Breaking the Silence
Why Mothers Don’t Report Incest and
How Applying Social Norms Theory can Facilitate Reporting.
Case Study - Trinidad and Tobago
Prepared for UNICEF Learning Programme on Social Norms at the University of Pennsylvania
Milen Kidane, Child Protection Specialist, UNICEF Trinidad and Tobago, 23 July 2010
Childhood is such a short period of time in comparison to the rest of our lives. If the mindset of a community doesn’t change,
many children will become young adults without knowing what it is like to have a safe and protective environment to live in...
Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, UN Independent Expert for the UN Study on Violence Against Children (2007)
Trinidad and Tobago Unites for Children: Developed by Charlene Thompson,
UNICEF Trinidad and Tobago Communication Officer.
TABLE OF CONTENT
INTRODUCTION – DEFINING THE PROBLEM ........................................................................... 3
Incest – An Overview ................................................................................................................................................3
The Case Study: Breaking the Silence Project in Trinidad and Tobago .....................................................................3
Applying Social Norms Theory to Increase Reporting of Incest by Mothers ............................................................4
THE CONTEXT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO ............................................................................. 5
What the Data Tells Us .............................................................................................................................................5
The Legislative Framework .......................................................................................................................................5
The Protective Environment .....................................................................................................................................6
HARMONISING THE REGULATORY MECHANISMS ................................................................... 6
The Interlinkage between Legal and Protective Framework ....................................................................................6
Human Action: Multi-Motivated and Multi-Regulated .............................................................................................7
REVERSING NORM EXPECTATIONS ......................................................................................... 8
Understanding Social Norms ....................................................................................................................................8
Understanding The Scripts ........................................................................................................................................9
THE WAY FORWARD – A SUGGESTION ................................................................................. 10
The Figurative Argument ........................................................................................................................................11
The Psychological Argument ...................................................................................................................................12
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................ 13
ANNEX 1: THE CONTINUUM OF CHILD PROTECTION SERVICES .............................................. 14
Page 2 of 14
INTRODUCTION – DEFINING THE PROBLEM
Incest – An Overview
Children experience violence in different spaces: at home, schools, institutions, at the workplace and in
the community. Of all the spaces, eliminating and responding to violence against children is perhaps
most challenging in the context of the home or family, considered as the most ‘private’ of private
spheres. A form of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), child sexual abuse (CSA) occurs when the
perpetrators take advantage of another person’s vulnerability, or unequal power, using threat, fear or
coercion for sexual purposes. Within this category, incest (sexual abuse of children within the family), is
one of the most invisible forms of violence.
Taking place behind closed doors and in the privacy of the home, most often, the perpetrator of incest is
the victim’s father, stepfather, mother’s boyfriend, uncle or another male relative in a position of trust.
Incest involves several inter-connecting factors such as social norms based on patriarchal values, gender
inequality, economic dependence of mothers on men and the status of children. Because of their
vulnerability, children are the least able to avoid or resist, least able to comprehend what is happening
and least able to seek the protection they need. Their dependence on adults makes it imperative for the
non-offending mother (or any other responsible adult family member) to support the child, by taking
the first step in reporting the abuse to the appropriate authorities.
The problem, however, is that incest is shrouded with secrecy and an unwritten code of silence by all
involved, making it one of the most under-reported of all CSA cases. Why is incest seldom disclosed
when it is in the best interest of the victim (and the mother) to seek assistance: surely mothers are
aware of the long-lasting negative psychological and physical impact such abuse can have to the child
victim. Can the silence around incest taboo be broken? And if yes, how does this change process occur?
The Case Study: Breaking the Silence Project in Trinidad and Tobago
UNICEF’s support to the Breaking the Silence (BTS) Project in Trinidad and Tobago has invested much
time and resource to respond to these issues. Over a three year period, the project seeks to break the
silence on incest by empowering children, parents, communities, policy makers and service providers.
Phase I was dedicated to generating knowledge and baseline information through literature and legal
review, ethnographic research in 3 communities and a study on knowledge and practice of service
providers. By the end of Phase III, the Project plans to hold policy roundtable meetings and a subregional Conference to disseminate all Project reports and related materials, including monitoring and
evaluation reports, observations and recommendations. Currently, Phase II is focusing on capacity
development and community outreach programmes, which provide regular community meetings,
activities and workshops targeting service providers to address gaps in reporting protocols and
procedures.
