MDAW 2013
Imm Whiteness Aff
Baxter/George/Roahn
Immigration Whiteness 1AC
1AC ........................................................................................................... 2
1AC ........................................................................................................... 3
1AC ........................................................................................................... 6
1AC ........................................................................................................... 7
1AC ........................................................................................................... 8
1AC ........................................................................................................... 9
Advantage—Whiteness/Immigration Reform ........................................... 10
Advantage—Borders ............................................................................... 11
Impacts ................................................................................................... 12
Solvency—Performative Pedagogy ......................................................... 13
AT: Kritiks: Refusal of Identity Politics ...................................................... 14
AT: Economy Impacts ............................................................................. 15
AT: Environment Impacts ........................................................................ 16
AT: Racial Categorization/Whiteness Bad ............................................... 17
Framework – Traditional Debate is Whiteness ......................................... 18
Framework – Whiteness Pre-Req to Education ....................................... 19
Framework – Predictability/Fairness answers .......................................... 20
Neg—Cap Links (Race) ........................................................................... 22
Neg—Cap Links (Race)........................................................................... 23
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J. Cole 2013
Kenny Lofton
Truly Yours
Get paid a pretty penny for my thoughts
I'm Hardaway with grammar, I'm hot
They only care 'bout a nigga when he handle the rock
Or when he dishing the pill, or when he grippin' the steel
Bailing out my brother, tell the lawyer "get the appeal"
With the flick of the pen write the check and he out
Two years later he be at my shows checking me out
Know he proud of lil bro and how my records be out
Flashbacks to childhood when he was deckin' me out
Now it's clear lil Maine is the best mc out
Hands down, flow water, can't drown
My flow father, go harder, Cole smarter
Shout out to fiends in Queens, I'm team no daughters
Pac on the mic in his prime
They only care 'bout a nigga when he writing a rhyme, boy
Kenny Lofton you feelin' my pace?
They only care 'bout a nigga when he stealin' the base
It's like I'm Wilt the Stilt, I'm fucking them all
They only care 'bout a nigga when he dunkin' the ball
And it breaks my heart
The world’s a stage, I'll just play my part
Just caught fire like a young Richard Pryor with unforgettable quotes
They only care 'bout a nigga when tellin' a joke, or when he's sellin' his dope
They tell the reverend "Man, I rather get to heaven with coke
Then live in hell and be broke"
Shout out to black man who beat the odds by yellin' for hope
Today he asked if I could Twitter y'all and tell you to vote
My nigga, how could I, knowing what I know
It's a game of charades, masquerade for the dough
Read the teleprompter these niggas is actors on the low
Yeah I voted for the nigga cause he got the best show
Like I got the best flow
On your mark, set, go
Mama got us out the hood but we still ghetto
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Immigration is an Insight into the Racial Dynamics of American Society—The Construction of
the Immigrant is an Act of Surveillance that Encourages Racist Violence and Divides the
Bodies of People of Color as Other
Romero, 2008
Contemporary Justice Review Vol. 11, No. 1, March 2008, 23–37
Crossing the immigration and race border:A critical race theory approach to immigration studies
Mary Romero* School of Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA
Robert Chang (1999, p. 29) argues, ‘Examination of the immigrant allows us to observe the
dynamics of racial formation as immigrants enter the political/cultural/legal space of the United
States and “become” differentially racializedas Asian American, Black, Latina/Latino, and
White.’ The treatment of persons identified as ‘alien,’ particularly those regarded as non-European,
corresponds to the treatment of citizens of color in the US. Under this paradigm, immigration
lawenforcement campaigns – such as Operation Wetback, Operation Blockade, Operation Hold the
Line, and Operation Gatekeeper – are inextricably related to society’s view of citizens of, in this
case, Mexican ancestry. Concern over immigration to the US is inseparable from stereotyping
Mexicans as ‘illegal aliens’ and socially constructing Mexicans as criminal, foreign, and the other.
Although the law institutionalizes who is ‘alien,’ the social construction of immigrant status is
not complete without policing and surveillance. The ‘show me your papers’ inspection of passports,
identification cards, and other forms of documentation, once associated with totalitarian
regimes, is now routinely used in the US to control access to social services, to authorize and regulate
movement, and to single out specific racial groups for additional citizenship inspection (Caplan
& Torpey, 2001).
While branding and tattooing, or other forms of ‘writing on the body,’ are not used to distinguish
the practice of racial profiling demonstrates that citizenship
status is inscribed on the body.1 For instance, the US Supreme Court decision in United States v.
between ‘aliens’ and citizens,
Brignoni-Ponce (1975) that ‘Mexican appearance’ ‘constitutes a legitimate consideration under
the Fourth Amendment for making an immigration stop’ (K. Johnson, 2000, p. 676) sanctions
the immigration law enforcement use of racial profiling. Stigmatized as ‘aliens,’
Latinas/os and
Asian Pacific Americans carry a bodily ‘figurative border’ (Chang, 1999). Racialized immigration
law-enforcement practices allow a person’s appearance to serve as ‘reasonable suspicion’
or ‘probable cause.’
This process of surveillance and citizenship inspection involves racial
profiling; persons are identified on the basis of their social identity– e.g., ‘Mexicanness’ –
rather than on the basis of specific behavior (Benitez, 1994; K. Johnson, 1996, 2000; Romero,
2006). Consequently, working-class Latinos are frequently the targets of racially motivated
detentions and searches, and thus far are more likely than middle-class Whites to encounter
abuse by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) (Arriola, 1996; Benitez, 1994;
Lazos, 2002; Vargas, 2001).The
likelihood of mistreatment of Mexican immigrants and
Mexican Americans increases with the routine use of racial profiling in citizenship inspections.
As Kevin Johnson (1996, p. 268) cautions, ‘Alien terminology helps rationalize harsh, perhaps
inhumane, treatment of persons from other countries.’ This is consistent with Dunn’s (1996)
finding that the ‘low intensity conflict doctrine,’ developed by United States military theoreticians
during the 1980s, has been applied to the US–Mexico border region. Nevins’s (2002)
account of hardships and the increasing control over human resources depicts the significant
harms and diminished opportunities that communities along the border experience under
Operation Gatekeeper.
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Systems of privilege and power are used to mask the true effects of immigration law repercussions which
is more discriminatory and racists targeting of our population
Romero, 2008
Contemporary Justice Review Vol. 11, No. 1, March 2008, 23–37
Crossing the immigration and race border:A critical race theory approach to immigration studies
Mary Romero* School of Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA
In their edited volume on petit apartheid, Milovanovic and Russell (2001, p. x) incorporate Georges-Abeyie’s paradigm of
grand and petit apartheid along with micro- and macroaggressions, to create a continuum of
current practices of racial profiling with other ‘negative social factors and discretional decisionmaking by both criminal justice agents and criminal justice agencies.’ Racial profiling, legitimated by the courts or official
immigration campaigns, is an example of an overt and formal form of discrimination under petit apartheid. The
continuum depicts petit apartheid as a system of legal control that ranges from covert and
informal to overt and formal discriminatory practices. Russell (2004, p. 13) identifies four characteristics of
petit apartheid practices: (1) they occur largely outside of public view; (2) even when they take place within plain view, they
are typically minimized or ignored; (3) they are likely to ‘proliferate where criminal justice personnel have high levels of
unchecked discretion’; and (4) they ‘reflect and reinforce the racialized images of deviance that exist within society at large.’
