Emma Gould
Annotated Bibliography
UNIV 112, Dempster
November 4, 2015
Emma Gould
Annotated Bibliography 1
Oct. 21, 2015
Thesis:
How do white political candidates, such as Donald Trump, embody ideologies for a certain group
of people in the US and sustain white supremacy?
Source:
Battalora, Jacqueline. "Birth of a White Nation." Understanding and Dismantling Privilege 5.1
(2015): 1-12. The White Privilege Conference. Web. 20 Oct. 2015.
Source Credentials:
Jacqueline Battalora was originally born in Edinburgh, Scotland and moved to America during
middle school and high school. She has a Ph.D. from Northwestern University, was a former
Chicago Police officer, is a professor of sociology and criminal justice at Saint Xavier
University, and has been active in anti-racist training since the 1990s.
Main Claim:
This article is a brief review on whiteness in America and how race and the white patriarchal
society came to be in the US. It shows the connection with perceiving “American” as being
white and tells how white people reap the benefits of privilege in American society.
Subclaims:
 Conversations about race can be easily derailed into stereotype talks of groups of people.
 Early Colonial America set up society to allow whites to succeed and People of Color
(POC) to become trapped in a hegemonic system that enforces oppression.
o A hegemonic system is a social hierarchy system that creates a glass ceiling effect
for oppressed individuals. Through this hegemonic system,
 Laws and societal norms were set up to make POC seem inferior to white colonists.
 The invention of race, with power held in “whiteness”, was used to divide laborers in
exploitative capitalism.
o White people also assumed that they were deserving of privileges that others
could not, and would not, have since they were Christian.
Evidence:
 To stay on track with racial discussions, historical evidence must be the foundation of the
conversation.
 Lawmakers in the early US divided citizens based on class status and if laborers were
already existing in Northern America (British/other whites) and laborers who were
outside of that (African descent/Native Americans) (Battalora 5).
o This was in response to Bacon’s Rebellion and was one of the earlier separations
by law of race in colonial America
 There was a law put into place during early America that didn’t allow free Blacks to hold
public office (Battalora 6)
o This law allowed for discrimination based on skin color to grow and become
normalized within colonial America.
o Supported the idea that non-white people couldn’t hold important positions in
government that they POC were inferior
 Virginia lawmakers constituted that it was illegal to beat or whip a servant who was
White or Christian without an order but strategically left it legal to harm POC servants
(Battalora 6).
o This law immediately protected white servants in lower class positions, but did
not protect lower class POC. This law truly showed how American politics was a
matter of racial injustice, and not classism against lower class servants.
 Below is an illustration from the article that explained the rights of white people versus
POC before and after Bacon’s Rebellion (Battalora 7).
Rights
1619 Bacon’s Rebellion
/
Post–Bacon’s Rebellion Legal
Enactments
Voting
any male colonist free of servitude
/ denied to persons of African descent
and
(later property ownership requirement) members of
native tribes
Hold public
Office
any male free of servitude
/ denied to persons of African descent
Marriage any opposite-sex couple
/ White people prohibited from marrying
a
person of African descent or member of a
native tribe
Gun possession no restriction enforced*
/ prohibited by persons of African descent
Testify in
Court of law
no restriction
Having servants
or slaves
no restriction
/ persons of African descent prohibited
from testifying against a White person
/ persons of African descent prohibited
from owning White servants
o Through this illustration, it is all too relevant that societal lawmakers were
“aware/blatant racists”, which means that individuals are aware that they are
being ethnically prejudiced, and are blatant about their actions of racial
injustices (Pathak). Through this ethnic prejudice, racism was established in
the US as a system to work against POC.
o From the illustration, it is seen that women who married a man of a different
race were stripped of their US nationality, and this law was repealed in 1931
(Battalora 7).
o These laws have created relational interests and enforced racial separation
through law and it effects the economic, familial, social, and political lives of
POC in a negative light.
Important Quotes:
 “Through law, free people of African descent were stripped of the freedoms enjoyed in
their status as “free” members of the colonial society. No matter how loyal to the British
crown, no matter how faithful to Christianity, no matter how valuable their contribution
to the colonial community, people of African descent were severely restricted.”