As part of the comprehensive programme, the BTS Project has developed a public information campaign
designed primarily to raise awareness of children’s rights to care and protection, provide information on
available services and the legal aspects of CSA and incest. All information, education and communication
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(IEC) material and activities, including the creation of a Blue Teddy Bear mascot were developed
following extensive participatory research on attitudes, behaviours and practices that comprise the
prevailing social norm of silence and non-reporting in cases of incest. The campaign carries the same
key, basic (simple) message to all: break the silence. While the BTS Project has undoubtedly helped raise
awareness on CSA/incest, particularly at the individual level, as evidenced in the evaluation reports,
social norms theory suggests that awareness raising and increased knowledge by individuals does not
automatically translate to a change practices and behaviours that are considered social. To the extent
that mothers do not report incest because of anticipated negative reactions from the community,
changing this norm, requires a collective and public approach and commitment. This suggests there is a
gap in the current design in the community outreach interventions of the BTS project that must be
adjusted (without necessarily increasing resources), if we are to achieve one of the strategic objectives
of the project which is to empower women, men, girls and boys, not only to understand, but to address
(i.e. report) CSA/incest.
Applying Social Norms Theory to Increase Reporting of Incest by Mothers
Reporting is a key component to addressing incest: failure to report is a criminal offence subject to
heavy punishment. Social norms theorists Birccieri, Muldoon and Mackie suggest that when faced with a
dilemma, people’s behaviour is conditional: it is influenced less by their personal, or individual beliefs
and convictions, or even fear of legal sanctions. Instead, most people will behave depending on what
they see or know that others in their reference group (community) do. This is known as empirical
expectations. In Lessons Learned from Comparison of FGM/C, two quotes from women in Egypt and
Ethiopia on their decision to practice FGM summarise empirical expectations nicely, “I’m like my
neighbours” and “I stop when others stop” (Mackie, 2009). In addition to doing what others do, or they
have seen them do in the past, or even just believe they do, social norms theory suggests that what they
think others expect them to do is just as important. This is called normative expectations. In other
words, even if a mother personally believes she should report a case of incest – whether this is
motivated by moral or legal reasons - she may be deterred by a strong social comparison with her
reference group, of which she has observed behaviour of silence and non-disclosure. Using social norms
theory and related concepts, I am proposing a more intentional approach to our ongoing BTS
programme, targeting non-offending mothers, in order to have a more profound and lasting impact.
While mothers are the focus, it is recognised that their role and action (silence) correspond to social
norms, which seem to be deeply embedded in the way a community is structured and understands
itself. I am therefore suggesting interventions that are oriented around the entire community and in a
very participatory and public manner so that mothers (among others) are no longer conflicted about
reporting incest and are instead, facilitating their children’s access to necessary protection and support
services.
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THE CONTEXT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
To understand the social norm of non-reporting, it is useful to review statistical data as well as the
interlinkages between established legal and protective frameworks for survivors of CSA/incest. This
section also provides an overview on the way people are supposed to behave (by law) vis a vis the way
they actually behave (due to social norms).
What the Data Tells Us
Available data and research on CSA and incest provides only limited insight on prevalence. They point
instead to the discrepancy between documented anecdotal evidence (compiled from surveys with
service providers and self-reporting adult victims of incest) which suggest high prevalence and empirical
evidence (statistical data available with police and other service providers caring for survivors of CSA
and incest) which record fewer cases. In the Second Periodic Report of the Republic of Trinidad and
Tobago (CRC 2003), the country had 621 cases of CSA reported between 2000 and 2002. During the
same period, the number of cases of incest reported were 133. Over a 6 month period in 2006, the
Department of Police received 165 cases of CSA, 85% of which were related to violations of girls, 16%
were identified as cases of incest. Whether mandatory reporting in Trinidad and Tobago has resulted in
increased reporting is not clear – it is also very difficult to determine this. It is possible that during the
period, public information campaigns on CSA may have increased the number of individual reports.
Nevertheless, there is sufficient ground to believe that the occurrence of incest is grossly underreported due to the self-perpetuating social norm of silence.
