Perspectives on the Civil War and Reconstruction
Scott H. Harris
Perspectives on the Civil War and Reconstruction
NOTE: Unless otherwise indicated, all
images and quoted text in this
presentation were derived from sources
in the Public Domain.
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Cultural Differences
Economic Differences
Political Differences
SLAVERY!
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Cultural Differences: Northern society was more dynamic and
diverse, fueled by immigrants from Ireland and Germany.
Boss Tweed: That's the building of our country right
there, Mr. Cutting. Americans aborning.
Bill: I don't see no Americans. I see trespassers, Irish
harps. Do a job for a nickel what a nigger does for a
dime and a white man used to get a quarter for. What
have they done? Name one thing they've contributed.
Boss Tweed: Votes.
From the motion picture Gangs of New York (2002)
Stereotypical cartoon of German and Irish immigrants
in New York (Harper’s Weekly, June 26, 1858)
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Cultural Differences: Southern society was largely dominated by
the planter class, with slaves and free blacks at the bottom.
Overseer and slaves, Fredericksburg, Virginia, 1798
Many [Southerners] agree with their Northern countrymen, in freely admitting that slavery is
prejudicial to their interests; but they are convinced that the removal of this evil would imperil their
own existence. Hence arises a singular contrast: the more the utility of slavery is contested, the
more firmly is it established in the laws; and while its principle is gradually abolished in the North,
that selfsame principle gives rise to more rigorous consequences in the South.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (1835)
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Economic Differences: In the North, industrialization and diversified agriculture based on free labor. In the
South, staple crop agriculture (cotton, rice, tobacco, indigo) based on slave labor.
Slavery is that system of labour which exchanges subsistence for work, which
secures a life-maintenance from the master to the slave, and gives a life-labour
from the slave to the master. The slave is an apprentice for life, and owes his
labour to his master; the master owes support, during life, to the slave. Slavery is
the negro system of labour. He is lazy and improvident. Slavery makes all work,
and it ensures homes, food and clothing for all. It permits no idleness, and it
provides for sickness, infancy and old age. It allows no tramping or skulking,
and it knows no pauperism.
William John Grayson, The Hireling and the Slave (1855)
The Republicans stand before the country, not only as the Anti-slavery party, but
emphatically as the party of free labor. In throwing its shield over the eternal
principles of human rights, the platform presents the Anti-slavery policy of the
party in its logical connection with the greet material interests of the country. “To
man, his birthright; to labor, freedom; to him that wants to labor, work and in
independence; to him that works, his dues." This is the Republican platform.
Carl Schurz speech at Wisconsin Republican Party meeting, May 30, 1860
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Political Differences: Most Northerners saw the federal union as supreme and unbreakable, and feared
control of government by the “Slave Power.” Most Southerners saw the Union as a compact between
sovereign states, which could leave it if they so chose. They also wanted to preserve the built-in advantage
of the “three fifths” clause in the Constitution.
The inhabitants of the Southern states are, of all the Americans, those
who are most interested in the maintenance of the Union; they would
assuredly suffer most from being left to themselves; and yet they are the
only ones who threaten to break the tie of confederation.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (1835)
Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!
Massachusetts Senator Daniel Webster, Senate speech, January 30, 1830
The naked question is, whether ours is a federal or consolidated government; a
constitutional or absolute one; a government resting solidly on the basis of the
sovereignty of the States, or on the unrestrained will of a majority . . .
South Carolina Senator John C. Calhoun, “Fort Hill Address,” July 26, 1831
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
SEC. 8. And be it further enacted. That in all that territory ceded by France to
the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six
degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the
state, contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than
in the punishment of crimes . . . shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited.
