowledge holders and natural and social scientists. Comanagement regimes that bring communities and the State together to jointly manage
natural resources, have provided an important arena for the development of knowledge
co-production (Freeman and Carbyn, 1988; Inglis,
1993;
Kofinas,
2002).
(Weathering
Uncertainty: Traditional knowledge for climate change assessment and adaptation)
Holistic approach to complexity: capacity of indigenous observation to make
sense of complex changes in the environment through qualitative assessment of numerous
variables (as opposed to science's quantitative assessment of a few). (Weatheing
Uncertzinj. Traditionalknowledge for clinate changeasscssmnentand adaptation).
Worldwide, there is an increase in ecosystem distress syndromes matched by a
corresponding increase in human distress syndromes. The specific role played by global-
23
scale environmental challenges to 'sense of place' and identity will be explored in the
future development of the concept of solastalgia.
Traditional knowledge is useful in: defining earlier environmental baselines,
identifying impacts that need to be mitigated, providing observational evidence for
modeling, providing technologies for adapting, and for identifying culturally appropriate
values for protection from direct impacts or from the impacts of adaptation measures
themselves.
Issues that are unique to tribal contexts, including the history of research as a tool
of colonization, tribal politics, leadership turnover, fluctuating budgets largely dependent
on federal and state funds, and incredibly powerful cultural protocols and taboos) (NCAI
Policy Research Center,
2012)
Despite these documented benefits, it must be kept in mind they are being invited
to mobilize traditional knowledge, often deeply spiritual and core to their identity, to
solve large-scale problems they cannot avoid and that are not of their making. (Williams
& Hardison,
2013)
Promote partnerships that foster effective climate solutions from both western and
indigenous perspectives. This requires moving beyond simply collecting or citing
traditional knowledge to applying traditional knowledge in problem-solving. Working in
true partnership involves recognizing, respecting, and, where appropriate, resolving
epistemological differences in devising place-based solutions (Trainor in press; Voggesser
et al. 2013; Whyte 2013)-
24
"ADAPTATION APARTHEID",
DEMOCRATIZATION OF THE
ADAPTATION PROCESS, GOVERNANCE,
NEW INSTITUTIONS
"If we can be viewed as a disposable people, with our lands left
to perish and our way of life with them, who is next?"
Chief Albert Naquin, Isle de Jean Charles Band of Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw
(Isle de Jean Charles, 2012)
"We do not need climate change apartheid in adaptation.
Adaptation is becoming a euphemism for social injustice on a
global scale. While the citizens of the rich world are protected
from harm, the poor, the vulnerable and the hungry are exposed to
the harsh reality of climate change in their everyday lives. Put
bluntly, the world's poor are being harmed through a problem that
is not of their making."
Desmond Tutu
(United Nations Development Programme, 2007)
"What gets declared a crisis is an expression of power and
priorities as much as hard facts."
Naomi Klein
(2014)
The drastic environmental changes the three Louisiana tribes face highlight the
greater contradictions in our social, political and economic system and the need to make
decisions under increasingly uncertain and complex conditions (Austin 2004; Watts
1983). The tribes' experiences show the interaction between the environmental, social and
political processes and governing power dynamics. Focusing on the political ecology of
the communities' experiences of environmental change, including the impacts of
displacement and decisions to stay in-place vs. relocate, this paper addresses broader
issues of adaptive governance structures and policy implications. Building on Bronen's
(2011) rights-based
approach to adaptation and Shearer's (2012) approach to a political
ecology of adaptation, I argue that governance structures should be put in place that
25
support communities' in-situ adaptation efforts or, if the community decides its current
location is no longer inhabitable, assist community-led relocation efforts. Multiple forms
of knowledge should be incorporated into and inform the structures supporting the
adaptation process. I highlight the social, political, environmental and economic context
within which environmental changes have occurred in coastal Louisiana through
discussion on the loss of the commons, the creation of an energy sacrifice zone, costbenefit based restoration efforts and forced displacement and relocation. The tribes'
experiences'highlight broader issues of adaptive governance structures and policy
implications.
CASE: Isle
de Jean Charles Band of
Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw
-
Unique cultural position - hideouts of 3 tribes, and francophone
-
Adaptation Apartheid, Confluence of factors, Land Grabs to Sacrifice Zones.