The Legislative Framework
The Children’s Authority: Trinidad and Tobago has made notable progress aligning domestic laws with
international human rights instruments and standards, including Article 19 of the CRC. Despite the
lengthy process, a package of children’s legislation, initiated in 2000, forms the basis for reforms that
are still in the process of being enacted to create a caring and protective environment for children. A
major aspect is the establishment of the Children’s Authority of Trinidad and Tobago which will advocate
for and promote the welfare of all children, provide care and protection for vulnerable and at risk
children, and safeguard them from all forms of violence, abuse and exploitation, including CSA and
incest. Provisions are being made to enable reporting to an alternative body or institution such as the
Children’s Authority, which will also assume responsibility for the implementation of the mandatory
reporting provisions in order to facilitate reporting. Once the Children’s Authority is fully functional, the
country will have a child-centred protection system supported by sound legal framework that will hold
the State ultimately accountable for the welfare of all children.
Sexual Offences Act (2000): Currently, the offences of incest and that of sexual intercourse with an
adopted child, step-child, foster child, ward or dependant are two offences in the Sexual Offences Act
which deal specifically with sexual conduct perpetrated by family members (further identified). The
essential elements of the offence are (1) sexual intercourse and (b) knowledge on the part of the
accused that the person with whom he or she had the sexual intercourse fell within the prohibited
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categories. Penalties range from life imprisonment to imprisonment for two years depending on age of
perpetrator and victim.
Mandatory Reporting: Reporting in Trinidad and Tobago is mandatory – it is an established law aimed at
providing maximum support to the victim and legal sanctions to perpetrators of CSA. The most
important provisions are contained in the Sexual Offences (Amendment Act 2000) which states that
“anyone with reasonable grounds for believing that a sexual offence has been committed against a
minor is required to make a report to a police office as soon as is reasonably practicable”. Categories of
persons legally obliged to report include (inter alia): a parent or guardian, a person who has the
temporary custody of a minor, a medical practitioner. Failure to make a report without a reasonable
excuse is an offence which carries a maximum penalty of imprisonment for 7 years or a fine of
TT$15,000 or both (Section 31 of the Sexual Offences Act).
The Protective Environment
Addressing incest is a complex challenge, requiring a multi-sectoral approach, which has to take into
consideration the inter-linkages between various legal and social services, which in turn have to work
efficiently to encourage use. Around the world, this is a challenge for most countries. Trinidad and
Tobago has similar constraints. A review of findings compiled from Phase I of the BTS Project suggests
that many professionals, who are under a duty to report, are generally not child abuse experts and as
such forming a reasonable belief that a child has been sexually abused can be problematic (they are not
trained/sensitised to identify incest). Many persons may also be reluctant to go to the police because of
the sensitive nature of the matter, the absence of trained police or other personnel to receive such
reports, and the lack of safe and confidential spaces at police stations for making a report. Parents
and/or guardians may also be reluctant to put the child through the court system because of the lengthy
delays that are frequently encountered before the matter reaches trial and the disruption to the family
this may case. Close community and other relationships may also prevent persons from making reports
and many persons also continue to perceive CSA as family problem and hesitate to get involved.
Moreover, information on the weakness of the various institutional services and systems are featured in
the mass media in the most dramatic way, highlighting everything wrong and little that is right with the
system.
HARMONISING THE REGULATORY MECHANISMS
The Interlinkage between Legal and Protective Framework
The previous section establishes that an adequate legal framework exists in Trinidad and Tobago, with
positive and negative incentives to protect victims and punish, not only the perpetrators, but also
persons responsible for the care and protection of children (i.e. mothers) for failing to report CSA and
incest. Clearly, the law’s role in facilitating the reporting of CSA/incest, detection and treatment and
ultimately, its prevention, provides a crucial component in responding to the abuse. Mandatory
reporting should represent the most obvious ‘path of choice’ for the mother. For both victim and nonPage 6 of 14
offending mother, reporting is a win-win (win) situation that legally 1) triggers access to support services
for the victim, 2) fulfills mothers moral and legal obligation to report and 3) provides for sanctions
against the perpetrator as shown in Figure 1:
Figure
1:
between
Law
Criminal law
set clear limits and boundaries
about sexual behaviour with children
Civil law
The
Interlinkage
Criminal and Civil
puts in place mechanisms and
procedures to adequately
respond to CSA
prescribe adequate penalties to
deter and punish abusers
Importantly, both sets of laws must work in tandem for the maximum protection of children and both
are needed to facilitate reporting of CSA and incest. Unfortunately, this is seldom the case: each of the
key social and protection services lack the necessary level of quality to evoke confidence for survivors
and mothers of survivors of CSA and incest to access these services (emergency cases aside). From the
perspective that victims require a range of services, the weak reporting protocols and referral system
that is characteristic of the current situation further reduces confidence in entering this formal system.