From the Missouri Compromise, March 6, 1820
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
RESOLVED: That California, with suitable boundaries, ought, upon her application to be admitted as one of the
States of this Union, without the imposition by Congress of any restriction in respect to the exclusion or
introduction of slavery within those boundaries;
That the western boundary of the State of Texas ought to be fixed on the Rio del Norte, commencing one marine
league from its mouth, and running up that river to the southern line of New Mexico; thence with that line
eastwardly, and so continuing in the same direction to the line as established between the United States and
Spain, excluding any portion of New Mexico, whether lying on the east or west of that river;
That as slavery does not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the
United States from the republic of Mexico, it is in- expedient for Congress to provide by law either for its
introduction into, or exclusion from, any part of the said territory;
That it is expedient to prohibit, within the District, the slave trade in slaves brought into it from States or places
beyond the limits of the District, either to be sold therein as merchandise, or to be trans- ported to other markets
without the District of Columbia;
That more effectual provision ought to be made by law . . . for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to
service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory in the Union;
That Congress has no power to promote or obstruct the trade in slaves between the slaveholding States; but that
the admission or exclusion of slaves brought from one into another of them, depends exclusively upon their own
particular laws.
Compromise resolutions introduced by Kentucky Senator Henry Clay, January 29, 1850
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
The Constitution, and all Laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have
the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United
States, except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union
approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the principle of
non-intervention by Congress with slaves in the States and Territories, as recognized by the
legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly called the Compromise Measures, is hereby
declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate
slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof
perfectly free to form an regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States.
From the Kansas-Nebraska Act, crafted by Illinois Senator Stephen A Douglas, May 30, 1854
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Even now, while I speak, portents hang on all the arches of the horizon
threatening to darken the broad land, which already yawns with the mutterings
of civil war. The fury of the propagandists of Slavery, and the calm determination
of their opponents, are now diffused from the distant Territory over widespread
communities, and the whole country, in all its extent marshalling hostile
divisions, and foreshadowing a strife which, unless happily averted by the
triumph of Freedom, will become war fratricidal, parricidal war with an
accumulated wickedness beyond the wickedness of any war in human annals . . .
Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner, Senate speech, May 19-20, 1856
Over the Federal Government this class, this slave power, has achieved
complete dominion. The slave power this day holds the national Government,
in all its departments, in absolute subjugation. In this Chamber, where sit the
representatives of sovereign Commonwealths, that power retains unbroken
sway. That power bids the Supreme Court utter its decrees, and that high
tribunal obeys its imperative commands.
Massachusetts Senator Henry Wilson, Senate speech, January 25, 1860
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
From U.S. Supreme Decision, DRED SCOTT v. SANDFORD, 1857:
On the status of blacks under the Declaration of Independence, Chief Justice
Roger B. Taney, writing for the majority:
They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior
order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or
political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man
was bound to respect; and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to
slavery for his benefit.
Justice Robert Cooper Grier, concurrent opinion:
I also concur with the opinion of the court as delivered by the Chief Justice, that
the act of Congress of 6th March, 1820, is unconstitutional and void; and that,
assuming the facts as stated in the opinion, the plaintiff cannot sue as a citizen of
Missouri in the courts of the United States.
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
John Brown’s Raid on Harpers Ferry, October 16, 1859
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
I believe that to have interfered as I have done
as I have always freely admitted I have done in
behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but
right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I
should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the
ends of justice, and mingle my blood further
with the blood of my children and with the blood
of millions in this slave country whose rights are
disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust
enactments, I submit; so let it be done!
John Brown’s final speech at his trial,
Charles Town, Virginia, November 2, 1859
I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the
crimes of this guilty land can never be purged
away but with blood.
John Brown's last words, written on a note
handed to a guard just before his hanging
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Election of 1860
Abraham Lincoln becomes the first Republican President when the vote is split
between himself and Stephen A Douglas (Northern Democrats); John C.
Breckinridge (Southern Democrats); and John Bell (Constitutional Unionists).
Lincoln
Breckinridge
Douglas
Bell
Currier and Ives lithograph, 1860, showing Abraham Lincoln preventing Bell, Breckinridge,
and Douglas from entering the White House.
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
Do the people of the South really entertain fears that a Republican
administration would, directly, or indirectly, interfere with their slaves, or with
them, about their slaves? The South would be in no more danger in this
respect, than it was in the days of Washington. I suppose, however, this does
not meet the case. You think slavery is right, and ought to be extended; while
we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That I suppose is the rub. It
certainly is the only substantial difference between us.
