Personal networks, social
support and transnational ties:
the case of Catalonia
Workshop ‘Transnational Social Support’. Mainz, 4-5 May, 2012
José Luis Molina, Miranda J Lubbers & Carlos Lozares
(UAB)
Research projects funded by the ESF (SEJ2005-25683-E
05_ECRP_FP026), MICINN (CSO2008-01470/SOCI), MECO
(CSO2009-07057).
Topics to be presented
• The geographical repartition of personal
networks (of people living in Catalonia)
and how it affects the availability of social
support (especially in the case of
“immigrants”).
• How personal networks of “immigrants”
change over time.
• Some final thoughts about the economic
crisis and social cohesion.
1. Geographical repartition of
migrants personal networks
• What are the differences between
“nationals” and “immigrants” in terms of
the geographical repartition of their social
networks (in Catalonia)?
• Where do the support-providing contacts
of nationals and immigrants live?
Project CASREDIN
• Funded by the MICINN (2009-2011). PI: Carlos Lozares
Colina, QUIT, Department of Sociology, UAB.
• Quota sample stratified by place of residence and target
group (origin and age).
– Place of residence: Barcelona (capital), Sant Feliu
(Metropolitan Area) and Balaguer (Small city).
– Target group representing native Catalans and different
migratory waves, national and international
• 416 interviews with inhabitants of Catalonia, born in
Catalonia, Spain, Morocco and Ecuador (the two main
migrant groups in Catalonia).
• Fieldwork: sept. 2009-may 2010.
Sample
Target groups
N
%
Cumulative
%
Age >55, born in Catalonia with parents born in
Catalonia
92
22,1
22,1
Age 25-55, born in Catalonia with parents born
in Catalonia
56
13,5
35,6
Age 25-55, born in Catalonia, with parents born
in the rest of Spain
76
18,3
53,8
Age>50, born in the rest of Spain
63
15,1
69,0
Born in Ecuador
56
13,5
82,5
Born in Morocco
73
17,5
100,0
Total
416
100,0
Structured interview with
EgoNet
1. Survey questions about the respondent or “ego”
(length of residence, occupation, …)
2. Freelist name generator (30 names of active contacts,
i.e., people “whom you know and who know you and who
you have contacted in the past two years and might
contact again if you wished so”)
3. Questions about each of the network members or
“alters” (country of residence and of origin, 6 types of
social support exchanged, emotional closeness, …)
4. Question about the relationships among network
members (“is it likely that X and Y have contact
independently of you?”)
Why a fixed network size?
• The number of alters that respondents freely nominate is
not a reliable estimate of the true network size.
– Respondents’ energy, cooperation, memory,
expansiveness bias, satisficing tendencies, and the
skills of the interviewer may all affect network size –
and consequently, network characteristics
– Fixing network size gives all respondents an equal
amount of work.
– If the fixed size is large enough, the individual
variability in tie characteristics (e.g., support) might
give you exactly the information you are looking for.
Strong and weak ties …
• A roster of 30 active contacts tends to
overrepresent strong and supportive ties,
although weak ties are also captured.
Emotional
closeness
1 (not close at all)
Percent
Corresponding to
… alters in a
network of 30:
4%
1
2 (a little close)
15%
4
3 (close)
36%
11
4 (very close)
29%
9
5 (intimate)
17%
5
100%
30
Total
74% of all ties provide some type of support
Why measure structure?
• The structure of relationships is assumed to affect the flow
of information through a network (mobilization of social
support, social control, conformity of opinions), which can
have consequences for individual outcomes
ego
ego
Geographic repartition of active
contacts
• Social relations of people born in
Catalonia are essentially local: in general
over 70% of the contacts living in the
same city or area of influence
("glocalization", Hampton & Wellman,
2002, Robertson 1997).
• In the case of the two immigrant groups
studied, the situation is significantly
different with a 51% (Ecuador), and a 58%
(Morocco) contacts living in another town,
not necessarily the country of origin.
Age >55, with parents born in
Catalonia. Non-local active contacts (25,2%)
Age 25-55, parents born in the rest
of Spain. Non-local active contacts (34,6%)
Born in Ecuador. Non-local active contacts
(50,9%)
Born in Morocco. Non-local active contacts
(57,7%)
And … what about “interethnic”
relations?
