Corporate Reporting Of Sustainability & Human Rights: A post-structuralist analysis of the construction of the relationship between human rights and sustainability in the Mining, Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industries. By Ken McPhail & Carol Adams. v.7 Rough Draft, Please do not quote without the permission of the authors Abstract According to Ratner (2001), “The last decade has witnessed a striking new phenomenon in strategies to protect human rights: a shift by global actors concerned about human rights from nearly exclusive attention on the abuses committed by governments to close scrutiny of the activities of business enterprises, in particular multinational corporations.” Much of the activity surrounding attempts to apply human rights to the corporate sphere, emanates from the United Nations. Historically, the UN has clearly linked the state of the environment with the realization of human rights, as can be seen for example in Principle 1 of the 1972 Stockholm conference on the Human Environment. However, apart from a recent special issue of the journal Critical Perspectives on Accounting (2011), the issue of human rights has thus far been substantially absent from the professional accounting curricula; global international financial reporting standards; and the professional bodies research agendas. Yet not only do we know little about the emergent nature of corporate disclosures in relation to their human rights responsibilities, we also know little about whether and how this disclosure is being related to the more established sustainability discourse. This paper begins to address this issue by studying the human rights disclosures of thirty Fortune 500 companies in the mining, pharmaceutical and chemical industries. Drawing on a poststructuralist perspective of rights, the paper explores how the notion of corporate responsibility for human rights violations is being discursively constructed through the disclosures of these companies within their annual accounts and sustainability reports. The paper specifically focuses on the way the relationship between human rights and sustainability is being construed. Professor Ken McPhail, Faculty of Business, Economics and Law, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia E: k.mcphail@latrobe.edu.au 1 Introduction. According to Ratner (2001), “The last decade has witnessed a striking new phenomenon in strategies to protect human rights: a shift by global actors concerned about human rights from nearly exclusive attention on the abuses committed by governments to close scrutiny of the activities of business enterprises, in particular multinational corporations.” This paper begins to explore this development by studying the human rights disclosures of thirty Fortune Global 500 companies in the mining, pharmaceutical and chemical industries. Drawing on a post-structuralist perspective of rights, the paper explores how the notion of corporate responsibility for human rights violations is being discursively constructed through the disclosures of these companies within their annual accounts and sustainability reports. The paper specifically focuses on the way the relationship between human rights and sustainability is being construed. The increasing focus on business and human rights relates to at least three developments in the political economy of globalisation that challenge the prevailing model of state accountability for human rights (Muchlinski 2001). Firstly, there is growing concern over government ability to regulate multinational corporations for human rights abuses perpetrated outside of the jurisdictions within which they are headquartered (Ratner 2001)1. While the power of corporations has increased, they have simultaneously become more independent of state oversight (Muchlinski 2001), despite the fact that many of these Foreign Direct Investment projects are partially funded by home states via Export Credit Agencies2. Secondly, there is growing concern that the structural conditions of the global economic system and the mobility of capital, is bringing business pursuit of profit into conflict with human rights obligations 3. Finally, the 1 Although interestingly the International Council on Mining and Metals, a body set up to champion the mining sectors interests comments, “One example is the current lack of clarity over the boundaries between companies and states in upholding human rights (while seeking to uphold human rights within their legitimate ‘sphere of influence’, for example, companies also clearly need to avoid becoming political actors, or interfere in the political affairs of host countries.” (ICMM 2006: 2) Yet this seems rather naïve and to ignore the rather obvious point that companies are political actors and do have an impact on the affairs of host countries. 2 Some developing nations, however, represent the business and human rights agenda as effectively an extraterritorial extension of the power of Western states. They represent the business and human rights agenda as a form of cultural imperialism (Muchlinski 2001). 3 Venkateswarlu (2003:8) for example comments, “The wage rates for children are far lower than adult wages. We can reduce our labor costs considerably if we hire girl children. If we want to hire adult labour we have to pay higher wages. With the current procurement price we get from the seed companies we cannot afford to pay higher wages to the labourers’. The exploitation of child labour on cottonseed farms is 2 increasing interest on corporations and human rights is related to the changing nature of the business-state relationship. While most of the challenges surrounding business and human rights are construed in terms of the potential for multinational corporations to become complicit in human rights violations in developing counties, Prof John Ruggie, the Special Representative to the UN High Commissioner for business and human rights, has raised the human rights challenges associated with the outsourcing of public services. He, comments: “States do not relinquish their international human rights obligations by outsourcing the delivery of services” Prof. Ruggie goes on to say, “ As a necessary step, the relevant service contracts or enabling legislation should clarify the State’s expectations that these enterprises respect human rights. States should ensure that they can effectively oversee the enterprises’ activities … through the provision of adequate independent monitoring and accountability mechanisms.” Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, 2011, page 10. Thus, while allegations of corporate involvement in human rights violations is not new, the global political economic context within which contemporary violations are perpetrated, challenges established views of the states primary role in relation to the protection and promotion of human rights (Muchlinkski 2001: 32). The subsequent attempts to apply the discourse of human rights to multinational corporations in particular, presumes a changes in legal, political and social relations which in turn, changes the very foundation of human rights thinking.” Yet apart from a recent special issue of the journal Critical Perspectives on Accounting (2011), the issue of human rights has thus far been substantially absent from the accounting literature. According to a 2006 survey of Fortune Global 500 companies, nine out of ten companies who responded to the survey had human rights principles in place. More than half of the FTSE 100 companies had adopted a human rights policy and over 60% of respondents referenced the Universal Declaration within these policies (International Business Leaders Forum 2005). Companies are therefore beginning to articulate their social responsibilities in terms of human rights as they are conceived through the Universal Declaration. The Business Leaders Initiative Human Rights (2004) would therefore seem correct when they comment, linked to larger market forces. Several large-scale national and multinational seed companies, which produce and market the seeds, are involved in perpetuating the problem of child labour. The economic relationship behind this abuse is multi-tiered and complex and masks legal and social responsibility.” 3 “increased numbers of businesses [are] willing to talk seriously about their human rights responsibilities, perhaps recognizing that human rights is the most legitimate and universal framework for determining the social dimensions of business responsibility and issues of corporate governance.” Business Leaders Initiative on Human Rights, Report 2, page 11, Dec. 2004. The language of human rights is therefore beginning to make its way into the working environment of corporations at the policy level. Yet despite these major developments within the field of corporate social responsibility, relatively little is know of what corporations are disclosing about their human rights responsibilities or how these disclosures are shaping our understanding of rights (although see Islam & McPhail 2011). Much of the activity surrounding attempts to apply the universal declaration of human rights to the corporate sphere, emanates from the United Nations4. Historically, the UN has clearly linked the realization of human rights with the state of the environment. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has been instrumental in promoting the GRI sustainability reporting guidelines5. Allen White, of the Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies (CERES) played a significant role in the development of the GRI recently commented that the UN endorsement of the Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights in June 2011, represents one of the most significant developments in CSR within the last decade. Yet not only do we know little about the emergent nature of corporate disclosures in relation to their human rights responsibilities, we also know little about whether and how this disclosure is being related to the more established sustainability discourse. While we believe that Fineman’s (2001: 21) comment, that the notion has been “ethically purged,” we wonder at the extent to which the emerging rights discourse provides the notion of sustainability with an ethical framework6. The seminal work on human rights within the accounting literature has commented on the potential for human rights to re-invigorate the CSR arena7. Sikka (2011) for example comments, 4 Principle 1 of the 1972 Stockholm conference on the Human Environment for example, states, “Man has the fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being, and he bears a solemn responsibility to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations.” 