Abraham Lincoln to Alexander Stephens, December 22, 1860
The great truth . . . upon which our system rests, is the inferiority of the
African. The enemies of our institutions ignore this truth. Most of that
fanatical spirit at the North on this subject, which in its zeal without
knowledge, would upturn our society and lay waste our fair country, springs
from this false reasoning.
Alexander H. Stephens to the Virginia Secession Convention, April 23, 1861
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the
States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the
high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and
purposes are hostile to slavery. We, therefore, the People of South
Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled . . . have solemnly
declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the
other States of North America, is dissolved (December 20, 1860)
Whereas, the election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to
the offices of president and vice-president of the United States of
America, by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic
institutions and to the peace and security of the people of the State of
Alabama . . . the State of Alabama now withdraws . . . from the Union
known as "the United States of America." (January 11, 1861)
WHEREAS, The recent developments in Federal affairs make it evident that the power of the Federal Government is
sought to be made a weapon with which to strike down the interests and property of the people of Texas, and her sister
slave-holding States . . . We the delegates of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, have passed an ordinance
dissolving all political connection with the government of the United States of America . . . (February 2, 1861)
The people of Virginia in their ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America . . . having declared that
the powers granted under said Constitution were derived from the people of the United States and might be resumed
whensoever the same should be perverted to their injury and oppression, and the Federal Government having
perverted said powers not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppression of the Southern slaveholding States . . . We, the people of Virginia, do declare and ordain . . . that the union between the State of Virginia
and the other States under the Constitution . . . is hereby dissolved . . . (April 17, 1861)
Prelude—Causes of the Civil War
I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that
the beginning of our career as a Confederacy may not be obstructed by hostile
opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we
have asserted, and, with the blessing of Providence, intend to maintain. Our
present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations,
illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the consent of the
governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter or abolish governments
whenever they become destructive of the ends for which they were established.
Jefferson Davis, Inaugural Address, February 18, 1861
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is
the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you.
You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You
have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I
shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our
bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from
every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union,
when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
nature.
Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as
God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to
bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle,
and for his widow and his orphan - to do all which may achieve and cherish a
just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.
Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865
Lincoln’s efforts:
Emancipation Proclamation
Ten Percent Plan
Leniency toward most former Confederates
Veto of Wade-Davis Bill
Limited political rights for Freedmen
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Emancipation Proclamation
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the
Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare . . . That on the first day of January, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within
any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of
the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain
the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in
any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
From Lincoln’s preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, September 22, 1862
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
If I were in your place I'd let 'em up easy, let 'em up easy.
Lincoln’s reply to Union General Godfrey Weitzel’s
question of how to treat conquered Confederates
Currier & Ives lithograph lampooning Jefferson Davis’ capture, May 10, 1865
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Ten Percent Plan
I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who
have, directly or by implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a full
pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves . . .
upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath . . . to wit:
“I,
, do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and
defend the Constitution of the United States and the Union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner,
abide by and faithfully support all acts of congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves . . .
and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the
existing rebellion having reference to slaves . . . So help me God."
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that whenever a number of persons, not less than one tenth in
number of the votes cast in such state at the presidential election of the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty, each having taken the oath aforesaid, and not having since violated it, and being a qualified voter by the
election law of the state existing immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall
reestablish a state government [to] be recognized as the true government of the state . . .
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that any provision which may be adopted by such state
government in relation to the freed people of such state, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom,
provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent as a temporary arrangement with their present condition
as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National Executive.