As a theoretical construct, petit apartheid has been used to explain racial profiling in the war against
drugs (Campbell, 2001; Covington, 2001), the regulation and policing of public space (Bass, 2001; Ferrell,
2001), the underrepresentation of persons of color in law enforcement (L. Ross, 2001), and the use of
racial derogation in prosecutors’ closing arguments in court (S. Johnson, 2001). These practices of petit apartheid
demonstrate how non-verbal gestures, postures, and mannerisms are the most covert and informal forms of discrimination. The four distinguishing features of petit
apartheid practices are also evident in immigration law enforcement. Increased militarization along
the US–Mexico border occurs largely outside of the public view , and US Border Patrol agents operate with
a high level of unchecked discretion (Dunn, 1996; Massey, Durand, & Malone, 2002). Highly ritualized immigration
inspection at border crossings and airports, particularly since 9/11, obscures the heightened
levels of scrutiny and mistreatment of the racialized poor and working-class Latinos. Physical
appearance as Latino, association with a work crew, inability to speak English or preference to
speak Spanish, and proximity to the border are used as reasonable suspicion to justify
investigatory stops. These practices select persons for citizenship inspection based on
perceived ‘Mexicanness,’ and they reinforce the idea that Mexicans are foreigners, criminals, and
inferior. Citizenship inspection targets racialized bodies and directs heavy surveillance at Mexican-American neighborhoods. Thus, the ‘police practice known as
“field investigations,” in which police interrogate persons who appear not to “belong” to a given place’ (Marx, 2001, p. 323) is used against Latinos in immigration law
immigration surveillance reinforces the exclusionary
use of urban public spaces and limits freedom of movement (Heyman, 1995; Weissinger, 1996).
enforcement. As suspected aliens become a physically identifiable ‘type,’
Fear of the immigrant occurs as a threat to cohesive American white identity
Martinez, Apr 20, 2007
washburnlaw.edu/wlj/46-2/articles/martinez-george.pdf
At the present time, there is a grave danger that we may return to the days of the whiteness
requirement for citizenship. The prerequisite of whiteness may now be re-established de facto
by a demand that one should only allow to become citizens persons who assimilate into the
dominant culture. Current debate over the desirability of Mexican im- migration raises the issue
of assimilation as a condition for American citizenship. Some scholars now argue that Mexican
immigrants constitute a ma- jor threat to a cohesive American identity.11For instance, Samuel Huntington argues
that central to the American identity are the “Anglo Protestant Culture,” the “American Creed”—understood as the accep- tance of certain political values, and
According to
Huntington, a fundamental problem is that Latinos retain their Hispanic culture, including language, and fail to assimilate and therefore fail to acquire an American identity.13 He raises the
specter that an increasingly multicultural United States could disintegrate into ethnic conflict
and destroy the American way of life. Accordingly, he suggests that immigration from Mexico
must be drastically reduced or curtailed.1
Christianity.12 Scholars argue that the American people are held together by assimilation to these funda- mental American values.
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The Preservation of White Identity is Strictly Connected to White Supremacy and Racially
Inspired Violence
Charlotte Allen, Respected conservative journalist with a Ph.D, ”Beyond the Pale; At 'white privilege' conferences, a lengthening list of victims issue an ever-more-detailed
indictment of Western civilization”,theweeklystandard.com, May 27, 2013, http://www.weeklystandard.com/articles/beyond-pale_724717.html
Indeed, although Norma Johnson and Storme Lynn are black, and so is WPC founder Eddie Moore (along with a number of the conference's other organizers), the
idea of white privilege is a thoroughly white one. It was the brainchild of the extremely pale Peggy McIntosh, now associate director of Wellesley College's Centers for
Women. In 1988 McIntosh, a women's studies professor who liked to describe herself as a feminist and an antiracist activist, published what she called a personal
account in which she asserted that while conscious racism seemed to be on the wane after the victories of
the 1960s civil-rights era, white people including McIntosh herself continued to practice a form of
unconscious racism that allowed them to oppress minority groups even though they might not
have any idea that they were doing so. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned
assets that I can count on cashing in each day but about which I was 'meant' to remain oblivious, McIntosh wrote in her
paper. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides,
codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks, she wrote. McIntosh's paper
listed46 different ways in which she believed that skin-color privilege enabled her to count on
advantages that weren't available to her Afro-American co-workers, friends, and acquaintances. They included such
verging-on-Onion parody items as: 17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to
my color.39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race.46. I can
choose blemish cover or bandages in 'flesh' color and have them more or less match my
skin.McIntosh concluded: In proportion as my racial group was being made confident, comfortable, and oblivious, other
groups were likely being made unconfident, uncomfortable, and alienated. Whiteness protected
me from many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit
in turn upon people of color.
Constant Vigilance Against All Forms of Racism is the Only Way to Challenge Inherent
Violence—Neutrality and Indifference are Strategies of Whiteness Itself
Tim Soutphommasane, political philosopher University of Sydney, “We Must Stamp on the Cockroach of Racism” LexisNexis April 8, 2013
In ignoring public displays of abuse, otherwise good citizens are letting hate breed. Racism is like a cockroach of civilised society. It is vile, revolting, and it breeds
prodigiously. Few things appear capable of eradicating it. It seems always to return, no matter what we do to stamp it out. Of late, there have been plenty of
reminders about this unfortunate fact of life. Melburnians will remember the video footage of a racist attack directed at a young French woman on a Frankston-line
replacement bus last year. In Sydney during the Easter weekend, a man on a city bus launched a racist tirade against an Asian family from Korea to an audience of
unmoved passengers. Earlier this year - also in Sydney - ABC newsreader Jeremy Fernandez was subjected to racial abuse while on a bus with his young daughter.
Such episodes happen daily, to be sure. For every incident that gets recorded by someone on their mobile phone, many others go unnoticed and undocumented. But
having video footage of racism does add a new dimension. Where once it may have been possible to avoid ever seeing the nasty face of bigotry, it is no longer. For
those who have ever suffered racism on a bus, tram or train - or seen it happen - there are few surprises. The genre is familiar.The
perpetrators are
always angry and violent, frothing at the mouth and ready to pounce. There are always the
bystanders who pretend they see nothing or who, worse, enjoy the spectacle. We should be
worried that these incidents appear to be growing in frequency. While racism takes many forms - as
Waleed Aly wrote in these pages on Friday, some of its manifestations can be insidious - there is something
particularly disturbing about racism in public places. After all, the way we act in public is
revealing of our society. It may be one thing to harbour certain private racist thoughts. It is
another to voice the sentiment, in public, to someone's face. Doing this requires a certain
disdain and hate. For me, this is where the real harm of racism lies. When unchecked, it can allow
people to believe they are empowered to harass, belittle and intimidate others because of their
race, ethnicity or colour. Those who suffer a racist threat, taunt or insult can often feel like a
second-class citizen or a lesser person. Racism is repugnant because it wounds the value of
equality. This may seem obvious enough. But we frequently fail even to recognise the civic harm
of racism. At times, political leaders appear only to recognise racism as bad because it damages
our reputation or jeopardises our export earnings.It was striking, for example, that complaints about racial violence against Indian students a few
years ago were routinely met with statements affirming the economic value of international students to the local economy. There is another problem perhaps more fundamental. In recent years, a
section of Australian society has grown to believe racism is a figment of the politically correct imagination. This was embodied in former prime minister John Howard's response to the Cronulla riot of
2005: "I do not accept there is underlying racism in this country." The effect of this has been to make it extraordinarily difficult to talk about race relations in a measured way. Any suggestion of racism,
post-Cronulla, has been construed as some absolute judgment about an underlying quality in the national character. Any incident becomes a prompt for asking, "Is Australia essentially or implacably
racist?" The question is nonsensical in one respect. Every country has its racists. And there are many countries that are guilty of much worse prejudice and violence. Australia for the most part does
well. Countries elsewhere have had to deal with regular race riots and widespread overt discrimination - things that we have been fortunate to avoid. But resisting self-flagellation doesn't mean
We must be careful not to squander the gains
made by past generations. Any vigilance on racism must extend into our everyday lives, not least
succumbing to triumphalism. Any historical achievement in race relations shouldn't invite complacency.
our public spaces. Civic harms require civic remedies. By this I mean that combating racism involves a test of citizenship.
Too often, otherwise good citizens fail to do their part. Faced with the intimidating prospect of having to
stand up to verbal or physical violence, we find it easier to shrink away- to rationalise that the safest option is to
mind our own business and not speak up. Does this mean there is an obligation to put ourselves in harm's way in solidarity with a fellow citizen or person in need? I'm
hesitant to go so far. Insisting on this is easier said than done, especially if a confrontation has escalated into a potential bloodbath.Sometimes
it can be
enough for us to show support for a victim, to report an incident, or to bear witness.What
matters, though, is that we assume some responsibility - that we do something. Like the cockroach it
resembles, racism thrives on the crumbs of indifference. Improving our civic hygiene is the best response.
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Voting Affirmative is an Endorsement of the 1AC Investigation and Deconstruction of
Whiteness in the Discourses of Immigration and Borders
Immigration laws are detrimental for minorities voting Affirmative makes the connection
between the legal construction and the social construction of ‘aliens’ as the other
Romero, 2008
Contemporary Justice Review Vol. 11, No. 1, March 2008, 23–37
Crossing the immigration and race border:A critical race theory approach to immigration studies
Mary Romero* School of Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA
CRT immigration researchers recognize that various forms of citizenship status stem from the delineation
of rights, privileges, and penalties relative to property, taxes, welfare, and the freedom of movement across nation
states. The invention of passports, ‘green cards,’ and other identification documents was a crucial
step in regulating people’s movement, including their right to leave or return to their homeland
as well as their ability to travel within their own country (Torpey, 2000). CRT reveals how racialized
immigration laws and citizenship distinctions allow physical appearance to serve as a way of
controlling certain racial and ethnic groups. Indeed, the simultaneous social construction of race
and of the immigrant has been particularly noted by critical race legal scholars (Chang, 1999; Haney López,
1996; Hing, 1997; K. Johnson, 2004). In his widely read book, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (1996), Ian
Haney-López aptly captures the legal history of the construction of racial categories that specified citizenship privileges and
restrictions. To his credit, he does not ignore immigration. Indeed, he regards the racial restrictions in the law of citizenship
as an additional narrative, and does not just treat race as an aspect of African Americans and other groups classified as
minorities. Michael A. Olivas (1995, p. 11) points to a few historical events that illustrate this shared racialized experience
among people of color: Consider the immigration history and political economy of three groups whose United
States history predates the prophecy for the year 2000: Cherokee removal and the Trail of Tears; Chinese
laborers and the Chinese Exclusion Laws; and Mexicans in the Bracero Program and Operation Wetback.