5 The GRI was established in 1997 as a not for profit and endorsed by the UN in 2002 (Hill 2007). 6 We simply make an empirical observant here rather than a normative commitment. 7 See the special issue of Critical Perspectives on Accounting, “Accounting for Human Rights. 4 “A focus on human rights can reinvigorate accounting, corporate governance and CSR research and can help to strengthen democracy, public accountability and provide a better world.” (Sikka 2011) Gray & Gray (2011) also note the extent to which sustainability and human rights are interwoven, commenting, “Beyond the importance of the issues themselves and the route that they offer into employment and social justice: human rights are inter-woven with environmental, water and land rights issues as well. It is short stop to then recognise that human rights lie at the heart of wider issues such as sustainable development itself and global climate change.” (Gray & Gray 2011) Yet, along with the recognition that human rights lies at the heart of sustainability, they also point out that the relationship is complex and often conflicting (Gray & Gray 2011). There would therefore seem to be an obvious need for further research firstly on how the relationship between sustainability and human rights could be construed theoretically, and secondly, whether and how the relationship is emerging in practice. This paper begins to explore the emergence of the discourse on business and human rights by studying the human rights disclosures of thirty Fortune Global 500 companies in the mining, pharmaceutical and chemical industries. The structure of the paper is as follows. The following section outlines the theoretical perspective adopted within the paper. This section provides a review of various theoretical perspectives on the nature of human rights before developing a taxonomy of the different ways in which the relationship between sustainability and human rights could be construed. The second substantive section outlines the methods adopted in the paper and section three presents an analysis of the findings. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study. 1. Human Rights & Sustainability This section explores two related issues. Firstly, how are we to think about human rights? and secondly, how, theoretically could the relationship between human rights and sustainability be construed. The objective of this discussion is to provide a framework against which corporate disclosures on human rights can be contextualised. 1.1 Human Rights. 5 Much of the contemporary discussion of business and human rights starts with the United Nation’s 1948 Universal Declaration on Human Rights. Amnesty International defines human rights as: “those basic standards without which people cannot live in dignity.” (Amnesty 2005:9). However, while the discourse of human rights has become the generally accepted way in which human beings talk about how they should be treated (Howen 2005), the nature of rights is political and ideologically contested. Indeed, the ubiquity of human rights may, in part, reflect the economic power underlying western notions of ethics and dignity. Four different perspectives on human rights can be identified from the law literature: a naturalist perspective; a protest perspective; a deliberative perspective and a discursive perspective (Dembour 2006, see also Gallhofer et al 2011). The naturalist perspective locates rights in human nature and reason. Protest scholars like Costas Douzinas (2007; 2000), on the other hand, contest that while the human rights discourse has historically operated as “a language of protest,” this function has been lost as rights have become increasingly bureaucratized. Indeed he contends that the language of human rights has been so co-opted that the proliferation of rights and talk of rights, paradoxically marks the end of human rights. Protest scholars have traditionally drawn on a Marxist interpretation of rights. While they empathise with the basic premises underpinning the universal declaration, they contend that their translation into practice serves the interests of capital (Cooper et al 2011). The deliberative school views rights in terms of a language that facilitates the articulation of interests within a pragmatic process of determining how we are to proceed in a given situation while the discursive school, draws on post-structuralist theory to argue that rights are discursively constituted, although this view is not necessarily dismissive of rights (Dembour 2006). This paper draws on a discourse perspective to consider how the notion of human rights is being constructed through corporate disclosures and specifically how it is being constructed in relation to the notion of sustainability. 1.2 Human Rights & Sustainability The primary way in which human rights and sustainability are being connected within the context of corporate disclosure, is via the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) (Etzion & Ferraro, 2010). 6 Sustainability has emerged as the master frame within which notions of business and the environment are discursively constructed (Dresner 2002). The GRI and Triple Bottom Line reporting, have been criticised on the one hand for constructing the economic, environmental and social spheres as three distinct unconnected areas, rather than one complex interconnected system and on the other for failing to recognise the fundamentally different nature of each of the three different components on which it reports (See for example Henriques & Richardson, 2004; Milne, et al 2004; Brown et al 2005; Archel et al 2008; Brown et al 2007; Klok, 2004). For these and other reasons, Waddock, (2007) doubts the potential of the GRI to challenge prevailing business ideology. As we commented above, the relationship between human rights and sustainability has not yet been explored within the literature, however it would seem that the same criticisms apply. According to Vischer (2005), for example, the relationship between the two is hotly debated and the aim of this section is to explore how these two rhetorically powerful ideas have theoretically been connected. We recognise that Sustainability, like human rights is a complex notion with a range of interpretative possibilities (see for example Bosselmann 2008), however the nature of the relationship between the two is not contingent upon ones ecological convictions. This section reviews the extant legal literature on the relationship between human rights and sustainability. Methodologically, the review serves three functions. Firstly, given the lack of accounting literature on the subject, we thought it would be useful to collate the extant literature on the relationship between sustainability and human rights. The second intention was to develop a theoretical framework that will provide a way of orienting the emerging corporate discourse on the relationship between human rights and sustainability8. Finally, we wanted to gain some insight into alternative theoretical constructions that are currently excluded or marginalised within the evolving corporate disclosure. The Unrelated View. The first possibility is to conclude that there is no relationship between human rights and sustainability. According to Picolotti and Taillant (2003: 14), this perspective is quite common. They comment, “local and international organizations, governments and civil society tend to isolate human rights issues into a limited sphere and treat environmental degradation as an entirely unrelated issue.” Adams et al (2011), for example, are critical of the separation of 8 We recognise that we could have adopted a more inductive approach and investigated corporate disclosures in a more grounded fashion. These debates have been well rehearsed within the literature and we do not cover them again here. 7 sustainability and poverty reduction goals implicit within the Millennium Development Goals. They contend that there is a clear need for the alignment of strategies to alleviate poverty and promote sustainability. The Antagonistic View. The second option is an antagonistic view that would set human rights in opposition to sustainability. As Vischer (2005: 47, see also Shelton 1991-92) comments, “How do human rights and sustainability relate to one another? There has been a growing awareness that there are limits to human development on our planet. More and more people have to live with the limited resources offered by nature. The quality of life of future generations is threatened. What does this imply for human rights?” Hamm (2001) elaborates on the tension between sustainability and human rights by contrasting the right to a healthy environment with the emerging discussion around the idea of the right to development9. As Hamm (2001; Udombana 2000) comments, this is obviously related to the debate on whether the right to development is in any way limited by the need for sustainability. However, over and above a practical antagonism, Visher (2005: 48, see also Grenstad and Wollebaek, 1998; Talisse & Aikin 2008) also identifies a conceptual incompatibility. He comments, “The two concepts have different roots and serve different purposes. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is intended to create a social and political order guaranteeing the development of every individual human person and of humanity as a whole. Starting with the rights of the individual, it sets out the basic prerequisites for a just social order. It is not immediately concerned with preserving the planet. The concept of sustainability has developed out of the disturbing awareness that human activity has sparked off an inexorable process of destruction. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essentially more anthropocentric. .... How can these two objectives be brought into line with one another?” Rights to the Environment Perspective A third alternative is to translate sustainability issues into a language of rights. We call this perspective, “rights to the environment.” There is some evidence of this kind of perspective 9 Whether this (right to development) is a right in its own or the result of a number of underlying rights. 8 within the UN debates (Shelton 1991-92). The 1999 Aarhus convention for example, secured a landmark agreement on citizens’ rights to the environment. The convention states, “In order to contribute to the protection of the right of every person present and future generations to live in an environment adequate to his or her health and wellbeing, each party shall guarantee the rights of access to information, public participation in decision making, and access to justice in environmental matters in accordance with the provisions of this Convention (UNECE, 1999, Article 1).” The significance of this convention lies in the link it articulates between the rights to environment, information and participation in relation to activities that have an impact on the environment. Shelton (1991-92) suggests the “right to environment” has gained some international momentum and may be the predominant emerging approach. The 1981 African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights was the first human rights treaty to expressly recognize the right of all peoples to a generally satisfactory environment favourable to their development” (Shelton 1991-1992: 125). The OECD has also articulated a need to construe a “decent” environment as a human right, a point to which the International Labor Organization has also alluded (Shelton 1991-1992)10. The right to a healthy environment is also contained within the Bill of Rights of the South African constitution (Tilbury et al 2002). Here, the environment could be viewed as inextricably related to the enjoyment of basic human rights and therefore, rights could be seen to be violated as a result of environmental damage11 (Shelton 1991-92). Shelton (1991-92) explains that the rights threatened by the environment include the right to life, the right to health, the right to suitable working conditions; the right to information (for example in relation to the dumping of toxic substance) the right to an adequate standard of living and rights to political participation. While this view presents the environment as a prerequisite to the enjoyment of fundamental rights, there is the danger that it could bring the environment into conflict with civil and political rights12. Related to this perspective is an associated view that would seem to present access to individual elements of the environment as a human right. An example of this perspective might be the 10 (Report: Integrating human rights with sustainable human development: A UNDP Policy document (1998) 11 While all environmental degradation does have an impact on the enjoyment of rights, it can also promote other rights, or the rights of others. 12 This can often happen in relation to economic development, where a right to development is prioritised over other civil and political rights. 9 emergent discussions within the rights arena that explicitly construe the right to water as a human right (Alvarez, 2003). Alvarez (2003: 72) for example comments, “The right to water is understood as part of the right to life, as a component of the right to health and as part of the right to food.” Bradbrook & Gradam (2006) similarly discuss the advantages of construing access to energy as a human right. Rights of the Environment Perspective A fourth view distinguishes the rights of the environment from rights to environment. This view argues that the environment needs to be preserved for its own sake. This approach would seek to develop a set of specific environmental rights. Environmental rights can be taken to mean rights that the environment possesses, as opposed to rights that humans have to a sustainable environment. Stone (1972: 452, 456) for example, explores the extent to which trees and other natural objects should be given rights. Stone outlines a range of “inanimate right-holders,” from trusts, corporations and joint ventures, to states and the church and concludes that he is “quite seriously proposing that we give legal rights to forests, oceans, rivers and other so-called “natural objects” in the environment – indeed to the natural environment as a whole.” Human Environmental Rights Perspective. Fifthly, there is a systems perspective that seeks to develop a more holistic view of the systemic interaction between rights and sustainability. Agyeman et al (2002; Meier & Fox 2008; Adams et al 2011) provide an example of this more nuanced political economy of the link between human equality and sustainability13. They argue that environmental degradation (although construed as a global problem) tends to impact the poor more greatly and they argue that there is an empirical link between more equal income distribution, greater civil and political rights and the quality of the environment. Drawing on Adeola (2000) they contend that much of the environmental degradation caused by MNC’s represents a major human rights violation against local people caught in the path of globalization and they contend that there is increasing recognition that one of the best ways to protect the environment is to ensure civil and political rights (Agyeman et al 2002). As such this perspective seems to locate environmental issues within the rights discourse. The relevance of this perspective will become apparent later when we consider how CSR disclosure tends to place human rights within the sustainability discourse. Agyeman et al (2002) 13 In fact Agyeman et al (2002) present the inclusion of the human rights into the environmental and sustainability agenda as a challenge to the sustainability agenda’s focus on biodiversity. 10 draw on Liepetz (1996) to argue for the recognition of human environmental rights. Agyeman et al (2002: 83) comment on how the success of the environmental justice movement was linked to the extent to which it was able to “tap into the discourse and rhetoric of the civil rights movement. Indeed they contend that the success of the environmental movement is related to the extent to which environmental justice was linked to a labour and social justice “master frame” 14. Agyeman et al (2002: 78) go on to say that a “truly sustainable society is one where wider questions of social needs and welfare, and economic opportunity are integrally related to environmental limits imposed by supporting ecosystems.” Agyeman et al (2002: 77) comment that “Wherever in the world environmental…degradation are happening, they are almost always linked to questions o social justice, equity, rights and peoples quality of life in the widest sense.” The Pragmatic View. Finally, there is a pragmatic view. The case for viewing the link between human rights and sustainability in pragmatic terms essentially involves the following arguments: there are advantages from building upon legal obligations that result from the ratification of human rights treatise; the mobilization of the human rights discourse; added credibility; the specificity they provide to vague terms such as participation and empowerment in relation to civil and political rights; the role of human rights institutions already in place at a national level (Philip 2005). Drawing on the specific example of energy, Bradbrook & Gradam (2006) express the reason for wanting to use the language of human rights in terms of the extent to which the framework imposes obligations on states. They say for example, “There are significant advantages in treating access to energy services as a human right. For example, the existence of such a right imposes obligations on states, both at the national and international level.” They explain that “accessing the well-established and extensive human rights machinery will help to fill a need identified by commentators in the energy field.” They point to the fact that, the debate over energy has been somewhat random and uncoordinated and suggest that the human rights framework may provide a mechanism for addressing this deficiency (Bradbrook & Gradam 2006; 414). We therefore identified six distinct ways of constructing the relationship between human rights and sustainability within the literature. We use this broad theoretical taxonomy to explore corporate disclosures on human rights in section 3 below. 2. Method. 14 Indeed Taylor (2000) links the success of environmentalism with its links to the civil rights movement 11 As indicated above, the aim of this paper is to begin to explore the emergent nature of corporate disclosures in relation to their human rights responsibilities, specifically in relation to the more established discourse of environmental sustainability. We construe both human rights and sustainability as discursively constituted notions (Phillips and Hardy 2002) and we explore how the meaning of human rights, and the relationship between human rights and sustainability are discursively constructed and framed within the limited narrative sphere of corporate reporting (see for example Hajer 1995; Macnaghten & Urry, 1998)15. We apply the taxonomy outlined in the previous section, to the human rights disclosures of thirty Fortune Global 500 companies in the mining, pharmaceutical and chemical industries. Our choice of sample was influenced by three factors. Firstly, prior surveys indicated that a significant proportion of Fortune Global 500 companies had human rights principles in place and we therefore assumed that there would be a greater likelihood of finding human rights disclosures16. Secondly, using the Fortune Global 500 enabled cross-country comparison. Finally, the bulk of the emerging discourse on business and human rights has focused on large multinational corporations (Ratner 2001). Collectively the sample represents some of the most powerful corporations in the world and we were interested to explore how these corporations narrated their human rights responsibilities. We selected the top 10 companies in the chemical, mining and pharmaceutical sectors17, three industries that have attracted considerable criticism in relation to human rights challenges (see for example Allens Arthur Robinson 2007; Joseph 2003). Collecting data on multiple industries enabled cross sector as well as cross country comparisons. A list of the companies is provided in table 2.1 below. The companies were incorporated across a range of 12 different countries. Pemex is the only company in the sample that is State owned. Both annual and CSR reports were collected for all the companies in our sample for the year 200718. As we noted above, The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has been instrumental in promoting the GRI sustainability reporting guidelines and the primary way in 15 Note, we say nothing here about whether and how both notions relate to a “real” external world. This is an entirely different matter which would require further elaboration of a nature inappropriate for the current purposes of the paper. 