Landscapes of Power and Identity.
Notes to Chapter 4: Ethnic Mosaics and Gendered Identities
1) J. Clifford, Routes. Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth-Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
Univ Press, 1997) p. 11.
2) Néstor García Canclini, Hybrid Cultures. Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity (Minneapolis:
Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1995) p. 2-11.
3) Jane Fishbourne Collier, Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press,
1988).
4) Clifford, Routes, p. 25, eschews "the organic, naturalizing bias of the term 'culture' " in favor of the
"'chronotope' … of travel encounters" that comprehends both time and space. My rendering of "ethnic
mosaics" in this chapter follows the emphasis on change found in both Clifford and Mathewson, a
departure from the classic definitions of ethnicity commonly based on Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups and
Boundaries: The Social Organization fo Culture Difference (Boston: Little, Brown, 1969).
5) James Lockhart, ed., We People Here: Nahuatl Accounts of the Conquest of Mexico (Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1993).
6) B. Fontana translated tohono o'odham poetically as "people of earth and little rain" (Fontana, 1981).
Likewise, Chantell Cramaussel, noted that the Tepehuanes of Nueva Vizcaya -- and today of northern
Mexico-- refer to themselves as ódami -- "the people." (Cramaussel, "De cómo los españoles clasificaban a
los indios. Naciones y encomiendas en la Nueva Vizcaya Central," in Hers, Mirafuentes, Soto, Vallebueno,
eds., Nómadas y sedentarios en el Norte de México. Homenaje a Beatriz Braniff (Mexico: UNAM, 2000) p.
218-284. For eastern Bolivia, Roberto Tomichá, La primera evangelización, p. 152, note 35, cited an
anonymous colonial document, Gramática de la lengua de los indios llamados Chiquitos, pertenecientes al
Govierno de Chuquisaca en el Reyno del Perú, in which the author asserted that the "Chiquitos" preferred
to call themselves M'oñeyca, "the men" (oñei-s, in the singular, means man).
7) Leopoldo Valiñas Coalla makes this point cogently in "Lo que la lingüística yutoazteca podría aportar en
la reconstrucción histórica del Norte de México," p. 175-205, Nómadas y sedentarios en el Norte de
México.
8) Métraux, "The Guaraní," HSAI III, p. 69-94; Tomichá, Primera evangelización, p. 178-180;
Fischermann, "Los pueblos indígenas," Santa Cruz, tiempo y espacio, p. 36-38. Guaraní were known also
as carijó or cainguá, "people of the forest."
9) Cramaussel, "De cómo los españoles clasificaban a los indios," p. 280-284; Campbell W. Pennington,
ed., Vocabulario en el lengua nevome. The Pima Bajo of Central Sonora, Mexico II (Salt Lake City: Univ.
of Utah Press, 1979) p. 49; Pennington, The Tepehuan of Chihuahua. Their Material Culture (Salt Lake
City: Univ. of Utah Press, 1979) 1-44.
10) James Scott has referred to this kind of classificatory exercise in different contexts as rendering
societies "legible." Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have
Failed (New Haven, Yale Univ. Press, 1998) p. 11, 22-33.
11) Sauer, The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and Languages in Northwestern Mexico (Berkeley: Univ.
of California Press, 1934); Aboriginal Population of Northwestern Mexico (Berkeley: Univ. of California
Press, 1935); Ralph L. Beals, The Comparative Ethnology of Northern Mexico before 1750 (Berkeley:
Univ. of California Press, 1932). Robert West (Sonora. Its Geographical Personality [Austin, Univ. of
Texas Press, 1993]) and Carroll L. Riley (The Frontier People. The Greater Southwest in the Protohistoric
Period [Albuquerque, Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1987]) continued to build on that tradition, and Peter
Gerhard ably synthesized much of this literature in The North Frontier of New Spain (Norman: Univ. of
Oklahoma Press, 1993).
12) Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro, Catalogo de las lenguas de las naciones conocidas, y numeración, división,
y clases de éstas según la diversidad de sus idiomas y dialectos. 6 vols. (Madrid, 1800-1805). This edition
in Spanish constitutes a portion of the author's encyclopedic Idea dell'Universo published in Italian, 17781787. The linguistic part of his twenty-one volume work comprised the last five volumes, 1784-1787.