These three racial groups share different histories of conquest, exploitation, and legal disadvantage; but even
a brief summary of their treatment of United States law shows commonalities of racial animus,
legal infirmity, and majority domination of legal institutions. Over the last two decades, the growing body of
CRT literature has shown that racism in the US can be fully comprehended only by studying the ways
in which immigration laws have detrimental consequences for all racial minorities. LatCrit theorists,
in particular, have begun to explore the transnational effects of domestic subordination (K. Johnson, 2002, p. 187). In their
review of US immigration laws, cases, and trials, CRT and LatCrit scholars have analyzed the social
construction of immigration status as well as the significance that race plays in maintaining and
controlling immigrants and other minority citizens (Chang, 1999; Hing, 1997; K. Johnson, 2004). Among the
most commonly cited are the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, the Gentleman’s Agreement of 1907 between the US and Japan,
the 1923 US Supreme Court case United States v. Thind (whereby immigrants from India were ruled to be ineligible for
naturalization because they are not White), the 1924 national origins quota system, and the Immigration Act of 1965 (which
limited the number of migrants from the western hemisphere). In his analysis of immigration laws, Kevin Johnson (2004, p.
154) makes the connection between the legal construction and the social construction of ‘aliens’
as the other: Fabricated out of whole cloth, the ‘alien’ represents a body of rules passed by Congress
and reinforced by popular culture. It is society, with the assistance of the law, that defines who is
an ‘alien,’ an institutionalized ‘other,’ and who is not. It is a society, through Congress and the courts,
that determines which rights to afford ‘aliens.’ … Like the social construction of race, which helps to
legitimize racial subordination, the construction of the ‘alien’ has helped justify the limitation on
non-citizen rights imposed by our legal system.
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Imm Whiteness Aff
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WHITENESS IS A PERFORMATIVE CONSTRUCT THAT MAINTAINS VARIOUS NETWORKS OF
OPPRESSION. PERFORMATIVE PEDAGOGY IS AN ACTIVE PROCESS OF DISMANTLING THE
WHITENESS OF RACIAL BORDERING AND US/MEXICO BORDER. VOTING AFFIRMATIVE IS A
INTERRUPTION OF WHITENESS, ITS PERPETUATION AND MAKING VISCERAL AND
PRESENT ITS INVISIBLE NATURE.
Warren and Fassett, 2004The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004)
411-430John T. Warren is an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green State
University, where he teaches courses in performance, culture, identity, and power. Deanna L. Fassett is an assistant
professor in the Department of Communication Studies at San José State University, where she teaches courses in
instructional communication and critical, feminist, and performative pedagogies.
In the last ten years,a variety of cross-disciplinary scholars have illuminated (and, in that effort, sought
to deconstruct) racial privilege and disadvantage by examining whiteness as a cultural, political
location—as an identity created and maintained through our everyday communication.1 In some of
these studies, whiteness is revealed as a strategic rhetoric, a means by which people, working in
concert and often unreflectively, levy power and cultural influence.For example, communication and film
scholars examine rhetorical constructions of whiteness (see Crenshaw; Dyer; Nakayama and Krizek; Shome). While this
perspective may help us understand the role of language (and how social systems and
individuals work in concert to create racial oppression) recentefforts by scholars to maintain a
focus on the white subject have underscored the importance of deconstructing and challenging
white subjectivity in order to promote a more equitable and socially just society.Research here has
taken many forms. Critical scholars in theatre have led the way,creating critical performances of whiteness(see
Jackson; O'Brien; Warren and Kilgard) that function to mirror, particularly to white audiences, the
mechanisms and machinations of their oppressive actions, however unreflective . Ethnographic
portraits of whiteness have given depth and immediacy to our understandings of people in lived
context(Hartigan; hooks; Warren, Performing). Autoethnographers, because they plumb their
lived experience for particular details and contradictions about how they create and are created
by culture, have constituted a rich repository for the study of how each of us works to
understand his or her own ethnic identity(Clark and O'Donnell; Pelias; Warren, "Absence").Studies in
education have also created a critical context for understanding how whiteness permeates our
classrooms(see Giroux; Hytten and Adkins; McIntyre); such work functions to remind us of the power of
pedagogy to help us see and re-see the actions we take, challenge, or leave unquestioned.In an
earlier essay, one of us organized, from across the variety of disciplinary perspectives, four key scholarly approaches to
the study of whiteness to help create a nuanced understanding of thisseemingly inescapable and
overwhelmingpolitical and cultural thicket(Warren, "Whiteness"). First, scholars have analyzed whiteness in order to
promote antiracism.
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Z-Ro 2005
It’s a Shame
“Time to Let the Truth be known”
Who else but me, can see the state of emergency that we face
Cause wearin of certain clothin can get a brother a case
Talkin pants, Air Force Ones, and a baseball cap
It's casual, but to authorities it mean you sellin crack
It's a shame I can't ride on the rich side of town
Without bein pulled over, thrown on the hood and patted down
Searchin my person for weapons and drug paraphenalia
It's rough on a thug that's what I'm tellin ya
When I say thug, I don't mean I'm 'sposed to be locked behind bars
Cause my acronym for thug is True Hero Under God
But still I'm a criminal cause I got gold teeth
Ain't no justice for blacks, just-us with no sleep
And they wonder why I keep a Glock 40 on my hip
Cause Houston police department love to empty full clips
Accidental death? Bullshit! They murdered all my eses
Chinga tu madre de policina {?} puente
If they get out of line, I get out of line
I'll be damned if I don't fight for my freedom and don't mind dyin
Already got one foot in the grave, ain't shit for me to jump in
Almost overdosin on codeine, heart barely pumpin
I'm high all the time, straight addicted
Paranoid, my dog might be a detective, so I don't wanna kick it
Even though I don't rob banks or sell street rocks
I still be callin collect to Trae to say, come bail me out
This crooked-ass America, I swear they got some game
Every city I travel to, the situation the same
I can't even say it's racial cause I got some white friends
Then again, they get patted cause I'm not a white friend
It's a shame
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The Affirmative is the Pre-Requisite to All Investigations of Immigration—Discussions of
Citizenship, of Legality, of Class, of Transit and All Other Categories Must Begin With the
Inclusion of Racial Scholarship
Romero, 2008
Contemporary Justice Review Vol. 11, No. 1, March 2008, 23–37
Crossing the immigration and race border:A critical race theory approach to immigration studies
Mary Romero* School of Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State University, Tempe, USA
In the research on immigration raids by law enforcement agencies and other policing organizations,
one is confronted with a literature that not only ignores but actually opposes racial politics
and discourse. Recent research into crime and immigration neglects the issue of racial
profiling, focusing instead on studies of geographical location; suspects’ characteristics, such as
level of education, behavior, and demeanor; and other police–citizen interactions and organizational
concerns. Thus, in their research on the use of force in the arrest of immigrants in the US,
sociologists Scott Phillips, Nestor Rodriguez, and Jacqueline Hagan (2003) ignore issues of race
and focus instead on changes in immigration legislation that require an increase of arrests and the
police use of force against all citizens. They do not consider institutional racism and factors like
the number of police officers of color. Moreover, they make no attempt to engage with the
immense sociological literature on race and crime.
I contend that a middle-class bias inhabits mainstream research as it validates survey
methodologies that are sensitive to only one population (e.g., illegal immigrants) and that fail to
consider interactions between persons with different citizenship statuses. There is an
unexamined
assumption that poor, working-class, and lower-middle-class communities of color are
segregated
by citizenship status, and that these citizenship-status populations do not share the same homes
and neighborhoods. The fact is that immigrants with different citizenship statuses frequently live
in the same neighborhoods, share common employers, and patronize the same stores, restaurants,
and nightclubs as other African Americans, Puerto Ricans, Chicanos/as, and Latinos who have
been citizens all their lives. It is impossible to understand the effects immigration policies have
on poor and working-class communities of color without the immigration scholarship of critical
race theorists. Rather than dividing populations of color into immigrants and citizens, concepts
such as racial profiling emphasize connections in the treatment of all racialized groups and recognize
citizenship status as a social construct.