16 We recognise partial perspective provided by our sample in that it provides an insight into the human rights disclosures of large corporations in particular and we recognise that further work is required in relation to SME’s. 17 The decision to focus on the top 10 companies in each sector was driven primarily by resources available, in the form of research assistance. 18 Some companies made reference with their reports to additional disclosure material on their WEB pages. This material however was not analysed. 12 which human rights and sustainability are being connected within the context of corporate disclosure, is via the GRI (Etzion & Ferraro, 2010). Therefore, while all references to rights were collated, a content analysis template was developed specifically based on the human rights disclosure requirements associated with the Global Reporting Initiative G3 guidelines. The guidelines recommend disclosure relating to nine human rights issues in particular. These issues are outlined in table 2.2 below. For the purposes of this research, indicators relating to equal opportunities with respect to race and gender in the work place and supply chain were not included. A copy of the content analysis template is provided in appendix 1. The content analysis was undertaken by an experienced research assistant. The research assistant pilot tested the content analysis protocol and the corresponding data and classifications were independently checked by both co-authors. Table 2.1 Sample Companies form the Fortune Global 500 as at 2007 . Chemical Mining 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Pharmaceutical BASF Dow Chemical Bayer Sabic Dupont Mitsubishi Chemical Hanwha Germany USA Pemex BHP Billiton Mexico Australia Pfizer Glaxosmithkline USA UK Germany Saudi Arabia USA Japan CVRD (Vale) Rio Tinto Group Anglo American Xstrata Brazil UK UK Switzerland Roche Group Sanofi-Aventis Novartis AstraZeneca Switzerland France Switzerand UK Korea India Germany Netherlands Germany Abbott Laboratories Merck Wyeth Johnsone & Johnsone USA Evonik Akzo Nobel Linde Group Oil & Natural Gas Surgutneftegas Encana OXY Russia Canada USA USA USA USA Many of the companies in our sample were signatories to the Global Compact. BASF for example is a founding member. Dow, Bayer, Akzo Nobel, and Vale, explicitly disclosed that they are signatories to the Global Compact, while two thirds of the corporations explicitly referenced the Global Reporting Initiative as being influential in framing their CSR disclosure practices19. Novartis, is however particularly noteworthy. The company was one of the first in the pharmaceutical industry to sign up to the Global Compact and they have worked closely with the UN Special Representative on Business and Human Rights, as well as the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health. The company piloted a human rights compliance project in 2007. 19 The following companies did not reference the GRI: Dupont; Hanwha; Evonik; Oil & Natural Gas; Surgutneftegas; Sanofi-Aventis; AstraZeneca; Abbott Laboratories; Wyeth. 13 Table 2.2 GRI Human Rights Reporting Requirements Aspect: Investment and procurement practices HR1 Percentage and total number of significant investment agreements that include human rights clauses or that have undergone human rights screening. HR2 Percentage of significant suppliers and contractors that have undergone screening on human rights and actions taken HR3 Total hours of employees training on policies and procedures concerning aspects of human rights that are relevant to operations, including the percentage of employees trained Aspect: Non-discrimination HR4 Total number of incidents of discrimination and actions taken Aspect: Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining HR5 Operations identified in which the right to exercise freedom of association and collective bargaining may be at significant risk, and actions taken to support these rights Aspect: Child Labor HR6 Operations identified as having significant risk for incidents of child labor, and measures taken to contribute to the elimination of child labor Aspect: Forced and Compulsory Labor HR7 Operations identified as having significant risk for incidents of forced or compulsory labor, and measures taken to contribute to the elimination of forced or compulsory labor Aspect: Security Practices HR8 Percentage of security personnel trained in the organization’s policies or procedures concerning aspects of human rights that are relevant to operations Aspect: Indigenous Rights HR9 Total number of incidents of violations involving rights of indigenous people and action taken 3. Analysis This section analyses the disclosures made by the companies in our sample and is split into three parts. Firstly, we provide a general overview of the broad human rights reporting patterns within our sample. Secondly, we analyse the specific narrative disclosures in order to begin to understand how the relationship between human rights and corporate accountability is being constructed through voluntary disclosures (Hajer 1995; Macnaghten & Urry, 1998)20. Finally, we specifically analyse how the relationship between human rights and sustainability is being discursively constructed within these disclosures. 3.1 General Overview & Context. Figures 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 provide a general overview of human rights disclosures by the companies in our sample. We draw four inferences from Figures 3.1 and 3.2 and the corresponding supporting tables in appendices 1 and 2. Firstly, the level of human rights disclosure varies 20 In this paper we are less concerned with the specific disclosures in relation to the individual human rights aspects of the GRI than with the way the corporations construed their human rights responsibilities in general. 14 significantly across the companies in our sample from no mention of human rights to almost complete coverage of all human rights aspects of the GRI. Figure 3.2 also implies that the level of engagement may be related to the nationality of the company. All three sectors contain examples of companies that talk a lot about their human rights responsibilities and companies that say nothing at all. Secondly, the reporting patterns, as well as the quantity of disclosure also varied across the sectors, perhaps indicating that the companies think that they face different challenges depending on the sector within which they are located. Having said that however, it was also apparent that issues relating to discrimination received more attention in all three sectors. Thirdly, it would seem that the companies within our mining category seemed to disclose more in relation to human rights than the corporations in the pharmaceutical and chemical industries. Fourthly, the supporting table in appendix 1 indicates that the corporate disclosures in our sample were primarily narrative. We identified a significantly greater amount of narrative disclosure relating to human rights than numerical data. Inset Figure 3.1 About Here Insert Figure 3.2 about Here Figure 3.3 indicates the extent to which the corporations in our sample made disclosures relating to sustainability in comparison to disclosures relating to human rights21. The figure records any mention of human rights, not just those disclosures which relate to the nine issues contained within the GRI guidelines. The table also indicates the extent to which the two issues were collectively presented. We make three observations from figure 3.2. Firstly, the corporations in our sample were more likely to discus the issue of sustainability than they were, the notion of human rights. Secondly, it is clear that human rights disclosures are related to the GRI. No corporation mentioned human rights that did not also reference the GRI. Finally, the table indicates that there is comparatively little combined discussion of human rights and sustainability. We interpreted the notion of a combined discussion rather loosely to include any disclosure which connected the meaning of sustainability and human rights. Insert Figure 3.3 About Here. 21 A supporting table is provided in appendix 3. 15 However, over and above these specific observations, the primary message form this overview is that the emerging narrative of corporate accountability for human rights abuses has entered the sphere of corporate disclosure. We think this creates a number of significant questions relating not only to the presence of human rights within annual reports and Sustainability reports, but to how this presence works to construct both the meaning of rights in relation to corporations, and in relation to sustainability. It is to these questions that we turn in the following section. 