From Lincoln’s Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction, December 8, 1863
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Wade-Davis Bill, July 2, 1864
Governors appointed by the President
At least 50% of white residents must sign “ironclad
oath” saying they never supported the Confederacy
New state constitution must abolish slavery,
redistribute property of Confederate leaders,
repudiate Confederate debt
Freedmen not made citizens, but given habeas
corpus rights and protection in federal courts
Confederate leaders and soldiers above the rank of
colonel stripped of US citizenship
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Enter Andrew Johnson
Johnson’s contradictions:
Initially followed Lincoln’s moderate approach, alienating
Radical Republicans
Broke with Moderate Republicans by 1866, aligns with
Democrats to oppose political equality for Freedmen
Vetoes Civil Rights Bill (1866)
Impeached and tried, 1868; though acquitted, his political
position is destroyed
Petroleum V. Nasby cartoon showing
Johnson’s diminishing political clout, 1866
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
The Freedmen’s Bureau
Official Name: Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands
Established: March 3, 1865, by act of Congress
Principal Duties: Supervised all relief and educational activities relating to
refugees and freedmen, including issuing rations, clothing and medicine.
Also assumed custody of confiscated lands or property in the former
Confederate States, border states, District of Columbia, and Indian
Territory.
Thus did the United States government definitely assume charge of the
emancipated Negro as the ward of the nation. It was a tremendous
undertaking. Here, at a stroke of the pen, was erected a government of millions
of men,--and not ordinary men, either, but black men emasculated by a
peculiarly complete system of slavery, centuries old; and now, suddenly,
violently, they come into a new birthright, at a time of war and passion, in the
midst of the stricken, embittered population of their former masters.
The Freedmen's
Bureau
W.E.B. DuBois, “The Freedmen’s
Bureau,”
Atlantic Monthly magazine, 1901
Harper's Weekly sketch by Alfred R. Waud, July 25, 1868
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
The Freedmen’s Bureau—Labor Contracts
Freedmen working fields, Hilton Head, South Carolina, 1860s
Freedmen’s labor contract, Louisiana, 1870s
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
The Freedmen’s Bureau—Schools
James Plantation Freedmen’s School, North Carolina, 1868
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Friction over the
Freedmen’s Bureau
Glimpses at the Freedman's Bureau: Issuing Rations to the Old and Sick
Sketch for Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper
by James E. Taylor, September 22, 1866
The Overseer of the Poor of Augusta County have put up
additional buildings at the poor House of the County . . .
and we are prepared to support all colored Paupers
belonging to the County, but would beg leave to call the
attention of the Bureau to the fact that there is a large
number of Freedmen in our county who have come in
amongst us since the surrender who do not belong to the
County and who we could [not] be expected to support.
H.H. Peck to Thomas P. Jackson, Augusta County
Freedmen’s Bureau Commissioner, August 31,1867
1866 Pennsylvania election poster (Library of Congress)
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, 1866
I have, with Congress, the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen
the full enjoyment of their freedom and their property and their
entire independence and equality in making contracts for their
labor. But the bill before me contains provisions which, in my
opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution and are not wellsuited to accomplish the end in view . . .
Johnson’s veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, February 19, 1866
Now to the Freedmen's Bureau. What was it? Four million slaves
were emancipated and given an equal chance and fair start to make
their own support-to work and produce; and having worked and
produced, to have their own property and apply it to their own
support. But the Freedmen's Bureau comes and says we must take
charge of these 4,000,000 slaves. The bureau comes along and
proposes, at an expense of a fraction less than $12,000,000 a year, to
take charge of these slaves. You had already expended
$3,000,000,000 to set them free and give them a fair opportunity to
take care of themselves -then these gentlemen, who are such great
friends of the people, tell us they must be taxed $12,000,000 to
sustain the Freedmen's Bureau.
Johnson speech, Cleveland, Ohio, September 3, 1866
Johnson’s veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau
renewal bill is likened to kicking it down a
flight of stairs. (By Thomas Nast for Harper’s
Weekly, 1866)
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Shall I Trust These Men . . . And Not This Man?
Thomas Nast cartoons in Harper’s Weekly, August 5, 1865
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Excerpts from Mississippi “Black Codes,” 1865
Apprentices: Be it enacted by the legislature of the state of Mississippi, that it shall be the
duty of all sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other civil officers of the several counties in this
state to report to the Probate courts . . . all freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes under the
age of eighteen . . . who are orphans, or whose parent or parents have not the means, or who
refuse to provide for and support said minors . . . said court to apprentice said minors to
some competent and suitable person . . . in case of males until they are twenty-one years old,
and in case of females until they are eighteen years old.