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Advantage—Whiteness/Immigration Reform
Immigration policy determines who could be white, and therefor reinforces whiteness
Judy Helfand, Helfand received in MA in American and Cultural Studies at Antioch University McGregor School, she is
presently a Lecturer at Sonoma State University, American Multicultural Studies Department, “Constructing Whiteness,” Race,
Racism, and Law, 2002 (http://academic.udayton.edu/race/01race/white11.htm)
Immigration and naturalization policies were, and continue to be, a significant factor
in determining who "looks" white.As Haney Lopez points out, such policies determined who
was in the U.S., which in turn determined what genetic stock was available to make
up an "American." Laws and social pressures also influenced marriage. Most people are familiar with the antimiscegenation laws, but there were others that affected marriage as well. For example, until 1931 a woman lost her
citizenship if she married a man ineligible for citizenship. Taken together, segregation, laws restricting and
and immigration and naturalization
policies worked together to determine which physical characteristics went into the
mix we see as white. And the original immigration restrictions are reflected in today's
assumptions regarding who is an American and who is a "foreigner," a flash
decision many of us make on the basis of appearance (Blacks and whites are seen
as citizens, others are often not). Many immigrants, admitted as white, were not initially
regulating marriages between white people and people of color,
seen by the general populace as white, for example, Italians. During the mass immigrations of the late 1800s and
early 1900s, within the U.S. there was contentious, at times violent, response to the Federal government policies that
permitted people from European ethnic groups not typically found in the U.S. to enter. Many of those already safely
within the boundaries of whiteness were not eager to accept newcomers often seen as
threatening economically and culturally. Researchers such as Jacobson and Ignatiev provide a fascinating story
of the construction of whiteness among competing European ethnic groups during that period, a topic which will be
discussed later. This struggle was enacted amidst the turmoil of industrialization and the dissolution of slavery with the
ensuing structuring of a new methods for maintaining racial oppression. The point here is that once those who
were judged white for immigration purposes were here, they became citizens and despite
possible hostile reception, had the opportunity to gradually adopt the ideologies, norms, and
practices of whiteness, to be accepted as white, and to become entitled to the accompanying
systemic advantages. Those who applied as white but were judged to be non-white, East Indians, for
example, were refused the right to become naturalized citizens, denied the privileges awarded
white citizens (voting, for example), and were not given the same chances to be assimilated as
white.
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Advantage—Borders
Borders destroy traditional society and encourage majoritarianism
Jasnea Sarma, Teaching and research assistant of Asia Pacific Studies at National Cheng Chi University,
“Deconstructing Contentious Borders by Use of Social Narratives and Contemporary Texts: Migration in India’s
North East Frontier,” Assam university,
Borders and territorial divisions have therefore been a major influence on how the normative and legal patterns
of international law and politics evolved. Colonial policies had quite effectively destroyed traditional
institutions of social change and inter-community relationship by drawing fixed demarcated
territorial lines. Therefore it came as no surprise that the “national identities” of the new states
were articulated through the system of “Majoritarianism”. Borders, or the extent of the state’s
territory therefore power, became the expressions of the “national elite’s” “majority
identity”through which it ignored centuries old social, economic and cultural links, destroying
traditional trade route and established patterns of labor migration.
The term “illegal” in relation to immigrants is heavily influenced by the creation and
militarization of borders and stems from nationalism and a fear of the “other”
Jose Palafox, graduate student in the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University
of Califonia, Berkely, “Opening up Borderland Studies: A Review of U.S.-Mexico
Border MilitarizationDiscourse,” History is a Weapon, 2000
In Joseph Nevins' important work (1997: 8; see also Nevins, 2000) on the rhetorical and ideological ways in which the media
represent "illegals," he argues that the term "illegal" is a new and problematic way of looking at unauthorized migrants
because it designates the migrant as a criminal. "as such, the `illegal' is subject to a whole host of practices legitimated by
the full weight of the law." Whereas a wide variety of terms previously described undocumented immigrants (e.g.,
"wetbacks," "undesirables," and "illegitimate"), Nevins argues that the state's emphasis on the "illegality" of
undocumented immigrants is closely tied to the role of nation-states and national boundaries in
an increasingly globalized economy. Border enforcement measures like Operation Gatekeeper
should be considered in this larger context. Nevins suggests that: “the principal actor in this
performance of territorial boundary construction is the state. The goal of the actor is the
maintenance and strengthening of the nation. Globalization's challenges to national boundaries
lead efforts to protect the uniqueness of the nation against alien forces. Gatekeeper is but one
such effort. Therefore, the globalized state -- apart from being a gatekeeper -- is also a political
territorial entity whose principal functions are to provide security, largely against real and
imagined alien forces”(1998: 370). Unlike many of the previous border scholars, Nevins correctly notes the
racialization of immigration (both in discourse and practice). "We cannot divorce the growing emphasis on
`illegal aliens' from the long history in the united states of largely raced-based anti-immigrant
sentiment rooted in fear and rejection of the `other'" (Ibid.: 236). According to Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper
is a manifestation of such sentiment.
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Impacts
Focusing on a kritik of white supremacy allows an understanding of the ways which difference is produced
and regulates and enforces violence
Dylan Rodriguez, Professor University of California Reverside, November 2007 Kritika Kultura” American Globality and
The U.S. Prison Regime: State violence and White Supremacy frm Abu Ghraib to Stockton to Bagong Diwa”
Variable, overlapping, and mutually constituting white supremacist regimes have in fact been
fundamental to the formation and movements of the United States, from racial chattel slavery
and frontier genocide to recent and current modes of neoliberal land displacement and warfare.
Without exception, these regimes have been differently entangled with the state’s changing
paradigms, strategies, and technologies of human incarceration and punishment ( to follow the prior examples:
the plantation, the reservation, the neoliberal sweatshop, and the domestic-to-global prison). The
historical nature of these entanglements is widely acknowledged, although explanations of the
structuring relations of force tend to either isolate or historically compartmentalize the
complexities of historical white supremacy. For the theoretical purposes of this essay, white supremacy
maybe understood as a logic of social organization that produces regimented, institutionalized,
and militarized conceptions of hierarchized “human” difference, enforced through coercions and
violences that are structured by genocidal possibility(including physical extermination and curtailment of people’s
collective capacities to socially, culturally, or biologically reproduce).As a historical vernacular and philosophical
apparatus of domination, white supremacy is simultaneously premised on and consistently
innovating universalized conceptions of the white “human” vis-à-vis the rigorous production.
Imperialism is perpetuated by our patriarchal and white supremacist government
Hooks, Bell 2004, Black Feminist theorist and Professor at Berea College, The Will to Change: Men
masculinity and Love.
The incredible hulk linked sexism and racism. The cool, level-headed, rational white-male scientist turned into colored beast
whenever his passions were aroused. Tormented by the knowledge of this transformation, he searches for a cure, a way to
disassociate himself from the beast within. Writing about the connection between racism and the
construction of masculinity in White Hero, Black Beast, Paul Hoch contends, “There is indeed a close
interaction between the predominant Western conception of manhood and that of racial (and
species) domination. The notion, originally from myth and fable, is that summit of masculinitythe ‘white hero’-achieves his manhood, first and foremost, by winning victory over the ‘dark
beast’ or over the barbarian beasts of other-in some sense, darker-races, nations and social
castes” Recent movies like Men in Black, independence Day, and The Matrix rely on these radicalized
narratives of dark versus light to valorize patriarchal white masculinity in the realm of fantasy . In our actual lives the
imperialist white supremacist policies of our government lead to enactments of rituals of whitemale violent domination of the darker universe, as in both the Gulf War and the most recent war
against Iraq. By making it appear that the threatening masculinity- the rapist, the terrorist, the
murderer-is really a dark other, white male patriarchs are able to deflect attention away from their
own misogyny, from their violence against women and children.
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Solvency—Performative Pedagogy
THE PERFORMANCE OF (DOUBLE CONSCIOUSNESS/BLACK RAGE) OF THE (1AC/1NC) IS AN
EXAMPLE OF PERFORMATIVE PEDAGOGY WHICH IS THE MOST EFFECTIVE MEANS OF
SUBVERTING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF WHITE SUPREMACY BY APPROACHING THE
TRANSCENDENCE OF SELF AND OTHER.
Warren and Fassett, 2004The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004) 411430John T. Warren is an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green State
University, where he teaches courses in performance, culture, identity, and power. Deanna L. Fassett is an assistant
professor in the Department of Communication Studies at San José State University, where she teaches courses in
instructional communication and critical, feminist, and performative pedagogies.