3.2 Human Rights & Corporate Accountability In this section we specifically explore how the notion of human rights is discursively emerging as an aspect of corporate accountability. Our aim is to begin to understand how corporate accountably for human rights is framed and how its scope is being constructed. We are interested in exploring whether and how corporate accountability for human rights is being constructed in comparison with the accountability frameworks that have been associated with sustainability. Human Rights & Accountability Frameworks The emergence of human rights as a new issue within CSR is associated with the universal declaration of human rights. Indeed, a number of companies make bold claims about their commitment to the rights that the declaration contains. BHP for example state, “We are publicly committed to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights and the UN Global Compact.” BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 73 . Bayer, similarly comment, “Respect for human rights is the basis for all fair and civilized social interaction. As a socially responsible company, Bayer therefore supports the United Nations’ Declaration of Human Rights and the 10 principles of the Global Compact.” Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 70. Although the business and human rights agenda has emerged subsequent to the discourse on sustainability, it is never-the-less, based on a long established legal framework with clear set of accountability relationships. In contrast therefore to the notion of sustainability, where legal and accountability relationships are currently emergent, the notion of human rights comes with an 16 established legal accountability framework22. Within this framework, corporations are beneficiaries of rights that can be protected from intrusion. Muchlinski (2001) for example explains that corporations, as legal persons, have been held to have the right of property; freedom of speech; fair trial and privacy. Corporations therefore have rights that can be violated (Muchlinski 2001). While the responsibility to respect individual rights is assumed to be widespread and the concern of all organs of society, accountability for the realization of rights has traditionally been construed within international human rights law as the responsibility of states, not corporations. It is the states responsibility to regulate on socially important maters and it is the corporations’ responsibility to abide by the law (Muchlinski 2001). However, the corporations in our sample articulated their responsibilities in light of the requirements of the universal declaration variously as a responsibility to both respect and promote rights, obligations which, “go beyond the furthest limits of responsibility hitherto imposed by human rights law in response to violations committed by private actors” (Muchlinski, 2001). We found some evidence of the contested nature of where responsibility for respecting and promoting rights ultimately lies. Dow, for example, seem to stress the traditional view that responsibility for protecting human rights lies with nation states. They comment, “Dow's Values and Code of Business Conduct are influenced by and reflect the fundamental principles described in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We respect the sovereignty of governments around the world and the responsibility of governments to protect the human rights of its citizens. Dow also has a significant role to play by ensuring compliance to local laws, regulations and customs.” [my emphasis] Human rights, The Dow Chemical company. Akzo Nobel similarly seem to stress a compliance view of human rights when they comment, “We will conduct our activities in a socially responsible manner. In this respect we observe the laws of the countries in which we operate, support fundamental human rights in line with the legitimate role of business.” AkzoNobel Corporate, Code of Conduct, August 2008, page 5. 22 Note we make no comment about the framework itself, we simply point out that its existence should be a factor in understanding how both human rights and sustainability are or are not likely to converge. 17 Other disclosures, however, not only articulate a duty to observe human rights but also reference an overt corporate responsibility to promote human rights. BASF, for example, appear to accept this broader responsibility, although this accountability is limited to their sphere of influence23. They comment, “We strive to contribute to the protection and wider recognition of human rights in our spheres of influence,” (BASF Group’s Position on Human Rights, February 2011, page 1) and Novartis comment, “As well as actively avoiding involvement in the abuse of human rights, we share the notion that companies – within a fair societal division of responsibilities – also have a role to play in promoting human rights, such as the right to an adequate standard of living.” Novartis 2007 GRI report, July 2008, page 70 Merck (Advancing the Dialogue, Toward a Healthier Future, Corporate Responsibility 2008 Report, page 37) also comment, “Business has an important role to play in protecting and promoting the advancement of fundamental human rights,” and BHP Billiton (BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 247) seem to convey a similar perspective, when they say, “wherever we operate we will…ensure ... we understand, promote and uphold fundamental human rights within our sphere of influence, respecting the traditional rights of Indigenous peoples and valuing cultural heritage”. The language of these quotes challenges the traditional construction of human rights as the primary responsibility of nation states and position the corporation in the role of moral arbitrator within the communities within which they operate (Muchlinski 2001). BHP seem to recognise the issue of jurisdiction in relation to human rights, however they comment that promoting human rights means working with host governments. They, comment “While recognising the national sovereignty of host governments, we have a responsibility to promote human rights by contributing to public debate, supporting international agreements and commitments, and identifying opportunities to constructively engage government on human rights issues relevant to our business in the host country.” 23 The corporate accountability for human rights extends to suppliers and other individuals and organisations within their sphere of influence. BHP Billiton, for example comment, “When engaging suppliers and business partners, we endeavour to avoid being complicit in or encouraging any activities that may result in human rights abuses. Where possible, we also seek to influence the behaviour of our suppliers and business partners by drawing attention to human rights issues, such as safety in the workplace.“ BHP Billiton Full Sustainability Report 2008, page 133 18 BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 248 Oxy also explicitly state a responsibility to promote rights contained in international law as opposed to simply adhering to national legislation. They say, “A formal Human Rights Policy was adopted in 2004. The policy sets forth Oxy’s commitment to promoting, within its sphere of activity and influence, those rights and freedoms universally recognized in international as well as national law.” Oxy, Social Responsibility Report 2007, page 6 If, as Muchlinski (2001) comments, the mere claim that corporations can have a duty to observe rights pushes human rights law beyond its limits, then presumably corporations claims to promote human rights are even less intelligible within the sphere of traditional jurisprudence. This is primarily because the claim to be responsible for both the promotion and protection of human rights ontologically constructs the corporation in a manner which has exclusively been the preserve of the state (Muchlinski 2001). If, as Shearer (2002; see also Schweiker, 1993) and Arrington and Francis (1993) contend, the act of rendering an account reflexively constructs the account giver, then the question here is whether the nature of these corporations human rights claims discursively construct them in a way which changes the accountability relationships involved in rendering the account. The Scope of human Rights. There is therefore evidence that some corporations construed their responsibility in terms of promoting the realization of human rights. However, over and above the question of the extent to which corporations should be accountable for respecting or realizing rights, there is a second question which relates to the scope of the rights for which corporations are to be held accountable. Traditionally, rights have been the presumed preserve of the state because of the states capacity to both violate and promote them. As Muchlinski (2001: 35) comments “which human rights are MNC’s to observe? They may have some influence over social and economic matters, as for example ensuring the proper treatment of their workers; but they can do nothing to protect civil and political rights. Only states have the power to do that.” In line with Muchlinski’s observations, we found some evidence that the scope of human rights is being limited specifically to labour rights. Astra Zenica for example comment, “We are fully supportive of the principles set out in the UN Declaration of Human Rights, and our Code of Conduct and supporting policies outline the high standards 19 of employment practice with which everyone in AstraZeneca is expected to comply, both in spirit and letter. These include respecting diversity and, as a minimum, complying with national legal requirements regarding wages and working hours“ AstraZeneca, Annual report and form 20-F Information, 2007. Xstrata similarly comments “Xstrata supports the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Labour Organisation Conventions. We respect the legislation in each country in which we operate. Xstrata is a signatory to the UN Global Compact and we have aligned our strategy and operational performance with ten universally accepted principles in the areas of human rights, labour, the environment and anticorruption. ... The primary human rights in our business relate to the rights of our employees and contractors to work for equal pay, associate freely, to a safe and healthy workplace, to non-discrimination and to legal rights. Other risks relate to the rights of communities associated with our operations and projects to be treated with dignity in a manner that