Types of support and alter
location
1200
2500
1000
2000
800
1500
600
1000
400
500
200
0
0
B arrio Ego M unicipio
Ego
Catalunya
España
Extranjero
Regió n de residencia A lter
Trabajo
Salud
Servicios sociales y admin.
Otras situaciones
Vivienda
Educación
Problemas personales
Catalan-Spaniards
B arrio Ego M unicipio
Ego
Catalunya
España
Extranjero
Regió n de residencia A lter
Trabajo
Salud
Servicio s so ciales y admin.
Otras situacio nes
Vivienda
Educació n
P ro blemas perso nales
Migrants
And after 10 years of
residence?
Significant differences ….
Place of
residence
Total
Place of residence alters providing support - origen Ego
origen_ego
Catalonia
Spain
Other
Same city
N
1782
1796
1190
%
70,7%
67,5%
46,6%
Other city
N
737
866
1364
%
29,3%
32,5%
53,4%
N
2519
2662
2554
% Origin
100,0% 100,0%
100,0%
Test chi-square
Valor
gl
Sig.
asintótica
(bilateral)
,000
,000
Chi- square de Pearson
371,051a
2
Razón de
367,404
2
verosimilitudes
Asociación lineal por
313,830
1
,000
lineal
N de casos válidos
7735
a. 0 casillas (,0%) tienen una frecuencia esperada inferior a 5.
La frecuencia mínima esperada es 966,24.
Total
4768
61,6%
2967
38,4%
7735
100,0%
Preliminary conclusions ...
• Immigrants have smaller local support
networks (their suppliers of support do not
live in the same town).
• In addition, we know from an ongoing
research project about ethnic businesses
in Catalonia that resources for coping with
the crisis or starting a new business are
also basically local.
2. How do the personal networks of
immigrants change over time?
• Is there a general tendency toward social
integration*-- assimilation?
• How do transnational ties develop over
time?
• Can we distinguish different profiles or
trajectories of change?
* Defined here as “acceptance and inclusion of immigrants in the primary
relationships and social networks of the host society” (Esser).
Project Personal Network
Dynamics
• Wave 1 (2004-’06):
– Funded by National Science Foundation (PI´s: Christopher
McCarty, University of Florida, and José Luis Molina, UAB)
– Snowball sample of 504 immigrants in Catalonia (N = 301) and
New York (N = 203)
• Wave 2 (2007-’08):
– Funded by European Science Foundation (PI: José Luis Molina)
– Second interview with 77 of the immigrants who participated in
the first project and who still lived in Catalonia
• Structured interviews with EgoNet, 45 alters per
respondent in each wave
• In the second wave, alters were first nominated, then the
interviewer and interviewee ID´d those alters who were
nominated before, in Wave 1
Four groups
1.
Argentineans (N = 25)
– Diverse motivations for migration; typically individual migration
– Very diverse occupations (reporter, psychologist, musician, …)
– Relatively few experiences with racism
2.
Dominicans (N = 15)
– Labour migration
– Secondary labour market (construction, …)
– More or less half of them report that relatives in origin depend on them economically
3.
Moroccans (N = 21)
– Most numerous group with longest residence in Catalonia
– Chain migration, mostly labour migration (families) and family reunification
– The majority works in the secondary labour market (cleaning, clothing industry, farm
labour…)
4.
Senegalese / Gambians (N = 16)
– Most recent migration, predominantly male; 42% already had histories of migration
– Chain migration, mostly temporary labour migration (individual)
– The majority works in the secondary labour market (agriculture, construction, …)
– Relatives in origin depend on them economically
Av.
composition t1
Spaniards
(10)
ego
Very close
Close
A little close
Not very close
Not close at all
co-ethnics in
Spain(13)
co-ethnics
in origin
(17)
“the others” (5)
Av.