Accumulation by dispossesion
-
Political status - can't get federal help
-
Written out of state plan
*
Left out of action plan going forward
e
Warning for community that could be subject to clearance, urban renewal for
bigger goals
Land Grabs to Sacuifice Zones
Sacrifice zones are "...a place where human lives are valued less than the natural
resources that can be extracted from the region" (Buckley and Allen 2011:171). For
example, the energy produced in the Appalachian coalfields "...comes from a use of the
land that treats it as disposable" (Purdy 20:182). The coal industry in central Appalachia
systematically prevents residents "...from developing community resources in ways
26
outside the state's agenda - an agenda that systematically protects coal" and argues for
strip mining in pursuit of private property rights (McNeil 2012:65, 69). Similarly, the
protection of oil and private property, along with the drive for industrialization and
economic gain helped turn coastal Louisiana into an energy sacrificezone (Colten 2012;
Martinez-Alier etal. 2014). Accumulation by Dispossesion (Harvey)
Green Grabs
Contrast between framework of ecosystem
services and socio-ecological
treatments of environment, how it pertains to indigenous conceptions of nature.
"ontologies of ecology are being replaced by those of 'natural capital' and
ecosystem services' (Corson and MacDonald 2012). In what Brockington
et al. (2008, 188) refer to as a 'green box of consumptive nature', animals,
landscapes and ecosystem processes appear, as if by magic, divorced from
the historic-ecological processes that gave rise to them. Conceptualisations
relationships, and of
of ecological and human- ecological
interconnectedness in systems, give way to the notion that their
components, facets and attributes can be separated as ecosystem 'services'
and so sold: not just resources for provisioning, but also their regulating
and even aesthetic dimensions. (Fairhead et al, 2012).
Economic valuation of the environment
Scales of Governance
Need participatory, iterative process, enhanced community development
Incorporation of multiple knowledges and worldviews. Democratization of the
adaptation process is needed that includes more equitable distribution of knowledge
sharing and integration, public participation and different ways of knowing in decisionmaking. Decolonization of the research and policymaking process.
If indeed wisdom does sit in places (Basso 1996), including "indigenuity" and
multi-generational traditional knowledges, their incorporation into adaptation planning
and decision-making would help to democratize the process. And therefore help to
27
improve understanding of underlying structures of vulnerability and would improve
ability to address impacts and adapt well. Understanding different forms of knowledge
and worldviews, especially those pertaining to nature-culture relations, sheds light on
how power is linked to concerns of everyday life (Wolf 1999), which in turn helps to reveal
the underlying structures of vulnerability.
As Cruikshank explained, "codified in government reports, information
formulated as [traditional ecological knowledge] tends to reify and reinforce a Western
dualism-prying nature from culture-that local narratives challenge in the first place"
(2001:389).
There is a pressing need for flexibility in the existing governance structures to
enable agencies to support communities if they deem that in-situ adaptation is no longer
viable and they need to relocate (Bronen
2011;
Shearer 2012).
Without such flexibility, relocation efforts are often thwarted if issues arise with one
agency (Shearer
2012),
such as occurred with Isle de Jean Charles and the USACE.
Existing governance structures are insufficient for the long-term environmental changes
communities face and the need for pro-active measures.
Clear message that climate change is not confined by human made borders and
boundaries. Successful, i.e., sustainable, climate change adaptation will require
considerable "imagination," as N. Scott Momaday properly called it (see Reo and Parker),
especially in the institution building (see Whyte) that will allow relationships of
responsibility and respect to be created so American Indians and Alaska Natives can find
some justice in climate mitigation and adaptation actions. This finds resonance with
literature calling for "transformative" approaches to adaptation. The term "transformative"
is being used to describe a range of endeavors that promise extraordinary outcomes.
Four policies in particular should actually be understood as systems of
responsibilities that institutions can shelter and amend. They are the government-to-
28
government relationship, the trust responsibility, the inclusion of multiple knowledge
sources in climate research and the advancement of multiparty governance.
Collective continuance is a community's capacity to be adaptive in ways sufficient
for the livelihoods of its members to flourish into the future. Adaptation refers to
"adjustments that populations take in response to current or predicted change" (Nelson et
al.2007, 397). The flourishing of livelihoods refers to both tribal conceptions of (i) how to
contest colonial hardships, like cultural discrimination and disrespect for treaty rights,
and (2) how to pursue comprehensive aims at robust living, like building cohesive
societies, vibrant cultures, strong subsistence and commercial economies, and peaceful
relations with a range of non-tribal neighbors, from small towns to nation states to the
United Nations (UN). i Given (i)and (2), tribal collective continuance can be seen as a
community's aptitude for making adjustments to current or predicted change in ways that
contest colonial hardships and embolden comprehensive aims at robust living.