Vagrancy: All freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes in this state over the age of eighteen
years found on the second Monday in January 1866, or thereafter, with no lawful
employment or business, or found unlawfully assembling themselves together either in the
day or nighttime, and all white persons . . . associating with freedmen, free Negroes, or
mulattoes on terms of equality, or living in adultery or fornication with a freedwoman, free
Negro, or mulatto, shall be deemed vagrants . . .
Weapons: No freedman, free Negro, or mulatto not in the military service of the United
States government, and not licensed so to do by the board of police of his or her county, shall
keep or carry firearms of any kind, or any ammunition, dirk, or Bowie knife . . .
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Civil Rights Act of 1866
All persons born in the United States . . . excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to
be citizens of the United States; and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to
any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude . . . Shall have the same right, in
every State and Territory in the United States . . . to full and equal benefit of all laws and
proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens . . .
Any person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, shall
subject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of
any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pains, or penalties on
account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary
servitude . . . or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white
persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor . . .
The district attorneys, marshals, and deputy marshals of the United States . . . the officers and
agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, and every other officer who may be specially empowered by
the President of the United States, shall be . . . specially authorized and required, at the
expense of the United States, to institute proceedings against all and every person who shall
violate the provisions of this act . . .
It shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he may empower for
that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the
militia, as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of this act.
Presidential Reconstruction, 1863-1866
Washington, March 27, 1866
To the Senate of the United States:
I regret that the bill, which has passed both Houses of
Congress, entitled “An act to protect all persons in the United
States in their civil rights and furnish the means of their
vindication,” contains provisions which I cannot approve
consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people and my
obligations to the Constitution of the United States. I am
therefore constrained to return it to the Senate, the House in
which it originated, with my objections to its becoming a law.
In all our history, in all our experience as people living under
Federal and State law, no such system as that contemplated by
the details of this bill has ever before been proposed or adopted.
They establish for the security of the colored race safeguards
which go infinitely beyond any that the General Government
has ever provided for the white race. In fact, the distinction of
race and color is by the bill made to operate in favor of the
colored and against the white race.
From Johnson’s Veto of the Civil Rights Bill, 1866
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Johnson Versus Congress
Two Thomas Nast cartoons in Harper’s Weekly, 1866
Left: An Awkward Collision, in which engineers Andrew Johnson and Thaddeus Stevens argue over whose train
has to back up—a reference to Johnson’s veto of the Civil Rights Act, which Congress later overrode. Right:
King Andy: How He Will Look, What He Will Do. Johnson and his cabinet are shown as royal and mythological
figures, determined to trample on liberty and democracy. This cartoon appeared just before the 1866
congressional elections.
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
The future condition of the conquered power depends on the will of the conqueror.
Radical Republican Thaddeus Stevens, U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania
Congress takes over:
Radicals gain veto-proof majorities in both houses of Congress
13th Amendment (1865) abolishes slavery
Freedmen’s Bureau reauthorized (1866) over Johnson’s veto
Civil Rights Act passed (1866) over Johnson’s veto
Four Reconstruction Acts (1867/1868) passed over Johnson’s vetoes
14th Amendment (1868) gives citizenship and federal civil rights too all persons
born or naturalized in US (except Indians)
15th Amendment (1870) says right to vote cannot be denied on basis of “race, color,
or previous condition of servitude;” did not declare voting an unconditional right
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Impeachment of Andrew Johnson
March 2, 1867: Tenure of Office Act passed over Johnson’s
veto. Requires Senate approval to remove federal officials
previously confirmed by the Senate.
August 5, 1867: Johnson attempts to replace Secretary of War
Edwin Stanton with General Ulysses S. Grant; both men resist
the move.
January 3, 1868: Senate convenes, votes to rescind Stanton’s
dismissal.
February 21: Johnson appoints General Lorenzo Thomas
Secretary of War, forcing a showdown with Congress.
February 24: House of Representatives votes three articles of
impeachment against Johnson.
March 30: Impeachment trial begins in the Senate.
May 16: Senate fails to convict Johnson on 1st article by one
vote.