(Battalora 6)
o This quote nicely sums up the struggles of POC in colonial America. American
history shows that it was, and is, not POC’s fault that they couldn’t, and
somewhat still cannot, rise within social rankings. The system has been set up to
work against minorities since America colonized.
o From this quote, I also realized that even if POC tried to assimilate into the
colonial American culture, they were unsuccessful because of their inability to
rise within these social rankings.
 “…it exposes the “White” race as having nothing to do with biology and everything to do
with the actions of humans and, more specifically, with power.” (Battalora 2)
o This quote starts to unpack what whiteness is and allows us to view race as
something that is power-based instead of biologically based (Battalora 2).
o Thinking of whiteness as a social construct helps us understand why white
privilege is so prevalent within the US. White privilege is used as an oppressive
and powerful social hierarchy in America.
o Battalora also studies that White people were created through, “legal imposition
and enforcement” (8).
 “We also learn from those first laws that White people were presumed to be like the
British: Christian and deserving of rights and privileges from which others could be
excluded. The package of post–Bacon’s Rebellion laws conferred both material and
symbolic advantage to Whites.” (Battalora 8).
o Article lets us view this as a criticism in the system, and not in white people
themselves, which makes it easier to read.
o The system is responsible for the racism experienced by POC, but was also held
up by white people for centuries since they reaped the benefits of having the laws
conform to them based on physical appearance.
o If this is a systematic flaw that we now recognize as wrong in today’s society,
why isn’t everyone contributing to fix this error?
 Do white people realize how much privilege they have?
 Why do they want to uphold this oppressive system? (possibly to keep the
benefits to themselves/ feel victimized by POC earning rights?)
Usefulness:
I think this is a pretty useful source. It is highly historically accurate, although I wish they wrote
the titles of the laws/prohibitions passed during the colonization of America. Since my topic is so
complex through American history, I can’t just dive right into white supremacy without
researching how white privilege came to be through old laws.
Emma Gould
Annotated Bibliography 2
Oct. 26, 2015
Thesis:
How do white political candidates, such as Donald Trump, embody ideologies for a certain group
of people in the US and sustain white supremacy?
Source:
Sullivan, Shannon, and Tuana, Nancy, eds. SUNY series, Philosophy and Race: Race and
Epistemologies of Ignorance. Ithaca, NY, USA: State University of New York Press, 2007.
ProQuest ebrary. Web. 3 November 2015.
Source Credentials:
Shannon Sullivan is the Chair of Philosophy and a Professor of Philosophy at UNC Chapel Hill.
She has also written Living Across and Through Skins: Transactional Bodies, Pragmatism and
Feminism (Indiana UP 2001), Revealing Whiteness: The Unconscious Habits of Racial Privilege
(Indiana UP 2006), Good White People: The Problem with middle Class White Anti-Racism
(SUNY Press 2014), and The Physiology of Sexist and Racist Oppression (Oxford UP 2015). Her
purpose is to write on the intersections of feminist philosophy and look critically on the
philosophy of race. Nancy Tuana received her Ph.D. at the University of California and
specializes in feminist philosophy, intersectionality, and epistemological and ethical issues. She
has written books such as Gender and Climate Change with Carolyn Sachs and Petra Tschakert,
Feminism and Philosophy: Essential Readings in Theory, Reinterpretation, and Application, ed.
With Rosemarie Tong, and Feminism and Science, ed. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Main Claim:
This book is an analyzation of ignorance and how epistemology can remedy the ignorance within
racial issues.
Subclaims:
 White offspring are systematically privileged with knowledge and ignorance to function
as white-supremacist adults, whether they know it or not, but they are usually unaware of
this unseen privilege.
 POC children are miseducated and are constantly shown that they are racially inferior,
which also stems from ignorance in all races.
 The first argument Sullivan and Tuana introduce is mostly derived from Lorraine Code’s
work, which states that the argument is when ignorance derives from our comfortableness
in knowledge.
 Sullivan and Tuana’s second argument is based on relating ignorance to a specific group
of identities, and this is derived mostly from Sandra Harding’s work
 The third argument by Sullivan and Tuana is an analysis on how ignorance is
systematically taught to oppressive groups.
Evidence:
 More than one argument can be supportive of ignorance, but each argument has their own
ideas/nature about the issue of ignorance.