Performative pedagogy,while still an undertheorized site of investigation (and pedagogical practice), has
groundings in various fields ranging from dance and theatre to English and communication
studies.Our commitment to performative pedagogy emerges from traditions of oral
interpretation—a field of study where researchers and teachers feel one can develop a
thoughtful and complex understanding of a literary or popular text, such as a poem, by
performing that text, by reading that text through the body. Wallace A. Bacon's work onthe potential of
performance is indeed persuasive: "The performing act comes as close, perhaps, as we shall
ever get to the transcendence of self into other.It is a form of knowing—not just a skill for
knowing, but a knowing. [. . .] If the engagement is real, not simply pretended, the self grows"
(73). While Bacon here discussesthe transcendence of self into the other, his workis a possible way of
thinking through whiteness—where whiteness is so invisible to the perceiving white subject that
his own racial identity is effectively othered. Thus, the engagement with whiteness is an
engagement with the other, a re-conceptualization of the self as other. Certainly the work of Boal is key
in this process of engagement. His work on forum theatre alone can be imagined as a productive and
engaging site of understanding how power is situated in our lives, in our bodies.His work has been
framed by several scholars as performative—most clearly by Elyse Lamm Pineau, who, aligning her work with Boal's,
argues that performative pedagogy is a trickster (that is, subversive) pedagogy.Pineau offers four
ways of framing and defining performative pedagogy, noting that through this pedagogical
method one might assist in challenging and subverting systems of power such as whiteness.
She frames this redefinition as educational poetics, play, process, and power(15). In "Educational
Poetics," the banking mode of education characterized by traditional information dispensing into
waiting students is reframed into an "educational enterprise [that is] a mutable and ongoing
ensemble of narratives and performances" (10)."Educational Play" resituates pedagogy in the
body, asking students and teachers to engage in corporeal play—a mode of "experimentation,
innovation, critique, and subversion"(15). "Educational Process," on the other hand,
acknowledges that identities are always multiple, overlapping, ensembles of real and possible
selves who enact themselves in direct relation to the context and communities in which they
perform.
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AT: Kritiks: Refusal of Identity Politics
Their criticism of identity politics is simplistic – it is used to destroy coalitions and to excuse continued
oppression of all minorities
Alcoff, Linda 2006, Feminist Professor, The Political Critique of Identity: from Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self.
Without doubt, the critique of identity has worked effectively, and justifiably, against some of the problematic interpretations
of identity politics, where identity is construed in reductionist and simplistic fashion and where its link to politics is rendered
overly determinist. Nonetheless, I believe the more significant effect of the critique has been a negative
one, in discrediting all identity-based movements, in blaming minority movements for the demise
of the left, and especially in weakening the prospects for unity between majority and minority
groups, contrary to the beliefs of such theorists as Schlesinger and Gitlin. Although the critique purports to be
motivated by just this desire for unity, it works to undermine the credibility of those who have
"obvious" identities and significantly felt identity-attachments from being able to represent the
majority, as if their very identity attachments and the political commitments that flow from these
attachments will inhibit their leadership capabilities. It also inhibits their ability to participate in
coalition politics as who they fully are. In this way, the critique of identity has operated to
vindicate the broad white public's disinclination to accept political leadership from those whose
identity is minority in any respect: Catholic or Jewish, Black or Latino, Asian or Arab American.
___ Self-determination of identity solves all their liberal objections – what matters is confronting the forces
that constrain our ability to self-determine
Alcoff, Linda 2006, Feminist Professor, The Political Critique of Identity: from Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the
Self.
Why is it assumed that social identities require a "solution"? This only makes sense given the
liberal conception of the self as requiring autonomy from identity in order to have rationality.
After all, the fact that a social identity was created under conditions of exclusion or oppression
does not by itself entail that its features are pernicious: oppression can produce pathology
without a doubt but it can also produce strength, perseverance, and empathy, and certainly
solidarity is not an inherent evil. Moreover, the desire to be free of oppressive stereotypes does
not necessarily lead to the desire to be free of all identity; it can just as easily lead to the desire
to have more accurate characterizations of one's identity and to have the collective freedom to
develop the identity through developing culture and community as well as the individual freedom
to interpret its meaning in one's own life.
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AT: Economy Impacts
___ The American economic system depends on the systematic racism – the negative position perpetuates
oppression
Springer, Institute for Recovery from Racisms, 2006
(Pearlette E., Catholic Diocese of Gary, Indiana, www.dcgary.org/pastoral/African/antiracism/articles/econracism.htm,
2/25/07
Whether we admit it or not, the United States of America is a Christian country. Contrary to Christian teaching, European
immigrants escaping from poverty and religious persecution stole and claimed this country, never admitting that intelligent,
civilized people – grounded in their God – already lived on the land. Shortly thereafter, Africans – bought and sold as
property – became a huge piece of the nation’s economic system. When it was decided to stop killing native
peoples and enslaving African peoples (not because it was wrong or sinful), the native people
were placed on reservations (similar to prisoner of war camps) and the African slaves were set
free on the streets with no place to go, no food to eat, no roof or walls for shelter. Needing more
cheap labor, the Chinese were brought over to replace the African slave to build the railroad
system in the West on land stolen by white investors (bought from people who did not own
it). So ended the 19th century. No separation exists between U.S. economics and racism yet;
today the U.S. economic system still depends on the heavy burdens of racism. “Racism” is the
misuse of institutional power plus prejudice. The “misuse of institutional power” is the system
set in place and kept in place to oppress people. Plus prejudice is to deliberately oppress
people of color – the red people (Native Americans), yellow people (Asians), brown people
(Latinos), and black people (Africans and people of African descent) – for the benefit of white
people. African Americans (people whose ancestors were slaves) and Native Americans
(people placed in prison camps known as reservations) have had the most difficult time
obtaining equality in the United States: equality in housing, in employment, in legal protection, in
our churches, and in education. People-of-color communities continue to live under the thumb
of institutional and systemic racism. The U.S. economic system places the majority of people
of color at the bottom of the economic ladder with little or no possibility of making an upward
move toward success. In the past, white “landowners” justified inequality based on skin color
and today white “landowners” (our institutions, such as corporate America, Social Security,
banking, insurance, legal system, the U.S. Catholic Church, etc.) still justify and control
inequality based on skin color.
People of color are entitled to equal status under a
constitution that declares we are all free, equal human beings under the law. Racism will destroy
us all.
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AT: Environment Impacts
The environment and its relation to people of color are mediated by white supremacy
Charles Mills 01, professor of philosophy at Northwestern University, in 2001 (Faces of Environmental Racism, Laura
Westra, Bill Lawson eds. p. 89-90)
In this revised conceptual framework, then, it becomes unsurprising that the United Church of Christ’s Commission for
Racial Justice found in the first national study on the topic (1987): Race is “the single most important factor (i.e., more
important than income, home ownership rate, and property values) in the location of abandoned toxic waste sites.” Some
black residents of these areas feel “We don’t have the complexion for protection.” A national investigation (1992) by the
National Law Journal of Environmental Protection Agency cleanup efforts concluded “that the average fine imposed on
polluters in white areas was 506 percent higher than the average fine imposed in minority communities” and that “cleanup
took longer in minority communities, even though the efforts were often less intensive than those performed in white
neighborhoods.” Mainstream white environmentalists are perceived as caring more about parks and
owls than people of color.Institutional resistance to providing information [on environmental
issues] is likely to be greater for groups such as racial minorities.”In general, “Public officials and
private industry have, in many cases, responded to the NIMBY (Not in My Black Yard] phenomenon by using
the PIBBY principle, ‘Places in Black’s Back Yards.’”In effect, then, these spaces can be written off because
these people can be written off. The devalued space interacts with its devalued inhabitants. They are
“outside” the boundaries of empathy, not like us, not an equally valued body in the
intercorporeal community that is the collective white body. As Bill Lawson points out in chapter 3,
“Living for the City: Urban United States and Environmental Justice” (p. 41): “[ R]acial and spatial
difference marks important differences that must be given weight in our moral deliberation. . . .
Environmentalists have a natural conception of pollution as a negative norm. If a place is though
to be already polluted by racial identifiers, we need to contain the pollution by keeping it in that
area.” Since these are already waste spaces, it is only appropriate that the waste products of
industrialization should be directed toward them. Like seeks like—throwaways on a throwaway
population, dumping on the white body’s dumpsite. So the “environment is not the same for
these distinct and spatially segregated communities. Black relations to nature have always been
mediated by white power, the sinews and tendons running through the white body. The
combination of environmental with social justice concerns—so strange and radical from the
point of view of traditional white environmentalism—then is simply a recognition of this fact.