respects cultural heritage, traditions and norms.” Xstrata plc Sustainability Report 2007, page 27 Pemex also clearly limits the scope of human rights to labour and discrimination issues when they comment, “The Company respects human rights, equal opportunities and non-discrimination policies based on gender, race, age, language, socioeconomic level, abilities, religion, disability or other characteristics, that prevent full exercise and respect for human rights. Pemex taught 1,417 hours of employee training during 2007, for Corporate and PPQ employees in human rights.” Pemex 2007 Sustainable Development, page 76 However, while on the one hand, limiting human rights to labour rights obviously restricts the scope of corporate accountability, we also identified some evidence of a broader construction of rights. Novartis was the only company in our sample to construct human rights in terms of the civil, political and economic rights categories normally employed in relation to the universal declaration. They say, “Respect for human rights is an essential ingredient of good management. As a responsible corporate citizen, we aim to exert an enlightened presence wherever we operate. We do everything in our power to ensure that we are not complicit in any 20 violations of human rights - whether these are civil, political, economic, social or cultural in nature.” Novartis 2007 GRI report, July 2008, page 53 BHP Billiton’s disclosures also extended the scope of rights to incorporate rights to environment, water and health, over and above labour rights, they say, “When engaging with our local host communities, we have a responsibility to protect those human rights directly affected by our activities. These include the right to a clean environment by minimising the impact of environmental pollution from our operations and the promotion of other basic human rights, such as access to clean water and basic health services.” BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 248 There is therefore evidence of a range of corporate constructions of human rights, and therefore the scope of rights for which they will be held accountable. This scope ranges from labour rights, through broader social and political rights, to the right to a clean environment. The presence of these claims is perhaps indicative of the “fragmented centres of power … which extend the individual’s perception of authority, repression and alienation beyond the apparatus of the state” (Muchlinski 2001: 40). These disclosures are only intelligible if it is assumed that MNC’s have the capacity to violate human dignity and the power to directly influence political institutions. It would therefore, in light of their own disclosures, seem difficult to sustain an argument that these large corporations are not socio-political organisations or that their primary accountability relationship is based on the property rights of shareholders24. States responsibility for civil, political and economic rights, has after all been legitimised by their democratic accountability. Muchlinski (2001:44) for example comments that articulating a responsibility for human rights, “appears to treat corporations as quasi-governmental public institutions. That is to give them a constitutional status that they neither deserve nor need.” We also identified some evidence that the notion of human rights was being constructed in terms of core business activity. In terms of a parallel with sustainability, this might be akin to those corporations that view sustainability as a set of constraints within which business is undertaken as opposed to viewing sustainable energy, for example, as the core business model. In the following 24 While these commitments are voluntary, they can gain legal force if they become encoded in for example supplier contracts 21 quote for example, Novartis, seems to display the latter kind of construction in relation to the right to health. Under a list of target for 2007 and 2008 they say, “Target for Respect for Human Rights 2007, Evaluate pilot Human Rights Compliance Assessment and carry out compliance assessment in one new country. Participate in debate about corporate content of the “Right to Health.” Work closely with UN Representative on Business and Human Rights, as well as Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health. Target for 2008 Pilot a Human Rights Compliance Assessment in an additional country and develop a pharma-specific version of the assessment. Support the Business Leadership Initiative on Human Rights (BLIHR) in development of an online tool to help companies assess and address challenges related to human rights. Contribute to the new round of discussions about business and the right to health.” Novartis 2007 GRI report, July 2008, page 13 Integrating Accountability for Human Rights. While there may be some differences in the underlying accountability frameworks, accountability for human rights, like accountability for sustainability, subsequently becomes subject to management. As one company commented, “BHP Billiton manages human rights across our various relationships according to the UN Global Compact's 'Sphere of Influence' model”. BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 247 Under the heading of “Self-Assessment and Management,” the company explain how human rights risk is being incorporated into the company’s business planning and review processes. They say, “Integral to meeting these commitments are our HSEC Management Standards, which require that human rights aspects … are considered on a risk basis by our operations and integrated into business planning and review processes as appropriate.” BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 248 22 In order to encourage all aspects of the business to assess their potential risks to human rights issues, the company introduced a target for all sites to undertake “a human rights self-assessment and implement a risk-based human rights management plan by 30 June 2008.” [our emphasis]. Bayer similarly indicate that human rights had been incorporated into their management systems. They say, “In the year covered by the report, the focus was on climate protection, our Groupwide communication program on anti-corruption and compliance, the expansion of our procurement management system and the integration of our human rights policy into our management systems. Our commitment to sustainable health care serves the goal of strengthening human rights.” Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 104 Novartis similarly comment on their efforts to mainstream human rights into their business, they say, “As well as being a signatory of the UN Global Compact, Novartis is one of the few multinational corporations to have developed a guideline on human rights. This sets out our human rights commitments and responsibilities and is implemented through normal management procedures…. Together with institutions like the Business Leaders Initiative on Human Rights (BLIHR), the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR), the International Business Leaders Forum (IBLF), and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), we are helping to develop new tools for mainstreaming human rights into business and assessing corporate impacts.” Novartis 2007 GRI report, July 2008, page 70 Bayer explain how they have implemented a series of measurable targets in relation to their sustainability policy. The inference from the following quote is that these targets also include human rights goals. They say, “We developed a Group-wide position on human rights and presented the “Bayer Climate Program,” which is based on our new policy on climate change. Both apply in all countries and regions where Bayer operates throughout the world. The subgroups and service companies are charged with implementing these policies on a day-to-day basis. How we measure and manage our performance in this area is illustrated by the Sustainable Development Program 2006+ (“Our goals for 2010”), comprising several fields of activity including innovation, product stewardship, excellence in corporate management, social responsibility and responsibility for the 23 environment. Within these fields, we have assigned specific measures to each goal in order to monitor our progress and document the achievement of targets. Science For A Better Life, Bayer Annual Report 2007, page 72 The following disclosure by Bayer also implies that, in this instance, the issue of human rights had been incorporated into the company’s performance management system. They say, “Our values and leadership principles clearly reflect our position on human rights. They serve as the basis for all internal leadership training courses and are also communicated systematically in special modules – such as the thematic area “Respect for people and the environment.” What’s more, through our performance management system, which is applied uniformly around the world, individual conduct targets are agreed each year as leadership goals with all of our currently roughly 25,000 managerial employees, taken into consideration in the bonus system and monitored.” Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 70 Some of the corporations in our sample therefore articulated their responsibility for human rights as a responsibility to both protect rights and promote rights. This language challenges prevailing corporate accountability models. We also identified some evidence of a range of corporate constructions of human rights. Some delimit the scope of rights for which they will be held accountable, while others reflexively construct the corporation as a quazi-governmental public institution. 3.3 Human Rights & Sustainability In this section we specifically explore how the relationship between human rights and sustainability is being discursively constructed and framed within the narrative sphere of corporate reporting. We draw on the taxonomy of six perspectives outlined above to both frame the way in which the relationship is being constructed and highlight the alternative conceptualisations that are currently being marginalised. The six alternative perspectives outlined above were as follows: The unrelated view; the antagonistic view; the rights to environment perspective; the rights of environment perspective; human environmental rights and finally, the pragmatic view. Human Rights & Sustainability As Unrelated. 