May 26, 1868: Trial concludes with Johnson’s acquittal on 2 nd
and 3rd articles of impeachment.
Johnson’s Impeachment trial, sketched by Theodore R. Davis, 1868
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Reconstruction Acts
1st Act (March 2, 1867): Establishes military districts in former Confederate states;
describes procedure for readmission to the Union—new state constitution,
ratification of the 14th Amendment; supporters of the rebellion disfranchised
(prohibited from voting).
2nd Act (March 23, 1867): Clarifies elements of the 1st Act, including text of the
“ironclad oath” affirming no past support of the Confederacy.
3rd Act (July 19, 1867): Declares all state and local governments in former
Confederate states formed after the end of the war to be invalid, and authorizes
military governors to remove officeholders at their discretion; right to vote shall
note be denied by reason of race or color.
4th Act (March 11, 1868): Further clarifies the process for creating a new state
government.
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Military Districts
2007 David C. Hanson, Virginia Western Community College
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Carpetbaggers, Scalawags, and Freedmen
White Radical Republicans (carpetbaggers) and African Americans work to form new
Southern state governments along with local whites of various political philosophies
(scalawags). Local white opposition grows. New order brings political and economic
equality, but not social equality.
Republican leader Carl Schurz depicted as a carpetbagger
Thomas Nast cartoon, Harper’s Weekly, November 9, 1872
Colored Rule in a Reconstructed (?) State
Harper’s Weekly, March 14, 1874
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Carpetbaggers, Scalawags, and Freedmen
I maintain that the past record of my race is a true
index of the feelings which today animate them . . .
They aim not to elevate themselves by sacrificing
one single interest of their white fellow-citizens.
They ask but the rights which are theirs by God's
universal law . . .
Mississippi Senator Hiram Revels
Maiden Senate speech, March 16, 1870
I have confidence, not only in my country and her
institutions, but in the endurance, capacity and
destiny of my people. We will, as opportunity offers
and ability serves, seek our places . . . Whatever our
ultimate position in the composite civilization of the
Republic and whatever varying fortunes attend our
career, we will not forget our instincts for freedom
nor our love for country.
Mississippi Senator Blanche K. Bruce
Senate speech, March 31, 1876
Congressional Reconstruction, 1866-1873
Carpetbaggers, Scalawags, and Freedmen
650 African American men were elected to state and
federal government offices during Reconstruction
P.B.S. Pinchback, first African
American governor
(Louisiana, 1872)
Redemption, 1873-1877
Political Intimidation and Violence
The First Vote
A. R. Waud sketch, Harper’s Weekly,
November 16, 1867
Of Course He Wants to Vote the Democratic
Ticket Harper’s Weekly, 1876
We gave to the rich white man our best years, our strength, our youth, our sweat, and now that we are
free, we get in return meanness, tyranny and injustice.
Augusta County freedman Nelson Irwin to General John Schofield, Military Governor of Virginia,
October 8, 1866
Redemption, 1873-1877
Political Intimidation and Violence
Redemption, 1873-1877
Political Intimidation and Violence
Transcription of Freedman’s Bureau Report from Tennessee, 1868 (National Archives)
Redemption, 1873-1877
Ex-Confederates Back in Government
Alexander Stephens
Confederate Vice President
Congressman and Governor of Georgia
Wade Hamton
John B. Gordon
Confederate General
Senator and Governor of South Carolina
Confederate General
Senator and Governor of Georgia
Redemption, 1873-1877
Redeemers Victorious
When the bayonets shall depart . . . Then look out for the reaction. Then the bottom rail will
descend from the top of the fence.
Raleigh Sentinel, July 4, 1868
This is a White Man’s Government
Thomas Nast cartoon
Harper’s Weekly, September 8, 1866
Reconstruction! Grand March
Charles Young, 1868
Reconstruction’s Legacy
The Yankees helped free us,
so they say, but they let us be
put back in slavery again.
Former Slave Thomas Hall,
age 81, to a WPA
Interviewer, 1930s
Black and white sharecroppers,
early 20th century South
Southern black family arriving in
Chicago, ca. 1910