Tribes may also face dilemmas about whether to use bureaucratic structures (e.g.,
co-management and treatment as state status) acceptable to the U.S. instead of structures
that flow from their own conceptions of how to govern adaptation efforts (Ranco et
al.2o11)
The institutions that tribes must rely on cannot do the work of advancing
collective continuance because they face more constraints than opportunities for success.
In many cases, the obstructions violate tribes'social, economic and cultural human rights,
as defined by the UN's International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
(Maldonado et al.2013), treaty rights (Dittmer
2013), subsistence
rights to traditional
foods (Lynn et al.2013), as well as other rights codified by the UN Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These violations exemplify formal injustice because they
infringe on or neglect recognized (formal) schedules of rights intended to protect
Indigenous peoples.
29
Official US policy affirms that tribes have sovereign rights "to protect tribal
cultural heritage and cultural identity expressed in both tangible and intangible forms."
Therefore, in the United States it is well-established in Constitutional law and national
policy that the tribes have retained unextinguished sovereign jurisdiction over their
tangible and intangible cultural heritage. Traditional knowledge is fundamental to the
purpose of the treaties and a component of the governance rights reserved in them.
Article 31 of UNDRIP affirms the similar right of indigenous peoples "to
maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and
traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations of their sciences,
technologies and cultures."Although many nations view UN DRIP to be aspirational and
not currently legally binding, all signatories have committed themselves to moving
towards implementing its principles. The Nagoya Protocol of the Convention on
Biological Diversity recognizes the obligation to obtain the prior informed consent of
indigenous and local communities prior to accessing and using their knowledge.
In the case of indigenous traditional knowledge, scientists therefore may not be
dealing with knowledge and resources held by one stakeholder among many whose rights
can be balanced, but with knowledge held collectively by a political entity that has the
right of self- determination and self-governance. Concepts, instruments and approaches
for stakeholder processes are inadequate when addressing issues related to sovereign
property, which are dealt with through treaties, bilateral agreements and other
government-to-government instruments.
Pending responsibility demands that settler states acknowledge that today's
political relations with indigenous peoples descend from structures of settler colonialism
designed to limit indigenous adaptation to environmental change. Pending responsibility
requires settler states to engage in a long needed process of political reconciliation with
30
indigenous peoples that would radically restructure such political relations in ways that
are flexible enough to facilitate styles of indigenous adaptation that accord with
indigenous cultural and political self-determination.
Kyle Powys Whyte argues in "The Recognition Dimensions of Environmental
Justice in Indian Country" that tribal environmental governance requires rethinking the
meaning of the ethics of environmental policy in Indian country beyond distributive,
participative, and corrective paradigms ofjustice. A theory of environmental justice must
include tribes' particular concerns and situations. Chairwoman Karen Diver notes "As
tribes, we're not as removed form our government. Government is very personal." (Diver,
2009).
31
CONCLUSION
"The best defense of sovereignty is to exercise it effectively."
Chairwoman Karen Diver, Fond du Lac Band of Lake Superior Chippewa and White
House Task Force on Climate Preparedness and Resilience Appointee (2009)
Lessons forAdaptationPlannerN
-
Decolonization & democratization of planning, research and policy making:
include more equitable distribution of knowledge sharing and integration, public
participation, and different ways of knowing in decision-making.
-
Environmental Justice
*
Incorporation of multiple worldxiews and knowledges according to guidelines set
by community
e
Knowledge of elders passed on to youth, recognizing youth as tomorrow's leaders
and messengers
*
Holistic understanding of community health impacts: "Fullilove's diagnosis of
root shock begins with an analysis of a traumatic past, to identity the breaks in the
civic fabric. One treatment, says Fullilove, is to teach young people that they do
have roots, and they can tend them by learning history" (Sullivan,
"
2015).