 In the US, minorities that diverged from the social norm, which in a racial view would be
white, are not as widely accepted, (Sullivan and Tuana 17)
o With widely known narratives in American culture such as the “bootstrap myth”,
which tells a story that everyone has equal opportunity and chance if one works
hard, Americans are told to believe that everyone is equal and included.
o White people have to go out of their way to learn about social injustice because
white supremacy is made to make it invisible.
 Ignorance is not passive, but an active part of our everyday lives, (Sullivan and Tuana
77).
o As American citizens, we all actively participate in upholding ignorance with
minorities through stereotyping, racial profiling, and the stagnancy in our learning
on racial issues in today’s world.
 The “war on drugs” has resulted in excessive criminalization of Black Americans.
Important Quotes:
 “White America remains unable to believe that Black America’s grievances are real; they
are unable to believe this because they cannot face what this fact says about themselves
and their country.” (Sullivan and Tuana 119)
o An example of White people’s ignorance to Black people’s struggles in today’s
US society is when White people always say “get over it, it’s in the past” to move
on from their internal racist prejudice and maintain their ignorance.
 “…it exposes the “White” race as having nothing to do with biology and everything to do
with the actions of humans and, more specifically, with power,” (Sullivan and Tuana 2).
o Sullivan and Tuana help unpack what whiteness is, and allows us to look at being
white in a new perspective. By Sullivan and Tuana’s theories, whiteness is powerbased instead of biologically derived.
 “In denying rationality, an epistemology of ignorance denies agency, subjectivity, to the
oppressed even within liberal and progressive argument,” (Sullivan and Tuana 102).
o Even within many discussions of racial issues, marginalized people still do not
have a powerful voice, which denies POC experiences to shine through as
legitimate discussion points.
 “…an epistemology of ignorance is an everyday strategic practice of maintaining power
relations by denying epistemic credibility to objects/subjects of knowledge who are
marginalized…” (Sullivan and Tuana 101).
o Every day when we take play within social norms that are racist, when we don’t
seek out racial justice and political correctness, we are playing to the US’
privilege system, which is invisible to those who benefit from privilege.
 “…U.S. society promotes ignorance as part of public policy,” (Sullivan and Tuana 95).
o For example, when many people are tired of being “politically correct”, which is
how Donald Trump has gained many supporters, that is society (mostly middleclass, white Americans) promoting ignorance.
Usefulness:
This source is extremely helpful because it breaks down how society is set up in a way of
thinking about racial injustice. Though it’s not very factual and mostly based upon theories, they
connect it to American society which is relevant to me.
Annotated Bibliography 3
Oct. 26, 2015
Thesis:
How do white political candidates, such as Donald Trump, embody ideologies for a certain group
of people in the US and sustain white supremacy?
Source:
Wanlund, Bill. “Race and Ethnicity.” CQ Researcher 15 June 2013. Web, 26 Oct. 2015
Source credentials:
Bill Wanlund is a freelance writer from Washington D.C. with a degree in journalism from
George Washington University. He has also written more articles for CQ Researcher such as,
“Changing Demographics”, “U.S. Foreign Policy”, and “Drone Warfare”.
Main Claim:
This online article analyzes whether racial prejudice is on the rise in the United States,
specifically after the Obama administration came into office.
Subclaims:
 Since Barak Obama was the United State’s first black president, a survey was taken that
American citizens believed that racial tensions would improve.
 Because the South mostly holds discriminatory practices, Section 5 required historically
discriminatory jurisdictions to change their voting procedures to ensure less ethnic bias.
 Because minorities are growing rapidly in the US, it is believed that it may cause a more
tolerant society.
 Representation in the US allows for tolerance to form within politics, entertainment, and
jobs.
Evidence:
 Section 5 deemed around 1,500 state and local laws to be discriminatory. At the
University of Texas (2008), they debated whether affirmative action was unfair towards
white people. The university came to a conclusion that affirmative action helped maintain
diversity which benefited the school (Wanlund).
o Diversity is important not only in school, but within mediums mentioned before,
like politics, entertainment, and jobs. Valuable viewpoints and information is
brought forth through diversity, which is why schools are also keen on continuing
the affirmative action policy.
 From 2011 data, minority babies became the majority of births in the US, (Wanlund).
o The growth of minorities in the US forces us to look at how minorities are
affected within todays American society through systems of oppression.
 White voters have dropped from 89% to 72 participation, (Wanlund).
o The amount of white voters is important because support is always around 50/50
between the Democrat and Republican parties in the US.