composition t1
Spaniards
Circled alters were
nominated in both
waves
Co-ethnics
in Spain
Co-ethnics
in origin
“The others”
Change in
composition
Spaniards
Circled alters were
nominated in both
waves
Co-ethnics
in Spain
Co-ethnics
in origin
“the others”
Change in
composition
Spaniards
Circled alters were
nominated in both
waves
Co-ethnics
in Spain
Co-ethnics
in origin
“the others”
Change in
composition
Spaniards (0,2)
Circled alters were
nominated in both
waves
Co-ethnics in
Spain (+ 2,4)
Co-ethnics in
origin (-2,8)
“the others” (+ 0,6)
Average composition
N Spaniards
t1
10.3
t2
10.1
N co-ethnics in Spain
12.9
15.3
N co-ethnics in origin
16.9
14.1
N others
4.9
5.5
Closeness (1-5)
Frequency of contact (1-7)
Closeness with Spaniards
3.3
3.1
2.9
3.5
3.3
3.1
Frequency of contact
Spaniards
Stability of ego-alter
relationships
4.0
3.9
42%
Average structure
t1
t2
32%
33%
9.4
9.9
DC co-ethnics in Spain
14.1
16.4
DC co-ethnics in origin
17.3
16.1
DC others
11.6
12.6
Stability alter-alter relationships
(for alter pairs that were present
in both waves)
90%
Density
Degree centrality (DC) of
Spaniards in the networks
Is there a tendency toward “social
integration”?
• No. On average, no increase in:
– The number of Spaniards in the networks
– Emotional closeness with Spaniards
– Frequency of contact with Spaniards
– Centrality of Spaniards
• Hardly an increase in:
– Relations among Spanish and non-Spanish
alters
On the other hand…
• The networks become more local over
time (the number and centrality of
coethnics in Spain increase, those of
coethnics in origin decrease)
• 35% of the youngest ties are with
Spaniards, and they do not differ in
emotional closeness (nor in stability) from
the youngest ties with coethnics in Spain.
Transnational ties
• Almost half of the network resides in
another country, most of them in the country
of origin.
• Transnational ties include many of the
respondents’ strongest and most
supportive ties.
• Whereas the number of ties in origin declines
gradually, the context of origin is far from
disappearing: ties are not only maintained
but also newly created
Six profiles of change
The lack of change over time on average was caused by some individuals
changing in one direction and others in another…
1. Integration in the country of residence: An increase in relationships with
Spaniards (N = 8)
2. Regression: An increase in relationships with people in origin (N = 19)
3. Local concentration: An increase in relationships in the country of
residence, primarily with coethnics but to a lower degree with Spaniards too (N
= 10)
4. Ethnic segregation: An increase in relationships with coethnics, at the cost
of relationships with Spaniards (N = 22)
5. “Transnationalization”: An increase in relationships with others, either
living in different countries and/or with people from other countries (N = 11)
6. Stability in composition: No change in composition (N = 5)
1. Example integration:
Argentinean man t1
Work
Mixed
group
Red: Spaniards
A
friend
and
people
known
via him
Friends
and
people
known
via
friends
yoga
Green: Argentineans in Argentina
Blue: Argentineans in Spain
Gray: The others
SIZE: Closeness (1-5)
With margin: Stable
1. Example integration:
Argentinean man t2
Two childhood
friends and
people known
via them
Red: Spaniards
Green:
Argentineans in
Argentina
Ex-work
Blue: Argentineans
in Spain
Red: Spaniards
Gray: The others
Green: Originals
SIZE: Closeness (15)
Blue: Fellow migrants
With margin: Stable
Size: Emotional closeness
Grey: Transnationals
Extra circled : Stable
alters
Work
New partner and
her friends/relatives
Three friends and
the Spaniards he
knows via them
1. An example of “integration”
(assimilation?)
“Definitely there are two groups of Argentineans, those that are in charge that
they are here and those who intend to return... I am looking to one side and they
are looking to the other. "
"In general I do not care about Argentineans living in Catalonia. There is a
lack of discretion and a lack of respect. "
"I feel more comfortable with a Spaniard than with an Argentinean”.
1. Profile of integration
• En general:
– Majority well integrated in the first interview
– Half is Argentinean, the other half are young
people of 18-19 years (3 moroccans & 1
senegalese)
– Reasons for the increase in contacts with
Spaniards
•
•
•
•
Search for a job,
Change of residence,
Start having shared activities with Spaniards,
Having a Spanish girlfriend…
2. An example
of “regression”:
Argentinean
woman t1
Husband
Inlaws
Catalan
class
Best
friends
Red: Spaniards
Green:
Argentineans in
Argentina
Blue: Argentineans
in Spain
Gray: The others
SIZE: Closeness (15)
With margin: Stable
People
known
via the
inlaws
Family,
childhood
friends
and
people
known
via them
2. An example
of “regression”:
Argentinean
woman t2
Husband
and friends
People known
via the inlaws
Catalan
class
Inlaws
Red: Spaniards
Neighbours in
Argentina
Green: Argentineans
in Argentina
Family
Blue: Argentineans in
Spain
Gray: The others
SIZE: Closeness (1-5)
With margin: Stable
Childhood
friends
People known via
family
2. An example of “regression”
(When I am in Argeninta) it is hard to come back. My mother is getting
older and I do nto want to leave her alone”.