See Annex 1: The Continiuum of Child Protection Services (UNICEF CEE/CIS). Clearly, these are major
constraints to reporting incest and need urgent attention. To some extent, I believe that with the
appropriate mix of political will, resources and training, institutional capacity building to improve the
quality, speed and access to services can be achieved. But if non-reporting is an established social norm,
a behaviour that is influenced by both empirical and normative expectations, then interventions have to
go beyond legal reforms and institutional capacity building.
Human Action: Multi-Motivated and Multi-Regulated
Mockus and Xiao remind us that people’s actions are muli-motivated and multi-regulated and that there
needs to be harmony between the law and social norms otherwise social change wil not occur. Whether
we are talking about legal or social norms, people will act because of positive or negative (punitive)
factors as shown in Figure 2 below:
Figure 2: Regulatory Mechanisms (adapted from Antanas Mockus’ presentation)
Legal Norms
These can be motivated by positive factors (admiration for the
law; or a sense of obligation to obey the law) or by negative
factors (fear of legal sanction, imprisonment, forced to pay fine..).
Social Norms
These can be positive: social recognition, trust, reputation or
negatively motivated (fear of social rejection. Based on
empirical and normative expectations – “what I do depends
on what I see – I do as my neighbour” as well as “I do what
others expect me to do”
The challenge is in harmonising these norms
Page 7 of 14
Mockus’ ‘social experiment’ in Bogota, provides for an innovative example of how harmony can be
created. Under Mockus’ leadership, Bogota’s death rate by traffic accidents was drastically reduced, by
stimulating desired behaviuor through a creative mix of highly visible punitive and rewarding
interventions (traffic cards, thumbs up and down, pantomime artists and public reports of
improvements). Xiao adds that the combination can enforce conformity: a new law might change
perceptions and create a new basis for shame – especially when there is a norm of obeying the law. How
a law originates (participatory) and is enforced (consistency, in the public eye and the enforcers
motivation) also contribute to the effectiveness of the law. Moreover, people are predicted to abide by
the law if sanctions are sufficiently severe and tend to break the law if sanctions or type of reward for
doing so are too mild. But the law on mandatory reporting which includes a maximum imprisonment of
7 years for failing to report CSA/incest is considered sufficiently severe, so mothers are not deliberately
breaking the law because they think sanctions are mild. It seems, therefore, mothers are less motivated
by either the positive or negative factors of the law, then they are motivated by the fact that ‘others do
not report’ and ‘I know others will think poorly of me for reporting’. As social norms guide mothers
when it comes to reporting on incest, we will have to re-orient the focus of the BTS project, from
changing the individual to changing the community in order to reverse norm expectations.
REVERSING NORM EXPECTATIONS
Understanding Social Norms
Bicchieri and Mackie have documented experiences on problems of interests that are primarily
relational, such as early marriage and FGC. All experiences recognise that social change involves:
“collective action, since change must be organised in and supported by entire communities, not
individuals acting alone…social norms are upheld because of a web of mutual expectations: individuals
expect others to follow the norm, and in turn everyone believes he or she is expected to comply, and
often each fears that negative sanctions, such as ostracism or loss of status, will follow transgression.”
(Bicchieri and Mackie, 2010)
Even though incest, the act itself, is universally considered taboo (forbidden), somehow, reporting on
the crime is also considered taboo, so that even when the law mandates reporting, few will abide by it.