24 Most of the disclosures that mentioned human rights and sustainability together, constructed both notions as distinct. There was little relating to the reasons why they are mentioned together, or their interrelationship, other than that they are perceived to be part of the new CSR environment. They were constructed as referents, connected only in the sense of being elements in a broader CSR strategic narrative. Anglo American, for example, seem to construe human rights as the latest development in the evolving nature of CSR when they say, “The risks we face and the issues of major concern to stakeholders do not change dramatically from year to year although, of course, new issues and concerns surface over time. This has seen this report evolve from a typical safety, health and environment report to one which includes governance, ethics, human rights issues, a greater focus on the company strategy and future projects.” Anglo American, Report to Society 2007, page 12 Some of the discussion presents human rights as relating to a set of distinct but connected objectives. Bayer for example seem to separate human rights from labour rights and environmental protection when they comment, “With our support of the United Nations Global Compact, we want to raise standards in the fields of human rights, labor rights and environmental protection. In the year covered by the report, the focus was on climate protection, our Group-wide communication program on anti-corruption and compliance, the expansion of our procurement management system and the integration of our human rights policy into our management systems.” Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 104 Bayer likewise comment, “[we] developed a Group-wide position on human rights and presented the “Bayer Climate Program,” which is based on our new policy on climate change.” Science For A Better Life, Bayer Annual Report 2007, page 72. The disclosure of the development of both policies would seem to indicate that both issues are emerging within the CSR arena, however the existence of two separate policies also indicates a lack of integration. However, while there was a lack of integration, quite a number of the disclosures seemed to position human rights as a sub-category within the sustainability report and broader sustainability agenda. Sustainability therefore appears as the master frame, within which human rights are given relevance. The sense here is that human rights are a part of what it means to be sustainable, 25 although, again the reasons why this might be the case are not fully articulated. Xstrata for example comment, “Our Sustainable Development Standards require community relations strategies to be developed that uphold and promote human rights and respect cultural considerations and heritage, in particular with regard to the use of security providers and personnel in high-risk areas.” Xstrata plc Sustainability Report 2007, page 27 Vale similarly comment, “We understand that sustainable development is a challenge to our greater society, to which Vale is a contributor. We are focusing attention on the evolution of critical issues such as human rights, socioeconomic development, environmental conservation and climate change, among others. In this sense, we are committed to the company’s sustainability vision and support Vale’s engagement to the private and public sectors, as well as to civil society, to address the social and environmental challenges with which we are faced.” Vale, Sustainability Report 2007, page 3 The majority of disclosures therefore tend to isolate human rights issues into a limited sphere that is unrelated to environmental degradation (Picolotti and Taillant; 2003 Adams et al, 2011). When BHP talk about human rights within the context of sustainable development they link rights primarily to employees, contractors and host communities. They say, “Our Charter highlights that we care as much about how results are obtained as we do about delivering good results. Our Health, Safety, Environment and Community Management Standards provide the basis for developing and applying management systems at all levels of our Company and are a driver of our contribution to sustainable development. The Standards highlight four key components of sustainable development: • Health – promoting and improving the health of our people and host communities. • Safety – providing a workplace where people can work without being injured. • Environment – promoting efficient resource use, reducing and preventing pollution and enhancing biodiversity protection. • Community – engaging with employees and contractors and with those affected by our operations, including host communities; and understanding, 26 promoting and upholding fundamental human rights within our sphere of influence”. BHP Billiton Annual Report 2008, page 56 In terms of elaborating the nature of the relationship between rights and sustainability, Merck connects human rights to sustainability in a way that constructs sustainability narrowly in terms of ongoing business activity and licence to operate. They say, “Supporting human rights makes business sense too—companies that violate internationally recognized human rights are not sustainable.” Bayer however, appear to link human rights to a slightly broader notion of sustainable development. They comment, “We also expect the conduct of our business partners to reflect our efforts to uphold human rights. As an integral component and expression of our efforts on behalf of human rights, therefore, we demand through our procurement guidelines “Requirements for suppliers” that our suppliers clearly commit to the principles of sustainable development. We verify that this is the case before establishing business relations with them.” Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 70 The emergence of disclosure on sustainability and human rights seems also to be explicitly linked to shifts within the regulatory environment and stakeholder pressure. The appearance of human rights, alongside sustainability reflects the presence of different regulatory entities, including NGO’s and frameworks. Anglo American for example comment, “The issue of regulatory frameworks is of course bigger than both climate change and the corporate sector. They are needed for orderly societal function. As a responsible corporation Anglo American continues to play an active part in voluntary initiatives such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the Global Compact, the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, the Kimberley Process, the Global Reporting Initiative and others. They are an appropriate response to many of the problems such as corruption, security and human rights and the sometimes bitter past experiences of developing countries at the hands of western companies and developed countries. Frameworks that have been developed in cooperation with international agencies, labour, NGOs and government seem to have a greater degree of relevance. By proactively working this 27 way, on societal problems and issues, industry is able to inform national approaches and find successful solutions. Anglo American, Report to Society 2007, page 4 Xstrata suggest a similar link when they comment, “Xstrata’s Sustainable Development Framework has been mapped to international standards including the ICMM and UN Global Compact principles, Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, ISO14001 and OHSAS18001” Xstrata plc Sustainability Report 2007, page 23 However, Bayer also comment that the decision to incorporate human rights into their business and reporting practices related to stakeholder perspectives on the need to incorporate human rights into the companies sustainability report. They comment, “64% of stakeholders would like to see human rights contained in the sustainability report.”(Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 27). The compartmentalisation of human rights and sustainability would therefore seem to reflect criticisms of the way the GRI and Triple Bottom Line fails to recognise the fundamentally interconnectedness of the three different areas on which it seeks to report (See for example Henriques & Richardson, 2004; Milne, et al 2005; Brown et al 2005; Archel et al 2008; Brown et al 2007; Klok, 2004). There is little recognition of the potentially antagonistic relationship between human rights and sustainability. Rights to Environment & Rights to Health. However, while the emergent construction of the relationship between sustainability and human rights outlined above might have been anticipated given both the predominance of the GRI and the criticisms it has received, we never-the-less also identified some examples of the rights to environment perspective outlined above (Shelton 1991-2; Alvarez 2003). BHP for example, seem to connect human rights specifically labour and indigenous rights with a slightly broader notion of sustainable development that recognises their impact on the right to food and water. They comment, “Our objective is to minimise potential negative social impacts while maximising the opportunities and benefits for our host communities. In order to achieve this 28 outcome, we engage in a range of sustainable development and community relations activities, including:… Upholding and promoting the human rights of our employees and contractors, our suppliers, and the communities in which we operate, incorporating such issues as freedom of association, the exclusion of child labour, the prohibition of forced labour and appropriate use of security forces; … Monitoring, measuring and managing our social and economic impacts, which incorporate positive impacts, such as increased economic opportunities through employment, training and business spin-offs, as well as potential negative impacts, such as resettlement, impacts on food and water supplies, and loss of cultural sites or values” BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 