“I like people there. In the case I had to come back I would do it wihtout
hesitation. I would miss the comnfrotable life, the organization is better,
everything is cleanest, but, I miss the feeling, the contact and here I have
nothing …”
2. Profile of “regression”
• En general:
– Majority is well integrated in the first wave
– Majority is Argentinean
– Reasons for change indicate temporal
instability:
• Trips to the country of origin
• Remigration of alters who previously lived in Spain
– Temporally or not, the change corresponds
with fluctuations in sense of belonging
4. An example of “ethnic
segregation”: a young
Moroccan woman in high High
School
school t1
Red: Spaniards
Green: Moroccans in
Morocco
Blue: Moroccans in Spain
Gray: The others
SIZE: Closeness (1-5)
4. An example of
ethnic segregation: a
young Moroccan
woman trying to find
a job t2
The rest of
her family
Red: Spaniards
His
family
Husband
and
brothers/
sisters
Green: Moroccans in
Morocco
Blue: Moroccans in Spain
Gray: The others
SIZE: Closeness (1-5)
Friends and
neighbors
4. Profile of ethnic segregation
• In general:
– It occurs in all groups; a bit less among
Argentineans
– Reasons for this process, among others, are:
• The reproduction of material life (start to work in an ethnic or
family business; sharing a residence with co-ethnics)
• Sharing spaces for social interaction with co-ethnics
(associations, bars, sport clubs) or stop sharing spaces with
Spaniards (school, associations)
• The cycle of life (marriage with a co-ethnic, divorce of a
Spaniard).
– They know Spaniards primarily via their work;
this is fine but the relationships do not decouple
from this context
4. An example of “ethnic segregation”
“ In the past, I felt I belonged here. At school they always said “You are
from here, you are catalan”. But now… many people who don´t know
anything about Morocco and who only have a Moroccan name, they can´t
find a job. “I will call you”. They make you feel Moroccan”
“There are people who do not let you feel catalan. They have never said
anything to me directly but you know they talk bad about Moroccans. And
about the culture. And I am Moroccan. It doesn´t feel good, you know?
“I don´t feel I belong here nor there”
Preliminary conclusions (2)
• In this short period of time we cannot
observe a tendency toward “integration”,
but rather various trajectories of which
integration is only one.
• There is quite some temporal instability
(much due to travels), that nevertheless
corresponds with fluctuations in sense of
belonging
Preliminary conclusions (3)
• “Assimilation” and “Transnationalism”
are not alternative theories but interwined
social processes (Waldinger 2004).
• We plan to have a third wave of
interviews soon.
Economic crisis & social
cohesion
• For migrants … being unemployed means
no new opportunities for having relations
with “nationals”.
• For migrants with a business … crisis
means loss of contacts with providers and
clients (normally “nationals”).
• “National” policies for preventing irregular
migrants of accessing the public health
system.
Thank you
joseluis.molina ad uab.es
mirandajessica.lubbers ad uab.es
carlos.lozares ad uab.es
VI International summer course
“The measurement of personal networks”
• Who: José Luis Molina, Miranda Lubbers and invited
lecturers: Chris McCarty, Markus Gamper, Jürgen Lerner
• When: July, 9-13, 2012
• Where: UAB, Barcelona
• Goal: To enable graduate students in the social
sciences to create, compare and critique personal
network research designs.
M
• Program:
m
http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/egolab/
content/summer-course
International Seminar
“Personal networks
in times of economic hardship and political discontent”
•
•
•
•
•
•
Organization: Egoredes
When: July, 11-13, 2012
Where: UAB, Barcelona
Keynotes: Chris McCarty and Markku Lonkila
Abstracts are welcome until the 15th of May
Details: http://tinyurl.com/79pxqal