The BTS literature review found that a belief that incest has been committed may be mediated by
attitudes and beliefs which negate the possibility of sexual abuse. This may be especially true of mothers
who can not fathom that such abuse occurred in her home. The mother may even believe that her child
is making up stories, or simply ‘acting up’ before she accepts the truth. She may be blamed for ‘allowing’
it happen, which results in deepening the sense of shame and guilt by victim and mother causing them
to conform to the social norm of unwritten code of silence. Figure 3 below demonstrates how empirical
and normative expectations shape the way a mother’s action may be influenced.
Page 8 of 14
Figure 3: Social Norms (adapted from Mercier’s presentation)
Empirical Expectation
Do other people report incest?
Normative Expectation
What will people think if I report case of incest in my family?
No
(rarely or under-reported)
They will think it’s my fault. They will blame me.
They won’t believe me
I should have known better
I am not a good mother
I betrayed my family. I aired dirty laundry in public
With no transparent communication, and no incentive to deviate silence reinforced as self-fulfilling expectation – mothers are
reluctant to report.
But why is this the case? What are the dynamics between the individual mother and her social network
that stop her from reporting? An illustration of what may transpire can be found coming out of the
Ethnographic Study carried out in a particular community (BTS Project Reports, 2009). The community is
a quiet fishing community in a remote corner of the island of Tobago. With a less than 3,000 people, it is
a self-contained town, best described by community members as being close-knit and very proud. Blood
ties very important to them: “everyone knows everyone and everyone else is related to everyone else”.
At the time of the research, a sensationalised case of incest reported in the public media, generated
interesting discussions at both individual and community levels. The alleged perpetrator, a stepfather,
eventually killed himself, but not until he had first brutally raped and killed his 8 year old step daughter.
Even when the community agreed that the step-father should be punished harshly (suggestions by
members of this community ranged from castration to slow death), invariably the mother and victim
were also blamed: the child looked “biggish” “mature” for her age, the “mother who should have known
better”, “mother should not have gotten involved with a younger man”, “you as a woman have to be
sensitive to know – have another eye – the woman must be wasn’t sensitive”. In as much as they agreed
the perpetrator was a bad (evil) man, they also felt the mother could have done more to protect her
daughter. She should have also preserved the youthful innocence of her 8 year old child – making sure
she did not look “older than her age” thus “inviting this problem on to the child”. What is striking about
these comments were that they were consistent with both men and women who took part in this
research and their ages ranged from early 20s to late 70s.
Understanding The Scripts
In general, it seems the community had a poor understanding of incest. But this misunderstanding was
compounded by a deeply ingrained ‘traditional’ view of gender norms. Incest, it seems, is an act that
occurs when the mother is not fulfilling her role to protect the morality of the family. This belief
corresponds with the community’s highly patriarchal structure, that has a fairly rigid sexual division of
labour where women inhabit and maintain the domestic sphere and men, the public. Systems of
unequal relations around gender and age are pivotal to understanding the way the community
functions. In such a system, the unequal gender relations are maintained and reinforced by men (who
Page 9 of 14
follow their own sets of scripts), but also the women, who often quote biblical or religious references,
such as “God made man to rule woman”. These are then further reinforced by other systems of
inequality, notably that around age. Children, by virtue of their age (i.e. not adult) are expected to listen
to and obey adults.