Minority groups are spreading with participation in politics and about 80% of minorities
vote democratically, (Wanlund).
o The majority of minorities vote democratically which is important to realize
because the more “radical” social policies tend to support them, and currently in
Donald Trump’s platform, he will not receive much minority support.
During the fourth quarter of 2012, unemployment among Whites stood at 6.3%,
Hispanics at 9.8%, Blacks at 14%, (Wanlund).
o It is important to note the disparities between unemployment rates between races
because if humans were all truly equal, then why would other races consistently
be poorer than others? It is obvious that the US has been set up to work for white
people.
The median household net worth for whites is 22x that of Blacks, 15x that of Hispanics,
and 1.6x that of Asian-Americans, and this information came from Census Bureau
figures, (Wanlund).
Important Quotes:
 “In a 5-4 ruling, the court said the racial environment in the country has changed enough
that Section 5 is now an unnecessary burden. But defenders of the law maintain that
repeal of Section 5 could endanger minority enfranchisement,” (Wanlund).
o This quote is important because it shows how American citizens think
discrimination has gone away. Our government is very white, so they are blind to
see that if Section 5 goes away, white supremacy could be on the rise again. An
example and quote that comes to mind is of Donald Trump’s campaign slogan
“Make America Great Again”.
 “But according to the survey, blacks and whites agree that racial stereotyping still exists,
although whites are much more likely than than blacks to believe there is no
discrimination in access to affordable housing, jobs or justice,” (Wanlund).
o If it doesn’t happen in those places, where does racial stereotyping exist?
o It is easy to recognize that racial stereotyping exists in todays US, but it is hard to
personally detach from the issue to analyze that white people do not see that it
happens on a more hidden day-to-day basis.
o This quote shows that the binary races of black and white both agree that racial
prejudice happens, but white people refuse to believe it is a systemic issue and
that prejudice happens on individual, bigotry-filled interactions.
Usefulness:
Wanlund has gathered great statistics and this is the first source to have actual numerical facts, so
it is extremely helpful to have that to back up historical evidence and racial claims.
Emma Gould
Annotated Bibliography 4
Oct. 28, 2015
Thesis:
How do white political candidates, such as Donald Trump, embody ideologies for a certain group
of people in the US and sustain white supremacy?
Source:
Hiers, Wesley. "Party Matters Racial Closure in the Nineteenth-Century United States." Social
Science History 37.2 (2013): 255. Web. 28 Oct. 2015
Source credentials:
Wesley Hiers is a visiting assistant professor at Oberlin College & Conservatory. He studies and
teaches about racial inequality, specifically in the US. This article is published in the Duke
University Press in the Social Science History.
Main Claim:
This online article analyzes racial closure in the 19th century US and how political parties either
disrupt white privilege or support it.
Subclaims:
 The US had the option to support and vote for racial equality, but it rarely happened.
o The North turned towards racial equality, and while the Democratic Party
dominated the South in the mid-1870s, the Republican party failed to advance
equal suffrage in the South (Hiers 280)
 White people monopolized land, franchises, schools, and participation rights as witnesses
and jurors in courts of law.
 Hiers supports Tocqueville’s claim of how two party systems, and the Democratic Party
in the 19th century, uphold white supremacy in the US.
 Three separate arguments support this claim, which are:
o “Varying adoption of state sanctioned racial closure across the North during the
antebellum period”
o “The elimination of racial closure laws in the North after the Civil War”
o “The failed attempt in the postbellum South to eliminate racial closure in voting”
Evidence:
 The North’s ideals went towards the Republican party, which wasn’t the party that
supported the continuation of racial exclusion.
o The start of the move towards racial inclusion began within the Republican party
and spread throughout the North, but did not shift quickly.
 The federal government failed to enforce equal suffrage in the South. In 1851, Iowa
passed the “Act to Prohibit the Immigration of Free Negroes into This State”, which
made it illegal for any African American to settle in Iowa from out of state (Hiers 255).



o Though recent social movements during this era were revolutionary to include
African Americans, most of the country, for example, Iowa, was unwilling to
change so radically.
Supported evidence through numerical facts with “three empirical puzzles”. The party
model: The Electorate Model, which "emphasizes the casual power of public opinion”,
the Elite Model, which contained elite bargaining and consensus building, and the Class
Model, which were the racist preferences of the white working class (Hiers 260).