Conservation cannot have the same resonance for the racially disadvantaged, since they are at the ass end of
the body politic and want their space upgraded.For blacks, the “environment” is the (in part) white-
created environment, where the waste products of white space are dumped and the costs of
white industry externalized. Insofar as the mainstream enviromentalist framing of the issues
rests on the raceless body of the colorless social contract, it will continue to mystify and
obfuscate these racial realities. “Environmentalism” for blacks has to mean not merely
challenging the patterns of waste disposal, but also, in effect, their own states as the racialized
refuse, the black trash, of the white body politic.
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AT: Racial Categorization/Whiteness Bad
The reality of diversity in whiteness explodes theories of permanent fixed and racial categories. Without
understanding such a relationship your attempts to deconstruct whiteness will fail.
Kincheloe, 1999
The Struggle to Define and Reinvent Whiteness: A Pedagogical Analysis
Joe L. Kincheloe Source: College Literature 26 (Fall 1999): 162- .
Diversity in whiteness demands our attention. Critical scholars must carefully attend to the
subtle but crucial distinction between whiteness with its power to signify and white people. The
diversity among white people makes sweeping generalizations about them dangerous and highly
counterproductive to the goals of a critical pedagogy of whiteness. Indeed, it is not contradictory to
argue that whiteness is a marker of privilege but that all white people are not able to take advantage of that
privilege. It is difficult to convince a working class white student of the ubiquity of white privilege when he or
she is going to school, accumulating school debts, working at McDonalds for minimum wage, unable to get
married because of financial stress, and holds little hope of upward socioeconomic mobility. The lived
experiences and anxieties of such individuals cannot be dismissed in a pedagogy of whiteness. How, then, in
the study and teaching of whiteness do we avoid essentializing white people as privileged, rationalistic,
emotionally alienated people? Understanding the social/discursive construction of whiteness, students of
whiteness refuse to search for its essential nature or its authentic core. Instead, critical analysts study the
social, historical, rhetorical, and discursive context of whiteness, mapping the ways it makes itself visible and
invisible, manifests its power, and shapes larger sociopolitical structures in relation to the micro-dynamics of
everyday life. This, of course, is no easy task-indeed, it should keep us busy for a while. Its complexity and
its recognition of ambiguity are central to the project's success. Since there is no fixed essence of whiteness,
different white people can debate both the meaning of whiteness in general and its meaning in their own
lives. Critical multiculturalists believe that such debates should take place in the context of racial history and
analyses of power asymmetries in order to gain morethan a superficial acquaintance with the issues.
Nevertheless, diversity in whiteness is a fact of life, as various white people negotiate their relationship to
whiteness in different ways. Yet, whiteness scholarship to this point has sometimes failed to recognize that its
greatest problem is the lapse into essentialism. In its most essential manifestations whiteness study
has operated under the assumption that racial categories were permanent and fixed. In their
attempt to deconstruct race in this context, essential whiteness scholars tend to reinscribe the
fixity of racial difference. The pessimism emerging here is constructed by a form of racial determinism white people will act in white ways because they are "just that way." A critical pedagogy of whiteness
understands the contingency of the connection between rationalistic modernist whiteness and
the actions of people with light-colored skin. The same, of course, is true with people with dark
colored skin - they may not "act black." They may even "act white." Such anti-essential
appreciations are central to whiteness study, as scholars historically contextualize their
contemporary insights with references to the traditional confusion over racial delineations.
Throughout U.S. history, for example, many federal and state agencies used only three racial categories White, Negro, and Indian. Who fit where? How were Latino/as to be classified? What about Asians?
Originally, the state of California classified Mexicans as white and Chinese as Indian. Later ChineseAmericans were grouped as Orientals, then Asians, then Pan Asians, and then Asian Pacific Americans.
Analysis of such categorization indicates both the slipperiness of racial grouping and the American attempt to
force heterogeneous racial configurations into a single category around similarities in skin tone, hair texture,
and eye shape. Such biological criteria simply don't work in any logically consistent manner, thus frustrating
the state's regulatory efforts to impose a rationalistic racial order (Keating 1995; Rubin 1994; Gallagher 1994;
Fiske 1994).
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Framework – Traditional Debate is Whiteness
A study that is continually ignored about blacks in debate was done by Shelton k. Hill to demonstrate the
manifestation of white supremacy and the consequences for black people it has in this community
Hill, Shelton 97, Former Debate coach at Biola University, “African American Students’ Motivation to Participate in
Intercollegiate Debate, in the Southern Journalof Forensics 2 (Fall, 1997) 202-235
Debate like the public speaking classroom, is grounded in a (White )Western ideology and
frowns upon the African American communication style. This makes it hard to recruit us to the
activity. We see the activity as reflecting opposite of what we believe in. And it becomes difficult
for us to stay in the activity when we must suppress or give up their cultural beliefs in order to
be successful. An internal struggle can emerge when we find that debate requires an approach
that is not conducive to the image of African Americans.
Imperialist agendas and role playing the oppressor that will be exported to larger society
William Spanos in Joe Millers’ book Cross-ex (pg. 467) speaks about this as well
I am very much aware that the arrogant neocons who now saturated the government of the Bush
administration—judges, pentagon planners, state department officials, etc… -- learned their “disinterested”
argumentative skills in the high school and college debate societies and that, accordingly, they
have become masters at disarming the just causes of the oppressed. This kind of leadership will
reproduce itself (along with the invisible oppression it perpetrates) as long as the training
ground and the debate protocols from which it emerges remains intact. A revolution in the
debate world must occur.
A study that is continually ignored about blacks in debate was done by Shelton k. Hill to demonstrate the
manifestation of white supremacy and the consequences for black people it has in this community
Hill, Shelton 97, Former Debate coach at Biola University, “African American Students’ Motivation to Participate in
Intercollegiate Debate, in the Southern Journalof Forensics 2 (Fall, 1997) 202-235
Debate like the public speaking classroom, is grounded in a (White )Western ideology and
frowns upon the African American communication style. This makes it hard to recruit us to the
activity. We see the activity as reflecting opposite of what we believe in. And it becomes difficult
for us to stay in the activity when we must suppress or give up their cultural beliefs in order to
be successful. An internal struggle can emerge when we find that debate requires an approach
that is not conducive to the image of African Americans.
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Framework – Whiteness Pre-Req to Education
Our educational method is prerequisite to the way we learn how to create better policy because we need to be
able to be reflexive and critical of status quo politics
Giroux 08 , a professor in English and Cultural Studies at McMaster University ,Henry Giroux,: Rethinking the Promise
of Critical Education Under an Obama RegimeTuesday 02 December 2008, Chronis
Polychroniou, t r u t h o u t | Interviewhttp://www.truthout.org/120208R
What separates an authoritarian from an emancipatory notion of education is whether or not
education encourages and enables students to deepen their commitments to social justice,
equality and individual and social autonomy, while at the same time expanding their capacities
to assume public responsibility and actively participate in the very process of governing. As a
condition of individual and social autonomy, education introduces democracy to students as a way of life an ethical ideal that demands constant attention - and, as such, takes seriously the responsibility
for providing the conditions for people to exercise critical judgment, reflexiveness, deliberation
and socially responsible action.’ Education is always political because it is connected to the acquisition of agency.
As a political project, education should illuminate the relationships among knowledge, authority
and power. It should also draw attention to questions concerning who has control over the
production of knowledge, values and skills, and it should illuminate how knowledge, identities
and authority are constructed within particular sets of social relations. In my view, education is a
deliberate attempt on the part of educators to influence how and what knowledge and
subjectivities are produced within particular sets of social relations.
The academy should be oriented to a space that aides the struggle against U.S. white supremacy and the
other major intersecting forms of domination
Maxey, Professor at University of Wales Swansea, 2004
(LJ, “Moving Beyond from within: Reflective Activism and Critical Geography”, date accessed, june 3 th, http://www.praxisepress.org/rtcp/ljm.pdf)
Following these approaches to activism, and drawing on post-structural understandings of
power as saturated and performative (Foucault 1980) we can see the social world as (re)produced
through the acts we each engage with every day. We – you and I – are already involved in
shaping the world. Critical reflection allows us to place ourselves more actively within this
process. A strong body of work on reflexivity within critical geography also informs this
approach to activism. This work on reflexivity demonstrates the value of questioning our shifting
positionalities, assumptions and actions(Rose 1997; Gormley and Bondi 1999). Critical engagement of this
kind encourages us to question internal as well as external forms and sources of oppression,
including our own values and assumptions and the various boundaries surrounding us and our
work, including those between academic disciplines, researcher and researched, theory and
practice and even those surrounding discursive terms like activism. In particular, critical
engagement and the notion of activism explored here, has led me to question the boundary
between activism and academia (Maxey 1999). Rather than separating activism off as something we
do ‘beyond’ the academy, this approach suggests every aspect of our work has the potential to
help overcome oppression, liberate and empower ourselves and others.