According to this script therefore, it is the mother’s role to reign in the man’s “natural aggressive”
sexuality and maintain the morality of the entire community. This responsibility is passed on from older
women to younger girls through a process of engendered socialisation. Even as women are harmed by
the male dominance, they also have an investment in the system and look negatively on a woman who
does not fulfill her scripted ‘domestic responsibilities’ (which are defined primarily in the traditional
roles of woman taking care of husband, children and home). The gendered spaces are learned early
(girls kept at home, boys run around outside the home). Even though girls are kept home to ‘stay out of
trouble’, the home is also recognised by some as an unsafe space for girls and it is the women who have
to assume the duties of policing the safety of their girl children:
Mothers warn their daughters about family friends who have a history of fingling animals, family, anybody. Whenever he
was around – they watched over their daughters closely. Another mother will not leave the daughter alone with even her
own father because “she is not taking any chances”. (Interview-Ethnographic Study, BTS Project)
Silence is not an approval of the act, nor is it meant to deny the victim’s access to necessary support, but
rather, silence is a way to preserve the family/kinship ties, which are seen as essential to maintaining
harmony and respect in the community. Reporting on the other hand is a breach of such values. In such
a small community, where blood ties influence action, it is difficult to imagine how anyone could betray
the family honour, without risk of becoming ostracised. Chart 1 summarises some of the contributing
factors to non-disclosure and non-reporting by both the victim and mother:
Chart 1: Contributing Factors to Non-Reporting






Child
Fear, coercion, threats and manipulation
Feelings of guilt, shame, insecurity;
Lack of knowledge (assumption that the violence is ‘normal’
behaviour, empowerment
Perceived as the seductress (blamed)
Fear that they may not be believed (skepticism/broken
trust)
Even where disclosure is made, the abuse may not be
reported :
– the tabooed nature of the crime,
– duty-bound to preserve the family unit
– reluctance by mother to expose the child to the criminal
justice system





Mother
Fear of the abuser;
Financial considerations;
“Mother Blame” - for not preventing the rape/incest:
− children removed from ‘dysfunctional’ family
− maternal rights eroded
− family now defined by incest
− non-offending parent is marginalised
Lack of confidentiality
Recognition of weakness of protection, legal, health and
social services systems;
THE WAY FORWARD – A SUGGESTION
Through various interventions, the BTS Project has achieved much in less than two years of
implementation. While not as extensive as the Tostan initiative in Senegal where Melching’s communityled development initiative achieved such profound success in ending the practice of FGC, the community
Page 10 of 14
activities of the BTS project are also based on a participatory process of identified needs and priorities
by the community. To reach a wider variety of children and adults in various social settings such as bars,
football fields and basketball court, the Project offers a wide range of sex, age and culturally appropriate
activities including street theatre, spoken word poetry workshop, games, and skits, production of a soap
opera on incest for radio broadcasting. BTS considers this part of the “process of self-discovery and
engagement” which as Melching notes, is a “necessary precursor to any meaningful social change”.
Similarly, education on human and children’s rights and gender as well as appreciative inquiry
methodology are central in all BTS interventions. Through the Blue Teddy Bear Campaign, the general
public is provided with information on the criminal offence of CSA/incest as well as mandatory
reporting. By including information on available services and hotlines, IEC materials and activities, the
Project encourages reporting when it occurs.
The Figurative Argument
When the former Mayor of Bogota, Mockus defiantly wore a bullet-proof vest with a hole on his chest
over his heart, he was a making a figurative argument to support his ‘life is sacred’ campaign. Aware
that the recent reforms he was promoting made him a target for political assassination, he used the vest
instead to express his willingness to engage and communicate with all. The vest, he explaines, was a
public statement to promote public dialogue. Similarly, the Blue Teddy Bear campaign of the BTS project
was developed to promote dialogue on CSA and incest in Trinidad and Tobago. It is a symbol
condemning the act, protecting the victim and promoting support and openness so that issues
surrounding CSA and incest can be discussed in an open manner. The Bear is supposed to help shift
incest from a closed, family issue to a public health, safety and social issue that needs to be identified,
understood and addressed directly. Similar symbols include the Red Ribbon campaign on HIV which has
helped raise awareness and support as well as reduce stigma for people living with or affected by HIV.
But will this symbolic declaration be enough?
Experience in understanding changes in social
norms suggest not. The Blue Teddy Campaign must
be accompanied by a vigorous healthy community
lead discussion, and a collective decision and
commitment for change to occur. This change
must involve a “recategorisation”, a change in
script of the role of women (mothers). Mothers (or
child victims) can not be held responsible for the way male family members behave. In the two years of
this project, community meetings have spent much time and effort in reaching community and engaging
them in conversations about human rights, SGBV, child protection and lifeskills education which has
helped empower participants.
Page 11 of 14
The Psychological Argument
What is needed now is to reinforce these activities by introducing common publicised pledge so action
will follow that is consistent with public commitment. It is not enough that the Blue Teddy Bear is on
every billboard and newspaper as the project plans. An additional element of commitment is needed.