Republicans weren’t intimidated by white northerners enough to change their opinion on
the equal suffrage policy (Hiers 257).
An agreeing public opinion did not change racial equality in America and mostly came
from the South’s federal government not enforcing equal suffrage.
o It is not easy to sway a country’s opinion in such a short amount of time unless it
is economically and financially motivated towards the upper, white class of the
US.
Important Quotes:
 “The NPH sheds new light on the third development just mentioned by countering the
longstanding view that Republicans abandoned the federal effort to enforce voting rights
in the South in the mid-1870s.” (Hiers 256)
o I learned that in the South, after Republican abandonment, white supremacists
used fraud, violence, and intimidation to keep from achieving black suffrage.
o The “new political history”, NPH, gives a variety of evidence (political platforms,
legislative struggles of Congress, statements from political actors, Senate
investigations, and enforcement efforts in the south) to contradict that the
Republican abandoned the effort of voting rights (Heirs 256).
 “…existing laws were insufficient to neutralize southern white resistance to black
suffrage.” (Hiers 257)
 “…Alexis de Tocqueville … hypothesized that democracy hindered the elimination of
racial inequality under the law,” (Hiers 256)
o Hiers analyzed that American democracy wouldn’t take on such a difficult task of
adjusting racial injustice/racism in the US since it is so deeply rooted in our toorecent past
 There are too many varying opinions in the American people. For
example, people with US southern ancestors tend to defend themselves
and say “it’s heritage, not hate” on the topic of the confederate flag, even
though it’s undeniably from an extremely racist past.
 “Voters on numerous occasions did have the opportunity to vote for racial equality under
the law in referenda during the antebellum period, but they almost never did,” (Hiers
298).
o The Democratic Party at this time stood for white supremacy (Antebellum
period), and the Republicans needed more votes to ensure national power which
means they needed the African American votes (Hiers 298). Trying to advance
this equal suffrage, however, failed.
Usefulness:
Though I’ll probably have to re-read most of the article to gain more knowledge about the topic,
this sheds light of black suffrage and how political parties were shaped by racial aspects of the
US.
Emma Gould
Annotated Bibliography 5
Nov. 2, 2015
Thesis:
How do white political candidates, such as Donald Trump, embody ideologies for a certain group
of people in the US and sustain white supremacy?
Source:
McIlwain, Charlton, and Caliendo, Stephen Maynard. Race Appeal: How Candidates Invoke
Race in U.S. Political Campaigns. Philadelphia, PA, USA: Temple University Press, 2011.
ProQuest ebrary. Web. 2 November 2015.
Source credentials:
McIlwain and Caliendo are colleagues of a Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies Professor at
Virginia Commonwealth University, Dr. Pathak, and have several books published separately
and together under university presses. Charlton McIlwain received an M.H.R. Human Relations
degree from University of Oklahoma in 1996 and a Ph.D. from University of Oklahoma in
Communication in 2001. McIlwain has also released other media like the article Racial
Formation Online: Representation, Inequality & the Political Economy of the Web, a book titled
Digital Movement: Black Politics, Organizing & Activism on the Web, and a project analyzing
the Black Lives Matter movement. Stephen Maynard Caliendo has a Ph.D. in Political Science
from Purdue University and has taught courses in Political science at a number of universities
and is currently the Professor of Political Science; Chair, Division of Human Thought and
Behavior at North Central College. He is also the co-director of “The Project on Race in Political
Communication” with McIlwain.
Main Claim:
Political candidates in the post-Civil Rights era still cater to White voters using racial prejudice
and fear of POC to win their votes. Though, white and black candidates both use language and
imagery to make race-based statements.
Subclaims:
 Race-based appeals have switched from aware/blatant racism to aware/covert racism and
unaware/unintentional racism in the form of visuals and language
o In other words, racism has transformed from something that is a conscious
thought and blatantly acted upon into something that is hidden within stereotypes,
tropes, and micro-aggression comments that put down POC, or other minorities,
in common conversations.
 The effects of race-based appeals have been considered in isolation rather than within a
broader context of factors
 The news and media are highly influential in race-based appeals.
o The media is especially focusing on 2015 political candidates like Obama,
Clinton, Trump, and Carson.