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Framework – Predictability/Fairness answers
___ Beliefs about objectivity, predictability and fairness are used to co-opt activism, we must disbelieve in
order to free ourselves
Delgado, Law Prof at U. of Colorado, 1992 [Richard, “Shadowboxing: An Essay On Power,” In Cornell Law Review,
May]
I began by observing that law-talk can lull and gull us, tricking us into thinking that categories like
objective and subjective, and the stylized debates that swirl about them, really count when in
fact they either collapse or appear trivial when viewed from the perspective of cultural power. If
we allow ourselves to believe that these categories do matter, we can easily expend too much
energy replicating predictable, scripted arguments -- and in this way, the law turns onceprogressive people into harmless technocrats.n70 But this happens in a second way as well, when we
borrow their tools for our projects without sensing the danger in that use. For example, a recent article
by a Critical Race scholar proposes a novel approach to the impact-intent dichotomy in antidiscrimination law. n71 Most
persons of majority race, including judges, are not prepared [*823] to see subtle forms of
"institutional" or "latter-day" racism in the absence of vicious intent. That is, "impact" alone is not
enough. n72 To bridge the gap between currently unredressable, unintentional discrimination and the redressable,
intentional kind, Charles Lawrence proposes that the law recognize a third, unconscious form of redressable
discrimination. n73 So far, so good. But his article goes on to propose a "cultural test" for this sort of unconscious racism.
n74
Under Lawrence's test, unconscious racism is redressable if, in light of prevailing cultural meanings and understandings,
the action is racist.
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Framework—Policy Making bad
The traditional framework of policy debate assumes that discourse is a neutral medium
through which thoughts are transmitted. This whitewashes the fact that discourses are
produced such that they define what can and cannot be said through a violent process of
control and exclusion
Roland Bleiker, “Forget IR Theory,” Alternatives; 1997
The doorkeepers of IR are those who, knowingly or unknowingly, make sure that the discipline’s discursive
boundaries remain intact. Discourses, in a Foucaultian sense, are subtle mechanisms that frame our
thinking process. They determine the limits of what can be thought, talked, and written of in a
normal and rational way. In every society the production of discourses is controlled, selected,
organized, and diffused by certain procedures. They create systems of exclusion that elevate
one group of discourses to a hegemonic status while condemning others to exile. Although the
boundaries of discourses change, at times gradually, at times abruptly, they maintain a certain unity across time, a unity that
dominates and transgresses individual authors, texts, or social practices. They explain, to return to Nietzsche, why “all
things that live long are gradually so saturated with reason that their origin in unreason thereby
becomes improbable.”28 Academic disciplines are powerful mechanisms to direct and control
the production and diffusion of discourses. They establish the rules of intellectual exchange and
define the methods, techniques, and instruments that are considered proper for the pursuit of
knowledge. Within these margins, each discipline recognizes true and false propositions based
on the standards of evaluation it established to assess them.29<63-64>
Their policy making framework ignores the violence inherent in our perspectives
Nayar 99 (Jayan, Critical Theorist, 9 Transnat'l L. & Contemp. Probs. 599, Lexis)
Rightly, we are concerned with the question of what can be done to alleviate the sufferings that prevail. But there
arenecessary prerequisitesto answering the "what do we do?" question. We must first askthe intimately
connected questions of "about what?" and "toward what end?" These questions, obviously, impinge on our
vision and judgment. When we attempt to imagine transformations toward preferred human futures, we
engage in the difficult task of judging the present. This is difficult not because we are oblivious to violence or that we
are numb to the resulting suffering, but because, outrage with "events" of violence aside, processes of violence embroil and
implicate our familiarities in ways that defy the simplicities of straightforward imputability. Despite our best efforts at
categorizing violence into convenient compartments--into "disciplines" of study and analysis such as "development" and
"security" (health, environment, population, being other examples of such compartmentalization)--the encroachments of
order(ing) function at more pervasive levels. And without doubt, the perspectives of the observer, commentator,
and actor becomecrucial determinants. It is necessary, I believe, to question this, "our," perspective, to
reflect upon a perspective of violence which not only locates violence as a happening "out
there" while we stand as detached observers and critics, but is also one in which we are ourselves
implicated in the violence of ordered worlds wherewe stand very much as participants. For this purpose of a
critique of critique, it is necessary to consider the "technologies" of ordering.
White supremacy is the root of all oppression, specifically of immigrants
By Alex Mikulich, Ph.D. 17, OCTOBER 2011Ph. D. in Theology “The Hidden Border of Whiteness and
Immigration” http://www.loyno.edu/jsri/hidden-border-whiteness-and-immigration
a white, racially bias-induced horizon defines, censors, controls, and segregates different, other,
non-white bodies. Ordinarily, these bodies are “invisible” in the process of historical, cultural, and social creativity and
representation, but should these non-white bodies step ‘out of place,’ they are subordinated literally to
surveillance, inspection, discrimination, assessment and containment. 2¶ Even though interracial
mixture has been a long-standing human reality, and even as racial identification becomes ever more fluid and
unpredictable in a globalizing world, conscious and unconscious cultural practices of a white, racially-biased
boundary reproduces historical patterns of who is excluded from American citizenship.
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RACE AND CLASS ARE DIALECTICALLY CONJOINED IN THE REPRODUCTION OF
CAPITALIST RELATIONS—CAPITALISM RACIALIZES SUBJECTS TO ENTRENCH
COMPETITION AND DESTROY UNIVERSAL CONSCIOUSNESS AS WELL AS SUSTAINS WHITE
RACISM AS A METHOD OF PAPERING OVER CONTRADICTIONS. ALL OF THIS IS USED TO
MAINTAIN THE SYSTEM OF CAPITAL ACCUMULATION
SAN JUAN (Fulbright Lecturer @ Univ. of Leuven, Belgium) 2003
[E., “Marxism and the Race/Class Problematic: A Re-Articulation”, p. online: http://clogic.eserver.org/2003/sanjuan.html //wyo-tjc]
It seems obvious that racism cannot be dissolved by instances of status mobility when sociohistorical circumstances change gradually or are
transformed by unforeseen interventions. The black bourgeoisie continues to be harassed and stigmatized by liberal or multiculturalist
practices of racism, not because they drive Porsches or conspicuously flaunt all the indices of wealth. Class exploitation cannot replace
or stand for racism because it is the condition of possibility for it. It is what enables the racializing of selected markers,
whether physiological or cultural, to maintain, deepen and reinforce alienation,mystifying reality by modes of commodification,
fetishism, and reification characterizing the routine of quotidian life. Race and class are dialectically conjoined in the reproduction of
capitalist relations of exploitation and domination.
30. We might take a passage from Marx as a source of guidelines for developing a historical-materialist theory of racism
which is not empiricist but dialecticalin aiming for theorizing conceptual concreteness as a multiplicity of historically informed and configured
determinations. This passage comes from a letter dated 9 April 1870 to Meyer and Vogt in which Marx explains why the Irish struggle for autonomy was of crucial
significance for the British proletariat:
. . . Every industrial and commercial center in England possesses a working class divided into two hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The
ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker he feels himself a member of the ruling
nation and so turns himself into a tool of the aristocrats and capitalists of his country against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself. He cherishes
religious, social, and national prejudices against the Irish worker. His attitude towards him is much the same as that of the 'poor whites' to the 'niggers' in the former
slave states of the USA. The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker at once the accomplice and stupid tool of the
English rule in Ireland.
This antagonism is artificially kept alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short by all the means at the disposal of the ruling classes. This
antagonism is the secret of the impotence of the English working class, despite its organization. It is the secret by which the capitalist class maintains its power. And
that class is fully aware of it (quoted in Callinicos 1993).
HereMarx sketches three parameters for the sustained viability of racism in modern capitalist society.First, the economic
competition among workers is dictated by the distribution of labor powerin the labor-market via differential wage rates. The distinction
between skilled and unskilled labor is contextualized in differing national origins, languages and traditions of workers, which
can be manipulated into racial antagonisms. Second, the appeal of racist ideology to white workers , with their identification as
members of the "ruling nation" affording--in W.E.B. DuBois's words--"public and psychological wage" or compensation. Like religion, whitesupremacist nationalism provides the illusory resolution to the real contradictions of life for the working majority of citizens.
Third, the ruling class reinforces and maintains these racial divisions for the sake of capital accumulation within the framework
of its ideological/political hegemony in the metropolis and worldwide.