Mercier’s presentation on the psychology of social norms, highlights the importance of articulating a
‘formal’ request. One such experiment involves a series of incidents in which a simple communicated
request made all the difference in the way people behaved or reacted. For example, a man leaves his
radio on the beach and goes for a swim during which time the radio is stolen. The neighbour does not
follow the thief (does not do anything about it). The same experiment is repeated with another
neighbour only this time, before the man goes for a swim, he asks the neighbour to ‘watch over his
radio’. This time, the neighbour, feeling obliged, tries to stop the would-be thief. The key message of
such psychological experiments is that we can not assume people will behave and do the ‘right’ thing
even when it is in their own interest. It helps to ‘oblige’ them to do the right thing – in this case – a
simple request or a simple question that prompts follow up action to be consistent with what the
person has publicly expressed or committed to do with another person.
Similarly, the visibility of the Blue Teddy on its own is not enough. While it may serve to raise awareness
(which is an important first step not to be undermined), it needs to be followed by more public
commitment by individuals who wear it or post it on their front doors, to publicly commit that they will
do their part in ‘breaking the silence’ around CSA and incest. Once publicly expressed, people will try to
be more consistent with the obligation they have made and therefore, they would be more likely to
report instead of keeping silent. Examples of such social changes have been documented in programmes
for eradicating FGC (e.g. Tostan in Senegal and KMG in Ethiopia.
Obviously, programming on incest cannot focus solely on non-offending mothers: successful
programming requires a well-coordinated, child-sensitive protection system among the many players
needed to prevent and address CSA. But mothers of victims of incest have been identified as critical
players whose action or non-action depend heavily on self-perpetuating social norms which in turn have
an important role to play in the immediate protection and support to victims of incest. While I do not
wish to overburden the role of the mother, who herself may be a victim of domestic or other abuse, I
see the sensitised mother as a ‘frontline’ guardian, an adult, responsible member of the family with easy
access in the home and through whom a victim of incest can access support.
As more mothers and others feel obligated to report, start to shift from the norm of silence to one of
reporting, they are not only fulfilling their legal obligations, but also contributing to making the State
accountable to providing the legal protection and access to services for those who report. In other
words, the other key constraint to reporting – that of quality of support services to victims of CSA and
incest – can be challenged through the process of reporting. The more people report, the more
demanding they will be about the quality of services and in a democratic process, this should lead to
improvements, increase in resources, capacity development and efficiency.
Page 12 of 14
REFERENCES
Bicchieri, C. and Muldoon, R. Social Norms. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Bicchieri, C. Social Norms. Presentation at the University of Pennsylvania (July 2010)
Mackie, G. Lessons Learned from Comparison of FGM/C: Abandonment Programmes in Five Countries for UNICEF
Innocenti Research Centre (March 2009)
Mackie, G. Summaries of Remarkable Experiences Where a Social Norms Perspective Has Been Applied and
Considerations from a Social Convention Theory Standpoint. Presentation at the University of Pennsylvania (July
2010)
Mackie, G. Closing Thoughts. Presentation at the University of Pennsylvania (July 2010)
Mercier, H. How to Change People’s Minds? Insights from Psychology. Presentation at the University of
Pennsylvania (July, 2010)
Muldoon, R. Social Network Analysis. Presentation at the University of Pennsylvania (July, 2010)
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UNICEF Intranet: www.unicef.org
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CEE/CIS Strategic Positioning Exercise. 2006. Woodhouse, S.
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Children. A/61/150. (August 2006)
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Page 13 of 14
ANNEX 1: THE CONTINUUM OF CHILD PROTECTION SERVICES
(adapted from UNICEF Presentation on Child Protection Systems in CEE/CIS)
Family support
services
Closure,
Reintegration
and Follow Up
Statutory
services
Assessment
and
Registration
Case
review
Provisions
Family substitute /
family support
services
Early
Identification
Prevention
Statutory
services
Referral & Service
Purchasing
Statutory
services
The diagram above provides a skeleton outline of how the continuum of child protection services is
supposed to flow. The problem is that in reality, there are human and resources gaps in almost all
identified services. Many children fall through the cracks, or are revictimised or subjected to repeat
questioning/interviewing. They may linger in the system indefinately or are not identified in time, or
followed up on. Worse still, an unknown number of children are never identified by the system and so
they never benefit from any interventions at all.
Page 14 of 14