Hervás, an ex-Jesuit, corresponded directly with his correligionists who had served in the Chiquitos
missions, such as P. Joaquín Camaño, author of a Grammática de la lengua Chiquita (Tomichá, Primera
evangelización, p. 158-159. Harvás's linguistic studies included native language families of both North and
South America, including tarahumara, ópata, pima, eudeve, iroquois, and algonquian; tupí-guaraní,
guarayo, sirionó, and the wide-ranging network of arawakian languages. See Antonio Tovar, El lingüista
español Lorenzo Hervás. Estudio y selección de obras básicas. Ed. by Jesús Bustamante (Madrid: Sociedad
General Española de Librería, S.A., 1986) esp. p. 13-65.
13) L. Adam, V. Henry, Arte y vocabulario de la lengua chiquita con algunos textos traducidos y
explicados compuestos sobre manuscritos inéditos del XVIII siglo. Vol. 6 of Bibliotéque Linguistique
Américaine (Paris, 1880). The four Jesuit ms. published in this volume, are: the Grammática de la lengua
Chiquita attributed to Joaquín Camaño, Arte de la lengua Chiquita (San Xavier, 1718), Pláticas para el uso
de la lengua chiquita, Vocabulario de la lengua Chiquita, parte segunda, Chiquito-Español, y parte
tercera, de sus raíces (San Xavier). Tomichá, Primera evangelización, p. 152, note 36.
14) Alcides d'Orbigny, Viaje a la América meridional, IV; L'homme américain (Strasburg, 1839);
Nordenskiöld published widely on the associations among different South American native peoples, based
on his observations of material culture, cosmologies, and languages. See, for example, "An ethnogeographical analysis of the material culture of two Indian tribes in the Gran Chaco," Comparative
Ethnographic Studies 2 (Guttenburg, 1919) and Exploraciones y aventuras en Sudamerica [Forschungen
und Aventeuer in Südamerika, 1924] cited in Chapter 1, note 41. A. Métraux, "Tribes of eastern Bolivia and
the Madeira Headwaters," HSAI III, p. 381-424; Alcides Parejas Moreno, "Chiquitos. Historia de una
utopía," in Pedro Querejazu, ed., Las misiones jesuíticas de Chiquitos (La Paz, Fundación BHN, 1995) p.
260-266.
15) K. Mathewson, "Tropical Riverine Regions: Locating the 'People without History'," Journal of the
Steward Anthropological Society 20, 1-2 (1992) p. 167-180.
16) Neil L. Whitehead, "Ethnic Transformation and Historical Discontinuity in Native Amazonia and
Guayana, 1500-1900," L'Homme 126-128 (1993) XXXIII (2-4) p. 185-305. Jean and John Comaroff argue,
in similar terms, that in the "long conversation" between the Tswana of South Africa and the British
Nonconformist missionaries, the Tswana reworked signifiers of identity and moral truth into their own
values and "traditions," for which the colonized peoples created a name: setswana. See Of Revelation and
Revolution. Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa (Chicago: The Univ. of Chicago
Press, 1991) I: p. 17-18, 39.
17) Negros refers to enslaved persons or freed slaves of African origen or descent, while the category
castas comprehended the in-between populations whose ontological and cultural existence arose from
mestizaje: mestizos, mulattoes, castizos, moriscos and the like. The literature on the castas as a system of
classification is voluminous, encompassing the disciplines of history, demography, art history, and
literature. Recent outstanding contributions include: Cope, Twinam, McCaa, Kuznesof, casta paintings,
Klor de Alva, Rabasa.
18) Carolyn Martin Shaw's construction of "part societies" is instructive for our discussion of colonial
ethnic polities: Colonial Inscriptions. Race, Sex and Class in Kenya (Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota
Press, 1995) p. 6-9.
19) Ramón Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, The Corn Mothers Went Away. Marriage, Sexuality, and Power
in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Stanford Univ. Press, 1991) p. 227-97; Cheryl Martin, Governance
and Society in Northern Mexico. Chihuahua in the Eighteenth Century (Stanford, Stanford Univ. Press,
1996) p. 125-83; José Ma García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera: Santa Cruz de la Sierra en
los siglos XVI y XVII (Sevilla: Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, 1988) p. 417-431.
20) The Chiquitano language and a number of languages spoken by indigenous peoples of the Chaco are
gendered, see P. Julián Knogler, "Relato sobre el país y la nación de los chiquitos," in W. Hoffmann, Las
misiones jesuíticas entre los chiquitanos (Buenos Aires, Fundación para la Educación, la Ciencia y la
Cultura, 1979) p. 143; Saeger, The Chaco Mission Frontier, p. 77-79.