Meaningful Free, Prior, and Informed Consent process by government and
industry when working with indigenous peoples or conducting projects on or
impacting tribal land
-
Community-defined concepts of resilience goals and vulnerabilities, respect for
self-determination by outside entities
* Adaptation decisions guided by an ethical framework rather than cost-benefit
analyses
32
*
Plans for flexibility in governance structures for tribes that want to be proactive
about community relocation
Adaptationguided by cost-benefit analyses vs. through an ethicalframework
Following from this holistic framework, Alaskan indigenous perspectives often
emphasize relationships between people and other living and non-living entities ("how
to"), whereas western science tends to emphasize facts ("what is"). Traditional ways of
knowing therefore provide an ethical framework that can guide adaptation to current and
emerging conditions (Huntington and Watson
2012).
Given these important differences
between western and indigenous worldviews, it important not to attempt to merge them
into a single framework but to recognize respectfully what each has to offer in solving the
challenges faced by modem society (Huntington
Huntington and Watson
2012)
20ooa
Huntington et al.2005;
(Indigenousfi-ameworks for observingand respondingto
climatechange in Alaska)
Building on Bronen's (2011) rights-based approach to adaptation and Shearer's
(2012)
approach to a political ecology of adaptation, I argue that governance structures
should be put in place that support communities' in-situ adaptation efforts or, if the
community decides its current location is no longer inhabitable, to assist community-led
relocation efforts. Multiple forms of knowledge should be incorporated into and should
inform the structures supporting the adaptation process. I highlight the social, political,
environmental and economic context within which environmental changes are occurring
in coastal Louisiana through discussion on the loss of the commons, the creation of an
energy sacrifice zone, cost- benefit based restoration efforts and forced displacement and
relocation.
Human-induced environmental changes, such as the impacts of climate change
and unsustainable development practices (e.g., oil extraction and exploration), are
33
displacing millions of people around the world (IPCC 2007; UNDP
2007/2008).
In
particular, entire indigenous communities living in coastal and low-lying areas that
already face a multitude of stressors are being forced to relocate due to accelerated sea
level rise, erosion, extreme weather events and/or permafrost thaw (Bronen
2011;
Louisiana Workshop 2012; Maldonado et al. 2013; McLean et al. 2009; NCADAC 2013).
Such issues are often framed as environmental problems. However, environmental
change and its impacts are "symptoms of deeper pathologies of power" (Farmer 2003:7),
made visible through forms of structural power reflected in the prevailing economic,
political and social systems (Austin 2004; Wolf 1999). Environmental degradation is a
form of tacit persecution. Modern economic and political processes positioned humans
and the environment in conflict, masked such destruction, and established a framework
that led to the overconsumption of natural resources and the disconnect between
consumption, production and environmental degradation (Foster 1999; K tting 2004;
Marx 1994/1888).
Focus on adaptation vs. mitigation. Importance and challenge of place-based
knowledge. "Knowledge systems are in a continual state of change and Indigenous
Knowledge is no exception. Indigenous Knowledge is the result of everyday human
interaction with the local environment, and just as the ecosystems shift and alter, so does
the resultant knowledge gained from consistent interaction with that ecosystem (Berkes
Menzies 2006)." (15) Involvement of youth needed - throughout plans. Ceremonies
-
1999;
involved in "giving thanks" - important throughout plans
Language in plans reinforces importance and legitimacy of traditional knowledge,
but takes different approaches to discussing it:
.
Mohawk - no need to defend, completely framed around it, integrates western
science into overarching framework of TEK/cultural perspective
.
Swinomish - gives a lot of context, citations from academic and other sources
(incl elders testimonies)
34
Indigenous Peoples possess a proven record that their deep-seated knowledge and
experience have enabled them to confront, survive, and overcome countless disasters
throughout the centuries in all kinds of weather and cultures. They have often been
dispersed and subject to relocation, whether forced or willingly, due to risk, danger,
natural disasters, or victimization by the dominant cultures throughout history.
Legalramificationsofrelocationchallenges
Are displaced tribes considered to be Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)? Are
they then subject to international human rights protections for IDPs? Are they
"environmental refugees"? Adding "s" to "Peoples" in the United Nations Declaration on
the Right of Indigenous Peoples took ten years. Need to recognize people as
communities.
Rights and Responsibilities
Thinking about climate adaptation in context of property and ownership that we
have now - is it possible? Only country that made people property and then made
property people. Profoundly illogical -defies sense of rationality. Connected to
responsibility -with whom do we share these things? Who do we work with?