 The questions of, how do white voters perceive minorities, specifically political
candidates?
Evidence:
 Mendelberg has empirical studies that were tested to come to the conclusion that racial
messages are best received when the underlying racial meaning isn’t blatant, (McIlwain
and Caliendo 2).
o Racial politics is not received well because of how controversial it is to discuss
whether racial improvement is needed in the US or not.
 Through a national survey, the words “intelligent, hardworking, and trustworthy” were
used to describe white candidates more than black candidates. Black candidates were
evaluated more negatively, and the darker the skin tone, the harsher the negative
judgment was (McIlwain and Caliendo 47).
 A limitation is that research measuring the effects of race-based appeals has rarely
juxtaposed candidates’ race-based appeals with how the media frames election contests
involving minority candidates, thereby shaping the influence that such race-based appeals
might have.
o The term “race-based appeals” is used, “to signal what we view as candidatecentered orientation toward conceptualizing and analyzing racialized
communication (McIlwain and Caliendo 15).
o Basically, media radicalizes any mention of “liberal” racial progress within
majority candidates’ campaigns in an attempt to scare the US citizens.
 Whites do not hold a monopoly on race-based appeals but benefit from them still
(McIlwain and Caliendo 3).
 McIlwain and Caliendo give examples through case studies in race appeal, and some
examples they chose were the 2006 US election, which deals with immigration policy ads
and radically framed news, and also the 2008 US election and Barack Obama.
Important Quotes:
 “Racial prejudices and stereotypes persist in America’s racial imagination; the types of
race-based advertising appeals and individuals’ statements we have analyzed here bear
witness to this fact,” (McIlwain and Caliendo 217)
o McIlwain and Caliendo are contemporary theorists, and it is apparent that their
claims ring true today, which is especially apparent in Donald Trumps campaign.
o This “racial imagination” is hyperactive in America because of our still-recent
blatantly racist past.
 “When we say, for example, that a candidate’s claim that his Black opponent gets paid
but does not work might resonate with White voters, it should not seem too far-fetched to
most Americans because we know that just twenty years ago more than half of all Whites
believed that Blacks were more lazy than they were hardworking,” (McIlwain and
Caliendo 217)
o These micro-aggressions are commonplace in today’s society and McIlwain and
Caliendo gave a great example of covert/unintentional racism, which is where
racist comments are not meant to personally harm the individual and are usually
hidden within casual conversation (Pathak).
o Racial stereotypes support the use of these micro-aggressions, and the racial
stereotypes also help persuade the “American imagination” to continue these
covert racist beliefs (McIlwain and Caliendo 217).



“This is so much the case that that the label “minority” we use sometimes throughout the
book is arguably outdated as a descriptor. Despite the numerical realities, however,
Whites have a power majority in the United States and are likely to retain it for some
time,” (McIlwain and Caliendo 218)
o This “power majority” that McIlwain and Caliendo reference can be seen today’s
America, and, again, is supported by Trump’s generalized racist comments (218).
“First, previous research has overwhelmingly dealt with what many see as the most
morally, ethically, or ideologically objectionable form of race-based appeals: those that—
like the Willie Horton ad— emanate from White candidates or political interests; appeal
to negative racial stereotypes, fears, and resentments of African Americans; and target
White voters as the principal subject for influence,” (McIlwain and Caliendo 3).
o The representation of African Americans is ethically biased because of the US’
history of slavery. This deep-seated history still resonates softly in White
America’s conscious, so to “target White voters as the principal subject” in
politics is to influence majority of power in the US to uphold a bias against POC,
or other minorities (McIlwain and Caliendo 3).
“Second, the extant literature focuses on narrowly defined outcomes in that researchers
primarily measure the effect of race-based appeals by focusing almost exclusively on
their propensity to diminish public support for policy issues viewed as favorable to
African Americans and other people of color,” (McIlwain and Caliendo 4).
o This quote exposed me to think critically about today’s political debates, and I’ve
noticed, and so have other scholars, that policies or movements that support or
help minorities are seen as liberal or too radical. It is interesting to see how
protection or rights for all humans, especially policies that will help the
oppressed, are seen as too radical and unnecessary.
Usefulness:
This book will be extremely helpful for me since it is full of relevant information for my new
topic, and that my Professor is colleagues with the two writers and has directed me to many of
their other books and articles they share.