21) Cynthia Radding, Wandering Peoples. Colonialism, Ethnic Spaces, and Ecological Frontiers in
Northwestern Mexico, 1700-1850 (Durham, Duke Univ. Press, 1997) p. 22-33; Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of
Conquest. The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960
(Tucson, Univ. of Arizona Press, 1962) p. 8-15.
22) Santamaría, "Fronteras indígenas"; Block, Mission Culture on the Upper Amazon; Saeger, The Chaco
Mission Frontier; Juan Patricio Fernández, Relación historial de las misiones de indios Chiquitos (Jujuy,
Centro de Estudios Indígenas y Coloniales, 1994) p. 45, 125-28.
23) William Merrill, "Conversion and Colonialism in Northern Mexico. The Tarahumara Response to the
Jesuit Mission Program, 1601-1767," in R.W. Hefner, ed., Conversion to Christianity. Historical and
Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation (Berkeley, Univ. of California Press,1989) p.
129-63.
24) Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda are the two most famous figures associated with
the written treatises over "just war," enslavement of the Indians, and their evangelization. Las Casas, Del
único modo de atraer a todos los pueblos a la verdadera religión (Mexico City: FCE, 1942 [1536]);
Brevíssima relación de la destruyción de las Indias (Seville, Col. Er de Textos Clásico, 1991 [1552]);
Sepúlveda, Democrates Alter/Tratado sobre las causas justas de la guerra contra los indios (Mexico City,
FCE, 1941[1547]); Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1987 [1562]). Peter Bakewell, A
History of Latin America (London, Blackwell, 197) p. 79-80, 122. José Rabasa, Writing Violence on the
Northern Frontier. The Historiography of Sixteenth-Century New Mexico and Florida and the Legacy of
Conquest (Durham, Duke Univ. Press, 2000) p. 67-72 denounces the inherent contradiction in the notion of
a "peaceful conquest" and the threat of violence in the reading of the requerimiento.
25) José Cuello, "The Persistence of Indian Slavery and Encomienda in the Northeast of colonial Mexico,
1577-1723," Journal of Social History 21, 4 (1988); Susan Deeds, "Rural Work in Nueva Vizcaya: Forms
of Labor Coercion on the Periphery," HAHR 69, 3 (1989); Cecilia Sheridan, Anónimos y desterrados. La
contienda por el "sitio que llaman de Quauyla," siglos XVI-XVIII (Mexico, CIESAS, 2000) p. 90-97.
26) Cramaussel, "De cómo los españoles clasificaban a los indios," p. 288-300, argues forcefully that many
of these "nations" were creations of the encomienda grants, on paper, and had little intrinsic ethnic
meaning. Her careful reading of the documents supports this interpretation, but at least two important
questions remain: what were the bases of ethnic lineage or affiliation, and what were the bonds of coercion
or loyalty that brought Indians to work for their assigned encomenderos? The operation of encomienda in
Paraguay and Chiquitos, summarized below, sheds light on the history of the institution and its importance
for the ethnohistory of north-central and northeastern Mexico.
27) Sergio Ortega Noriega, Un ensayo de historia regional. El noroeste de México, 1530-1880 (Mexico:
UNAM, 1993) p. 44-49; Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 31-38.
28) Robert West, Sonora. Its Geographical Personality (Austin, Univ. of Texas Press, 1993) p. 44-69;
Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 151-2; AGN Jesuitas IV-10, exp. 116, 119. These workers were called
tapisques.
29) H. Dobyns, P. Ezell, A. Jones, G. Ezell, "What were Nixoras?" Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
16, 2 (1960) p. 230-268; Julio Montané, "De nijoras y 'españoles a medias,'" XV Simposio de Historia de
Sonora (Hermosillo, Univ. de Sonora, 1990); James F. Brooks, Captives & Cousins. Slavery, Kinship, and
Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2002).
30) J. Carlos Garavaglia, "Invaded Societies: La Plata Basin (1535-1650)," p. 9-14; Thomas Whigham,
"Paraguay's Pueblos de Indios," E. Langer and R.H. Jackson, The New Latin Americna Mission History
(Lincoln, Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1995) p. 159-161; Saeger, The Chaco Mission Frontier, p. 9-14.
31) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 177-193. The indios de servicio were also called
yanaconas, using the Andean term that referred to Indians who did not pay tribute to the Crown, but were
held in personal service to individual colonists.
32) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 194-209.
33) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p.156-159, 217.
34) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 161-163, 176-179, 207-209.
35) Provisión de la Audiencia de Charcas, 1700, RAH, col. Mata Linares, 56, f. 138-152, cited in García
Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 218. "En noviembre de 1700, la Audiencia de Charcas, a
instancias del jesuita P. José Calvo, concedía la exención de encomienda para las 'presias [piezas] que
rescatan los padres misioneros de las naciones sircumbecinas, porque este rescate lo hacen para reducirlos a
nuestra santa fee dejándolos en su plena libertad.'"
36) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 206-7, n. 230; 186-200. The Crown's directive
prohibiting future raids dated from 1720.
37) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 240, n. 109. Memoria de los indios
encomendados en Santa Cruz de la Sierra. AGI Charcas 158.
38) García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 190-93; William M. Denevan, "Stone vs. Metal
Axes: The Ambiguity of Shifting Cultivation in Prehistoric Amazonia," Journal of the Steward
Anthropological Society 20, 1-2 (1992) 153-65.
39) ABNB M y Ch N° 12, 1707, 4 fs. "Natural child" referred to the offpring of two persons who were free
to marry, but had not done so. They were not "spurious," such as the products of an adulterous union or a
liaison that violated religious vows of chastity.
40) The Recopilación de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias (1681) was frequently cited by Audiencia
judges, plaintiffs, and defendants.
41) ABNB M y Ch XXIII, 7, f. 32-33. Thomasa's successful bid for freedom occurred a full generation
after the capture of as many as 2,000 itonamas by Santa Cruz Governor José Cayetano Hurtado Dávila, an
act that was protested by the Jesuits and censured by the Audiencia. See note 35 above.
42) ABNB M y Ch XXIII, 1751-53, 7, fs. 28-29. Eugenio y Jacinto Masavi, naturales del Pueblo de
Chiquitos, por nosotros y en nombre de todos nuestros descendientes [por[ … ser todos los de nuestra
nación libres dados por soldados de su Magestad, que Ds Guarde, y agora tributarios, ocurrimos a la
justificación de V.S. para que mediante justicia se sirva … darnos por tributarios para aumento delos
haberes reales así como todos los de nuestra nación.
43) ABNB M y Ch XXIII, 7, f. 23. [P]ues para los chiquitos no se ofreció … ser traidos a punta de guerra
… desde el tiempo que corrieron rescates en que atraían de ellos mismos las piezas que querían los
moradores de esta ciudad. Con una cosa ridícula como véase el padrón de encomienda de Dn Joseph de la
Roca, difunto él poco tiempo que ha, a lo mucho a que pasaron esas guerras. On the protector de indios, see
García Recio, Análisis de una sociedad de frontera, p. 255-56.
44) These cases and their significance for the wider province of Santa Cruz are discussed in greater detail
in Cynthia Radding, "Voces chiquitanas: Entre la encomienda y la misión en el oriente de Bolivia (siglo
XVIII) ," Anuario del ABNB (1997) p. 123-137.
45) W. G. Lovell and C.H. Lutz, Demography and Empire. A Guide to the Population History of Spanish
Central America, 1500-1821 (Dellplain Latin American Studies, 33, Boulder, Westview Press, 1995) p. 77,
97, 130, 173, 175; Haskett, Indigenous Rulers p. 9-10; M. Restall, The Maya World: Yucatec Culture and
Society, 1550-1850 (Stanford Univ. Press, 1997) p. 30; Ward Stavig, The World of Túpac Amaru. Conflict,
Community, and Identity in Colonial Peru (Lincoln, Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1999) p. 3-8.
46) Saeger, The Chaco Mission Frontier, p. 131-3, makes this point cogently in reference to the MocobíAbipon wars of the 1770s and 1780s. The localized pattern of revolts in Chiquitos and the ways in which
they portray ethnic identity will be discussed in Chapter Six.
47) Archivo General de la Nación, Argentina (AGNA) 6467/10, 12, Biblioteca Nacional: Chiquitos Annúas,
367; AGNA 6127/10, 14, Biblioteca Nacional: Chiquitos Annúas, 355.
48) Gramática de la lengua de los indios llamados Chiquitos., prólogo f. 3, cited in Tomichá, La primera
evangelización en las reducciones de Chiquitos, p. 152, n. 35.