Outside of communities, indifference is a major obstacle, internally - loss of
language and subsequent loss of knowledge transfer through land-based learning in
context is a major obstacle. Can't take knowledge from elders. Part of what that means is
picking next leaders. Extractive nature of our system, unexamined assumptions about
how we operate. As we seek to correct this wrong, we have to change our assumptions
about our own humanity, reexamine our own humanity. Ethical structure cuts across
everything in social justice. Desire to be a responsible human -was historically part of
35
Native communities, and gone awash, being ignored - corruption of the soul, ownership
of things that shouldn't be owned, Natives have a responsibility to share that view.
Requires ethical responsibility Point of departure -what are you thinking about when
you're planning? Is there an empty chair for the unborn and disenfranchised? And those
who went before? Restoration includes not only that of ecological communities, but
restoration of humanity's relationships to land as well.
"These are timeless truths
that have been
temporarily
overlooked."
Nina Lytton, Member,
Indigenous Peoples'
Climate Change Working Group
36
AUTHOR'S NOTE
"We have now arrived at the place where we end our words. Of all
the things we have named, it was not our intention to leave
anything out. If something was forgotten, we leave it to each
individual to send such greetings and thanks in their own way.
And now our minds are one."
Haudenosaunee Thanksgiving Address
St.
Regis Mohawk Tribe,
(2013)
My interest in this subject stems from my experience working with a project of the Center
for Court Innovation called the Tribal Justice Exchange. The Tribal Justice Exchange's
model is based on an exchange of expertise and knowledge between tribal court systems
and "western" court systems, where innovative practices from each are adapted and
utilized by the other. The project I worked on was to implement a Peacemaking program
in a community court in a New York City neighborhood, based on traditional approaches
to justice used by many indigenous communities that focus on healing and restoring
relationships within a community rather than punishment. In both native settings and the
court setting, the success of the process relies on trained volunteer peacemakers whose
"leadership depends on respect and persuasion and not a position of power and authority"
(Zion, 1998).
I also had the privilege of studying with Professor Joseph Kalt of the Harvard Program
on Indian American Economic Development in his Nation Building I: Sovereignty in the
21st Century course, where I was fortunate to meet and learn from incredible Native
leaders and scholars and generally get schooled in a major gap in my knowledge of
contemporary U.S. history. According to the U.S. Census, my hometown of New York
City has the largest population of Native Americans of any city in the country. I took the
course and undertook this thesis as a way of beginning to address my own and of the
planning field's ignorance of the most basic understanding of the foundations of the law,
history, and culture of the United States.
My intention is not to romanticize indigeneity and make sweeping claims about an
extremely diverse population. As an outsider, I can never claim to understand the
worldview, traditional knowledge, or experience of being indigenous. What I would like
to do with this thesis is to use the documents that tribes have shared publicly with the
world as tools to communicate their concerns about and plans for adapting to the impacts
of climate change on their communities, from their own perspective, in order to
contribute to a growing body of theory and practical knowledge about how to make
climate adaptation culturally and socially relevant.
37
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APPENDIX
Plans Analyzed
LOCATION
TRIBE/COMMUNITY
YEAR
PUBLISHED
Inupiaq
Atqasuk, Alaska
2014
Confederated Salish and Kootenail Tribes of the
Flathead Reservation
Montana
2013
Jamestown S'Klallam Tribe
Washington
2013
Inupiat
Kiana, Alaska
2011
Inupiat
Kivalina, Alaska
2011
Yup'ik
Kwethluk, Alaska
2009
Alutiiq and Yup'ik
Levelock, Alaska
2014
Navajo Nation
Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah
2013
Yup'ik
Newtok, Alaska
2011
Nez Perce
Idaho
2011
Inupiat
Noatak, Alaska
2011
Dena'ina
Nondalton, Alaska
2013
Inupiat- Yup'ik
Norton Bay, Alaska
2013
Yupik and Aleut
Pilot Point, Alaska
2013
Inupiat
Point Hope, Alaska
2010
Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians
Minnesota
2014
Sauk-Suiattle Indian Tribe
Washington
2014
Inupiat
Selawik, Alaska
2012
Yup'ik
Shaktoolik, Alaska
2014
Shinnecock Indian Nation
New York
2013
St. Regis Mohawk (Akwesane)
New York and Quebec
2013
Swinomish
Washington
2010
Inupiat
Wainwright, Alaska
2014
Yurok
California
2011
45