31. Racism and nationalism are thus modalities in which class struggles articulate themselves at strategic points in
history. No doubt social conflicts in recent times have involved not only classes but also national, ethnic, and religious groups, as well as
feminist, ecological, antinuclear social movements (Bottomore 1983). The concept of "internal colonialism" (popular in the seventies)
that subjugates national minorities, as well as the principle of self-determination for oppressed or "submerged" nations
espoused by Lenin, exemplify dialectical attempts to historicize the collective agency for socialist transformation.Within the
framework of the global division of labor between metropolitan center and colonized periphery, a Marxist program of national liberation is meant to take into account the extraction of surplus value
from colonized peoples through unequal exchange as well as through direct colonial exploitation in "Free Trade Zones," illegal traffic in prostitution, mail-order brides, and contractual domestics (at
National oppression has a concrete reality not entirely reducible
to class exploitation but incomprehensible apart from it; that is, it cannot be adequately understood without the domination of the
present, the Philippines provides the bulk of the latter, about ten million persons and growing).
racialized peoples in the dependent formations by the colonizing/imperialist power, with the imperial nation-state acting as the exploiting
class, as it were (see San Juan 1998; 2002).
32.Racism arose with the creation and expansion of the capitalist world economy (Wolf 1982; Balibar and Wallerstein, 1991).
Solidarities conceived as racial or ethnic groups acquire meaning and value in terms of their place within the social
organization of production and reproductionof the ideological-political order; ideologies of racismas collective social evaluation of
solidarities arise to reinforce structural constraints which preserve the exploited and oppressed position of these "racial"
solidarities. Such patterns of economic and political segmentation mutate in response to the impact of changing economic and political
relationships (Geshwender and Levine 1994). Overall, there is no denying the fact that national-liberation movements and
indigenous groups fighting for sovereignty, together with heterogeneous alliances and coalitions, cannot be fully understood
without a critical analysis of the production of surplus value and its expropriation by the propertied class--that is, capital
accumulation. As John Rex noted,
different ethnic groups are placed in relations of cooperation, symbiosis or conflict by the fact that as groups they have different economic
and political functions.Within this changing class order of [colonial societies], the language of racial difference frequently becomes the means
whereby men allocate each other to different social and economic positions. What the type of analysis used here suggests is that the
exploitation of clearly marked groups in a variety of different ways is integral to capitalism and that ethnic groups unite and act together
because they have been subjected to distinct and differentiated types of exploitation. Race relations and racial conflict are necessarily
structured by political and economic factors of a more generalized sort (1983, 403-05, 407).
Hence race relations and race conflict are necessarily structured by the larger totality of the political economy of a given
society, as well as by modifications in the structure of the world economy. Corporate profit-making via class exploitation on an
international/globalized scale, at bottom, still remains the logic of the world system of finance capitalism based on
historically changing structures and retooled practices of domination and subordination.
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The reliance of indenty-based politics is not an accidental instance of ignoring class. The
demand arises out of the crisis of liberalism—such politics particularizes the oppressions of
capitalism to the point that the universal system is naturalized. Attaining white, male
bourgeoisse privilege becomes the bench-mark of political success, re-entrenching the very
foundation of the system
BROWN (Professor & Genius) 1993 [Wendy, “Wounded Attachments”, Political Theory, Aug. p. 392-394//wyo-tjc]
Although this détente between universal and particular within liberalism is potted with volatile conceits, it is rather thoroughly
unraveled by two features of late modernity, spurred by developments in what Marx and Foucault, respectively, reveal as
liberalism's companion powers: capitalism and disciplinarity. On one side, the state loses even its guise of universality as it
becomes ever more transparently invested in particular economic interests, political ends, and social formations. This
occurs as it shifts from a relatively minimalist "night watchman" state to a heavily bureaucratized, managerial, fiscally
complex, and highly interventionist welfare-warfare state, a transmogrification occasioned by the combined imperatives of
capital and the autoproliferating characteristics of bureaucracy.6 On the other side, a range of economic and political forces
increasingly disinter the liberal subject from substantivenation-state identification: deterritorializing demo- graphic flows; disintegration from
within and invasion from without of family and community as (relatively) autonomous sites of social production and identification; consumer capitalism's marketing
discourse in which individual (and subindividual) desires are produced, commodified, and mo- bilized as identities; and disciplinary productions of a fantastic array of
behavior-based identities ranging from recovering alcoholic professionals to unrepentant crack mothers .These disciplinary productions work to
conjure and regulate subjects through classificatory schemes, naming and normaliz- ing social behaviors as social positions.
Operating through what Foucault calls "an anatomy of detail," "disciplinary power" produces social identifies (available for
politicization because they are deployed for purposes of political regulation) that crosscut juridical identitiesbased on abstract right.
Thus, for example, the welfare state's production of welfare subjects-themselves subdi- vided through the socially regulated
categories of motherhood, disability, race, age, and so forth-potentially produce political identity through these categories,
produce identities as these categories. In this story, the always imminent but increasingly politically manifest failure of
liberal universalism to be universal-the transparent fiction of state universality-combines with the increasing individuation of
social subjects through capitalist disinternments and disciplinary productions. Together, they breed the emergence of
politicized identity rooted in disciplinary pro- ductions but oriented by liberal discourse toward protest against exclusionfrom a
discursive formation of universal justice. This production, however, is not linear or even but highly contradictory: although the terms of
liberalism are part of the ground of production of a politicized identity that reiterates yet exceeds these terms , liberal discourse itself also
continuously recolonizes political identity as political interest-a conversion that recasts politicized identity's substantive and
often deconstructive cultural claims and critiques as generic claims of particularism endemic to universalist political culture.
Similarly, disciplinary power manages liberalism's production of politicized subjectivity by neutralizing (re-depoliticizing)
identity through normalizing practices.
As liberal discourse converts political identity into essentialized private interest, disciplinary power converts interest into normativized social identity manageable by regulatory regimes. Thus
disciplinary power politi- cally neutralizes entitlement claims generated by liberal individuation,
whereas liberalism politically neutralizes rights claims generated by disciplinary identities. In addition
to the formations of identity that may be the complex effects of disciplinary and liberal modalities of power, I want to suggest one other historical strand relevant to the production of politicized identity,
this one hewn more specifically to recent developments in political culture. Although sanguine to varying degrees about the phenomenon they are describing, many on the European and North
American Left have argued that identity politics emerges from the demise of class politics consequent to post-Fordism or pursuant to May 1968. Without adjudicating the precise relationship between
what we have come to call
identity politics is partly dependent on the demise of a critique of capitalismand of bourgeois cultural
and economic values. In a reading that links the new identity claims to a certain relegitimation of capitalism , identity
politics concerned with race, sexuality, and gender will appear not as a supplement to class
politics, not as an expansion of Left categories of oppression and emancipation, not as an
enriching complexification of pro- gressive formulations of power and persons-all of which they also
are-but as tethered to a formulation of justice which, ironically, reinscribes a bour- geois ideal as
its measure. If it is this ideal that signifies educational and vocational opportunity, upward mobility, relative protection against arbitrary violence, and reward in proportion to effort, and if it
is this ideal against which many of the exclusions and privations of people of color, gays and lesbians, and women are articulated, thenthe political purchase of
contemporary American identity politics would seem to be achieved in part through a certain
discursive renaturalization of capitalismthat can be said to have marked progressive discourse since the 1970s.
What this suggests is thatidentity politics may be partly configured by a peculiarly shaped and
peculiarly disguised form of resentment-class resent- ment without class consciousness or
class analysis. This resentment is displaced onto discourses of injustice other than class but, like
all resent- ments, retains the real or imagined holdings of its reviled subject-in this case, bourgeois
male privileges-as objects of desire. From this perspective, it would appear that the articulation of
politicized identities through race, gender, and sexuality require, rather than incidentally
produce, a relatively limited identification through class. They necessarily rather than
incidentally abjure a critique of class power and class norms precisely because the injuries
suffered by these identities are measured by bourgeois norms of social acceptance, legal
protection, relative material comfort, and social indepen- dence. The problem is thatwhen not only
economic stratification but other injuries to body and psyche enacted by capitalism(alienation,
the breakup of class politics and the proliferation of other sites of political identification, I want to refigure this claim by suggesting that
cornmodifica- tion, exploitation, displacement, disintegration of sustaining, albeit contra- dictory, social forms such as
families and neighborhoods) are discursively normalized and thus depoliticized, other markers of
social difference may come to bear an inordinate weight. Absent an articulation of capitalism in
the political discourse of identity, the marked identity bears all the weight of the sufferings
produced by capitalism in addition to that bound to the explicitly politicized marking.
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