238 They go on to explicitly mention the right to a clean environment. They say, “At the centre of our sphere of influence are our employees and contractors, for whom we play an important role in the protection of their rights. This is demonstrated through our commitment to providing a safe and secure workplace. When engaging with our local host communities, we have a responsibility to protect those human rights directly affected by our activities. These include the right to a clean environment by minimising the impact of environmental pollution from our operations and the promotion of other basic human rights, such as access to clean water and basic health services.” BHP Billiton 2007 Full Sustainability Report, page 248 Within the Pharmaceutical and chemical sectors, Novartis, Bayer, and Sanofi also construe the relationship between human rights and sustainability in terms of the right to health, although this is undoubtedly related to the perceived positive impact of their core business on human rights. Bayer, for example talk about how their “commitment to sustainable health care serves the goal of strengthening human rights.” (Science For a Better Life, Bayer Sustainable Development Report 2007, page 104) Novartis also indirectly comment on the role of business in promoting the right to health. They say, “Through the work of the Novartis Foundation for Sustainable Development, we have taken a leadership role in helping to define the part business can play in protecting and promoting human rights, particularly with regard to the right to health. We are involved in pioneering efforts to apply the concept of a living wage across our worldwide operations.” 29 Novartis 2010 GRI report, October 2011, page 85 Sanofi, similarly state, “Our commitment to sustainable health care serves the goal of strengthening human rights.” Within the mining sector there is therefore some evidence of an emergent “right to environment” perspective, which may be emerging as a way of articulating the nature of the corporate accountability relationship between BHP and the communities within which it operates. Within the Pharmaceutical industry, however, the relationship between sustainable development and human rights is mediated by the idea of the right to health which clearly connects to the core business of these types of corporations. However, if “rights to environment” is the preferred construction at the UN (Shelton 1991-92), then one might expect to see traces of this perspective beginning to emerge within corporate disclosures. There therefore seems to be evidence of a paradoxical relationship between the GRI, which may be contributing towards a compartmentalised view of sustainability and human rights if the UN favours a rights to environment view. We should also not over look the fact that both these views marginalise the sense in which human rights and sustainability are in opposition or more systemically interconnected, along with any notion that the environment may be construed as having rights in itself. 4. Conclusion Despite the significant shift by global actors concerned with human rights from a focus on governments to multinational corporations over the past decade, and despite the prominent role that human rights play in the GRI, we know little about the emergent nature of corporate disclosures on human rights. This paper has explored how the notion of rights is being constructed through the disclosures of some large corporations in the mining, chemical and pharmaceutical sectors, in response to the growing expectation that corporations should be held accountable for their impact on human rights. The paper has also specifically focused on how the relationship between sustainability and human rights could be construed theoretically and whether and how this relationship is emerging in practice. This study clearly confirms that the language of human rights has entered the discourse of corporate accountability. However, it is also apparent that the amount of talk varies significantly across companies, sectors and nations. While the appearance of human rights alongside notions 30 of sustainability reflects the presence of different regulatory entities like the UN and the GRI, further research is required on why different companies within the same sector have such divergent levels of disclosure on human rights and also why disclosure appears to vary across countries and sectors. However, as corporations begin to articulate their social responsibility through the language of human rights and the ideology of the universal declaration, this creates a number of significant questions relating to how this presence works to construct both the constitutional status of organisations and the positioning of human rights in relation to sustainability. This paper has begun to raise those questions. The corporations in our sample articulated their duties variously as a responsibility to both protect and promote rights that challenges the traditional view that rights are the primary concern of nation states. We found evidence of a range of corporate constructions of human rights that influences the scope of rights for which they will be held accountable. This scope ranges from labour rights, through broader social and political rights, to the right to a clean environment. While most of the disclosures seem to constructed human rights and sustainability as discrete notions we never-the-less also identified some examples of what we referred to as the rights to environment perspective. We speculate that the GRI may be impeding the development of a more integrated view of rights and sustainability. However we also suggest that this significant development in the discourse of corporate accountability raises significant questions about the role of the state. We question whether the act of articulating a responsibility for human rights, confers upon corporations a constitutional status that is unnecessary. Muchlinski (2001) for example, adopts the normative position that, MNC’s “can be regulated to act in a socially responsible manner without an alteration to their status as private law entities.” There has been some concern within the CSR literature that the challenge of sustainability has been lost because the business community has been able to construct the notion in a way which removes its ethical as well as ecological challenges. 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Xstrata plc Sustainability Report 2007, www.xstrata.com/assets/pdf/x_sustainability_2007.pdf (last accessed 25/01/2012) 36 Figures & Tables Figure 3.1 GRI Human Rights Disclosures By Industry 10 Number of Companies 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 HR1 HR2 HR3 HR4 HR5 HR6 HR7 HR8 HR9 HR8 HR9 GRI Human Rights Categories Chemical Sector Mining Sector Pharmaceutical Sector Figure 3.2 GRI Human Rights Disclosures By Region Percentage of Companies 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 HR1 HR2 HR3 HR4 HR5 HR6 HR7 GRI Human Rights Categories Europe & Australia North & South America 37 Asia, India & Russia Figure 3.3 Combined Human Rights & Sutainabiltiy Disclosures 10 Number of Companies 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 GRI Sustainability Chemical Sector Human Rights Mining Sector 38 Combined Pharmacutical Sector Appendix 1. Disclosures Related to the GRI Human Rights Aspects by Industry. HR1 n1 Dow Bayer BASF Mitsibishi Linde Sabic Akzo Nobel Dupont Hanwha Evonik Sector Total 1 2 HR2 HR3 n t x x x x x n HR4 t x x x x HR5 n HR6 t n t n Chemical Companies x x x x x x x x x x x x HR7 t n x x x x HR8 t n HR9 t n t x x x x x x 4 1 1 x 1 Xstrata Oxy Pemex BHP (CVRD) Vale Rio Tinto Anglo Oil & Gas Surgutneftegas Encana Sector Total Novartis Glaxo Sanofi AstraZenica Pfizer Johnson Abbott Roche Merck Wyeth Sector Total Grand Total t2 4 x x x x 2 x x 1 4 x x x x x x 3 x x x x x x x x x x x 6 x x x x x x x 4 14 x x x x x x x 6 x x x x 2 11 x x x 5 4 Mining Companies x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 5 7 6 Pharmaceuticals x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 6 7 19 4 15 Numerical Disclosure Textual Disclosure 39 6 16 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 6 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 7 6 x x x 1 9 2 9 x 2 12 Appendix 2. GRI Human Rights Disclosures by Region. HR1 n1 BASF Evonik Linde Bayer Xstrata Glaxo Novartis AstraZenica Rio Tinto Anglo Akzo Nobel Sanofi BHP x Regional Total Percentages 1 8 Dow Oxy Encana Pfizer Roche Merck Wyeth Johnson Abbott Pemex (CVRD) Vale Dupont Regional Total Percentages Sabic Hanwha Oil & Gas Surgutneftegas Mitsibishi Regional Total Percentage Grand Total t2 HR2 n HR3 t n HR4 t n x x x x x x x 3 23 1 8 4 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 5 38 10 77 5 38 7 54 8 62 x x x x x x 1 8 x x x 4 33 2 17 14 x 3 25 x 1 20 11 HR6 t n t n Europe & Australia x x x x x x x x 0 x x x x x x x HR5 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 10 4 10 3 77 31 77 23 North & South America x x x x x x x x x x 4 33 x x x x x x x x x x HR7 t x x x x x x x 40 16 n t x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 4 31 5 38 3 23 6 46 x 7 54 x x x x x x x x 1 20 15 t x x 2 15 x 2 40 19 n x 10 77 4 33 Numerical Disclosure 2 Textual Disclosure t HR9 x x x x 7 2 6 1 58 17 50 8 Asia, India & Russia x 1 n HR8 1 8 x x x x x x x x x x x x 4 33 2 17 4 33 1 8 3 25 x 1 20 12 1 20 9 1 20 9 Appendix 3. Disclosures Relating to Sustainability and Human Rights Company 1 BASF 2 Dow Chemical 3 Bayer 4 Sabic 5 Dupont 6 Mitsubishi Chemical 7 Hanwha 8 Evonik 9 Akzo Nobel 10 Linde Group Totals GRI x x x Chemical Sustainability x x x x Human Rights x x x Combined x x x x x x x x 7 x x 5 3 x x x x x x x x x x x x 7 5 5 Mining 1 Pemex 2 BHP Billiton 3 CVRD (Vale) 4 Rio Tinto Group 5 Anglo American 6 Xstrata 7 Oil & Natural Gas 8 Surgutneftegas 9 Encana 10 OXY Totals 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Pfizer Glaxosmithkline Roche Group Sanofi-Aventis Novartis AstraZeneca Abbott Laboratories 8 Merck 9 Wyeth 10 Johnson & Johnson Totals x x x x x x x x 8 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x 9 Pharmaceutical x x x x x x x x x x 7 8 41 x x x x x x 4 2