49) Tomichá, La primera evangelización, p. 150. Tapuymiri was more probably a specific ethnic
designation for groups of people living in the extreme eastern portion of the province near the Laguna de
los Xarayes.
50) Alvaro Díez Astete and David Murillo, Pueblos indígenas de tierras bajas (La Paz, 1998) p. 75-84;
personal communication, Seiglinde Falkinger, April 25, 2002 in Santa Cruz dela Sierra.
51) Tomichá, La primera evangelización, p. 154-197.
52) Tomichá, La primera evangelización, p. 366-372; Fischermann, "Viviendo con los paí"; AGNA,
Biblioteca Nacional 351, 6054, Adiciones a las expediciones annúas de las misiones de los Chiquitos, 1717
y 1718. Cap. 1: De la entrada que hizo el P. Miguel de Segros a la nación de los Zamucos y descubrimiento
y reducción de otras naciones de infieles.
53) Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change, p. 97-179; Jackson, Indian Population Decline, p.
167; on the smallpox epidemic of 1780-81 in New Mexico, see Ross Frank, From Settler to Citizen. New
Mexican Economic Development and the Creation of Vecino society, 1750-1820 (Berkeley, Univ. of
California Press, 2000) p. 55-62; América Molina del Villar, La Nueva España y el matlazáhuatl, 17361739 (Mexico: CIESAS, El Colegio de Michoacán, 2001) esp. Chapters II, III, p. 53-134; Elsa Malvido,
"¿El arca de Noé o la caja de pandora? Suma y recopilación de pandemias, epidemias y endemias en Nueva
España, 1519-1810," E. Cárdenas de la Peña, coord., Temas médicos de la Nueva España) Mexico: IMSS Instituto Cultural Domecq, 1992) p. 45-87. Historians and medical specialists continue to debate the
pathology of matlazáhuatl; its name in náhuatl (matlatl+zahuatl = red eruptions) refers to the external
manifestation of symptoms and was used generically to signal plague.
54) Archivo de la Mitra, Hermosillo (AMH), Archivo del Sagrario (AS) caja 22; BNFF 36/815, 37/829,
36/802. Registers of baptisms, marriages, and burials for Pimería Baja, 1798-1820, 1804-1806; for Pimería
Alta, 1794-1796; 1804-1806. Radding, Wandering Peoples, 112-125. Bishop Francisco Rouset de Jesús
ordered the diocesan census in 1796; parish priests compiled it over the next half-decade. It constitutes the
only comprehensive household census known for colonial Sonora and is the basis for Tables 8, 9, and 10
below.
55) Sheridan, Anónimos y desterrados; William B. Griffen, Culture Change and Shifting Populations in
Central Northern Mexico (Tucson, Univ. of Arizona Press, 1969); Griffen, Indian Assimilation in the
Franciscan Area of Nueva Vizcaya (Tucson, Univ. of Arizona Press, 1979); Cramaussel, "De cómo los
españoles clasificaban a los indios"; Ignacio del Río, Conquista y aculturación en la California Jesuítica,
1697-1768 (Mexico, UNAM, 1984); Martha Micheline Cariño Olvera, Historia de las relaciones hombrenaturaleza en Baja Califronia Sur, 1500-1940 (Mexico, SEP, UABCS, 2000); Mario Alberto Magaña,
Población y misiones de Baja California. Estudio histórico demográfico de la misión de SantoDomingo de
la Frontera: 1775-1850 (Tijuana: El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, 1998).
56) Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 155-156; Viveros, ed., Informe sobre Sinaloa y Sonora, p. 44-55, 5961, 102-4; UASP AZ 370; AGN AHH 278, exp. 18.
57) Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 146-150; AGN Jesuitas II-29, exp. 19. Fathers Joseph Roldán,
Thomas Pérez, and Manuel Aguirre to Padre Ignaci Lizassoaín, 1762, consulted in DRSW Roll III-C-4.
58) On sobaípuris, see Officer, Hispanic Arizona, p. 4; Kessell, Friars, Soldiers, and Reformers, p. 7, 35,
40, 78; Viveros, ed., Informe sobre Sinaloa y Sonora, p. 85, 104; AGI Guadalajara 135, I.2, I. 3a; on
tohono o'odham in the missions, among many sources, see Daniel S. Matson and Bernard L. Fontana, eds.,
Friar Bringas Reports to the King. Methods of Indoctrination on the Frontier of New Spain, 1796-97
(Tucson, Univ. of Arizona Press, 1977); Lino Gómez Canedo, ed., Sonora hacia fines del siglo XVIII. Un
informe del misionero franciscano fray Francisco Antonio Barbastro con otros documentos
complementarios (Guadalajara, Librería Font, 1971); on nijoras see note 29 above.
59) Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 270-274; AGN Provincias Internas, 48, I. f. 27-36. Captain Lorenzo
Cancio to Marqués de Croix, 1766, Presidio of San Carlos de Buenavista.
60) AGN Jesuitas IV-10, exp. 231, f. 266. Gente de razón ("people of reason") was the designation given
to Spaniards and mestizos -- people of mixed ethnic origins who could claim parentage by a Spaniard -with privileges of exemption from obligatory labor and tribute payment.
61) Bishop Reyes to Viceroy Matías de Gálvez, 1784. BNFF 34/759.
62) Early Jesuit records for Tepache come from the visit made by Father Juan de Almonacir, 1685, AGN,
AHH Temporalidades, leg. 1126, exp. 4, cited in C. Polzer, Rules and Precepts of the Jesuit Missions of
Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: Univ. of Arizona Press, 1976) p. 37; Bishop Tamarón y Romeral,
Descripción de la diócesis de Nueva Vizcaya (Madrid, Aguilar, 1758 [1765]) p.1013; Nentvig, Descripción
de Sonora, p. 174; Peter Gerhard, The North Frontier of New Spain (Norman, Univ. of Oklahoma Press,
1993) p. 282.
63) Laboríos were Indian laborers in a Spanish labor or hacienda. See Gerhard, North Frontier, p. 370.
64) Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 187, 191, 288-290, 353 n.53; BNFF 35/722, 767.
65) The average of the sum of the three MHS calculated for Spaniards, Mestizos, and Indians is 3.9. The
greater number of Indian households slightly reduces the overall mean (292/78).
66) Pedro Tamarón y Romeral, Demostración del vastísimo obispado de la Nueva Vizcaya, 1765 (México
City, Antigua Librería Robredo, 1937).
67) Manuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou. The Promised Land of Error (N.Y.: Vintage, 1979) made the
residential domus a central feature of his analysis of late 14th-century peasant society viewed through the
church's documented interrogation of the religious "heretics" of Montaillou.
68) The ages listed in the census are not exact, but rather estimates. Historical demographers working with
early modern censuses in both Europe and the Americas have pointed out that enumerators tended to
"round off" ages to the nearest decade or five-year interval. Nevertheless, a comparison of age ranges is a
valid approach to analyzing probable household formation in a context of high fertility and high mortality.
69) Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, p. 315-318, 385 n. 46; Asunción Lavrín, Sexuality and Marriage
70) Radding, Wandering Peoples, p. 185-187; AGN Tierras 474, exp. 2, ff. 1-161; AMH AD 1, exp. 1-30,
1765; BNFF 37/833.
71) AMH AD 3, Carpeta VIII, Año 1802, Estado de Ónavas, 5 February 1802. The original quotation is
the following: El adjunto estado de la Parroquia de mi cargo que acompaño a V.S.Y. en cumplimiento de su
superior orden circular puede no estar con la exeptitud que deviera, porque la vagueación de los naturales
de pocos años a esta parte los extraña de sus pueblos con libertad, dificultándose saber de cierto su
paradero; mas en la parte que me toca he desempeñado mi obediencia, con la puntualidad posible.
72) AMH AD 1 (UA 811, roll 2); BNFF 35/762. A fanega = 55 liters or 1.5 bushels.
73) John Kraniauskas, "Hybridity in a transnational frame: Latin-Americanist and post-colonial
perspectives on cultural studies," Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science, and Culture, Avtar Brah,
Annie E. Coombes, eds. (London: Routledge, 2000) p. 236.
74) Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution; Tsvetan Todorov, La conquista de América. La
cuestión del otro (Mexico, 1987); Inga Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests; The Conquest of Mexico: The
Incorporation of Indian Societies into the Western World, 16th-18th Centuries (Cambridge, 1993).
75) See note 4 above on J. Clifford's use of chronotope to theorize processes of cultural change across
space and time. Jean and John Comaroff make a similar observation concerning the frontier between the
northern and southern Sotho-Tswana peoples of South Africa (Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and
Revolution, p. 40-42.