SOCIAL CLUBS, SOCIAL STRUGGLES AND THEIR INTERACTION WITH THE STATE. THE CASE OF BAJINTA, BAYAJIDDA AND TAWAKALTU SOCIAL CULTURAL AND DRAMATIC CLUBS. Preliminary Findings Submitted to ICSAG Research Team at the Second Methodology Workshop, Centre for Research and Documentation (CRD) Kano JOSEPH AUDU MAMMAN AUGUST 13 -16, 1999. INTRODUCTION Background: community organizations are a universal phenomenon. They have existed as far as human history can record and could be found in all human settlements. This fact holds true for the whole of Nigeria as some studies have shown.1 In the northern part of Nigeria, especially in Funtua local government of Katsina state and Sabon-Gari and Tudun-Wada of Sabon-gari and Zaria local government respectively, the areas of focus of this study, there is a proliferation of these organizations of different types in terms of origin, objectives, activities and structure. While some of them are form exclusively as either trade, professional, cultural or religious associations, others are general in their activities. They include cultural, economic, social, fund raising, self-help, developmental activities in their programmes. This study is on social clubs, a typology of community organizations. These belong to the category of community organizations that are general in their activities. As their names and activities often suggest, they exist as "social, cultural and dramatic clubs". But also, they embark on self-help and social developmental activities. Specifically, the study will focus on "Bayajidda Social and Dramatic Club", Funtua, Katsina State. Focus of the study is also on Tawakaltu and Bajinta "Social, Cultural and Dramatic Clubs", Sabon-Gari and Zaria local government respectively of 1 Paul Francis et al. 1998 "State, Community and Local Development in Nigeria". World Bank Technical Paper No. 336, Africa Regional Series; Awa, Eme. O. ed. 1992. The Transformation of Rural Society. A study of Rural Development in Eastern State of Nigeria. 70-76. Fourth Dimension Publishers, Nigeria; Ekong, E. Ekong ( ) Rural Sociology; ( ); Fadepe, N.A. ( ) the Sociology of the Yoruba. Ibadan University Press; Honey, Rex and Okafor, Stanley I. Eds. (1998) Hometown Associations: Indigenous Knowledge and Development in Nigeria. Intermediate Technology Publications; Indabawa, Sabo Amin 1994. "Community Development and Local Kaduna State in Nigeria. These clubs stated and still function as avenues for social outlets for their members and the public (through artistic forms as drama, music, dance, poetry recitation, (Ludo, Porka and "dara") and also provide self-help services for their members. They later expanded in size and scope including in their activities programmes that are development oriented for their members and the general public. Also, the government has often engaged the services of the clubs for social development projects. They are specifically engaged for Health and Environmental Campaigns. They are also involved by the government of their states in the cultural and social activities it organises. Membership of these clubs is made up of both male and female within the age category of 18 years and above. These are drawn from divergent cultural, religious and professional background although Hausa Language is their major medium of communication. However, these clubs are often perceived in negative terms by the public and government agencies like the police. The clubs are often referred to with derogatory terminologies like Karwaye (Harlots)- used to refer to the female members of the clubs, and Yan-iska (bastards) to refer to the club in general. The police has occasionally raided, arrested and detained some members of these clubs on the allegations that they habour criminals. The government not only insists on the annual re-registration of the clubs but monitors and grants permission before some of the clubs carry out their programmes. STUDY OBJECTIVES At the general level, this study is part of the international study on civil society and government coordinated by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Sussex, England. The aims of the study are: 1. To gain a practical and analytical understand of the character and functions of civil society both in general and in their systematic variations. 2. To identify activities of civil society which can enhance or detract from the quality of political life and governance in different societies. Government Empowerment in Nigeria. In Journal of Social Management Studies, Vol. 1194. Faculty of Social and Management Sciences Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. 3. To develop measures which can strengthen civil society and enhance its impact as an agent for improving political life and government.2 However at the specific level, my objectives here will be to: Identify the origin, nature and functions of social clubs; 1. Establish their aims, objectives and activities; 2. Find out their membership, structure and processes; 3. Identify their funding sources and the nature of resource handling; 4. Find out the position and role of women in the clubs; 5. Identify the areas of club's interaction with the State and the nature of this interaction; the objective here is to establish the outcome of these interaction and asses it against background of the aims which they sought to achieve 6. Establish the impact of club's interaction with the State on both the club's and the government; 7. Identify the weakness and strength of social clubs as well as particular problems with the state's approach in relating with the clubs, and; 8. To recommend areas for strengthening clubs in governance process. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Even though one can allude to the universality of the phenomenon of community organizations both in their historical existence and geographical spread, studies on the phenomenon have not come to terms with what it really means. This is especially reflected in their definitions which are distinct from one another. In his study on Rural Sociology, Ekong E. Ekong referred to Harper and Dunham to have identified 13 definitions of community organisations in their book Community Organisations in Action; Basic Literature and Critical Comments.3 Ekong proceeded to refer to community organisations in Nigeria as " ... the arrangement of relationships between the various individuals and groups in a community or their institutions in 2 3 See Manor, James, 1998. "Civil Society and Government: A concept paper". ICSAG Research. Ekong, E. Ekong ( ) Rural Sociology, p. 344. order for that community to function properly or attain Objectives". He, adopting M.G Ross's definition, defines Community Organisation as "...a process by which a community is mobilised to identify its needs or recognise a problem within its environment, develops the will to work together in meeting such needs or resolving the problem, find resources internally and/or externally to deal I with the problems or needs, take actions in respect to them and in so doing develop cooperative and collaborative attitudes and practices in the community".4 From another angle the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defined community organization as "the process by which the efforts of the people themselves are united with those of the government authorities to improve the economic, social and cultural conditions of communities into the life of the nation and enabling them to contribute fully to national progress".5 In establishing the relationship between "Community Organization and Social change" Ekong had first had to disaggregate between the concepts of community and organization. He attributed to Community the notion of a people locally based and sharing similar problems. Organization on the other hand he said is the process of changing the conditions of the community. Other elements in this process, he added, are development and social relationship6 Perhaps dwelling a little further on the various uses of the concept would widen our horizons of it. Howard Newby in a preparatory course for a study section at the Open University in Britain did a sociological study of the concept community. He found out that the concept is "used in all kinds of ways". Some of the early usage in Newby's study showed the concept being used in two senses. The first showed it as a sage in regretting the loss of community life with the advent of modernisation. "Here community is used to denote a sense of common identity between individuals and enduring ties of affection and harmony based upon personal knowledge and face-to-face contact". The concept is used to contrast technological advancement with man's` spiritual and emotional impoverishment. A second sense of its usage 4 Ekong, E. Ekong. Op. Cit. P. 345. Eme, O. Awa. Op. Cit. P. 64. 6 Ekong, E. Ekong. Op. Cit. 344. 5 is over the "decline of locality as a basis of modern society organisation" that is, community was seen as a local basis for conducting economic activities.7 Similarly, Hillery, in a paper "Definitions of community" Areas of agreement", as Newby showed, identified 94 definitions. In a classification of these definitions, Hillery observed their only similarity to be their common allusion to "people". Thus from his sociological study of the concept Newby concluded that the many definitions are reducible to three: 1." ... as a fixed and bounded locality that is, as a sociological expression, denoting a human settlement within a particular territory'. 2. " ... as a local social system- that is, as a set of social relationship which take place wholly, or mostly, within a locality'. 3. " ... as a type of relationship. More particularly, community is defined as a sense of identity between, individual (even though, in some cases, their mutual identification may never have resulted from any personal contact)"8 However, Raymond Williams, as Newby referred to in his studies disagrees with the usage of community as localism. He said it was "only when the local basis of society was threatened did a conscious ideology of community emerge...".9 Two threats to societal life mentioned by Williams are economic and legal constraints. Under these threatened conditions, community became the "mutuality of the oppressed" A result of constraint born out of common powerlessness and poverty. From these numerous definitions and usage he studied, Newby showed that the concept is used either as a "Normative prescription, that is, expressing the value of the individual concerning what life should be or as "Empirical description of life in various localities". That is studied of community as they actually are. But he observes further that these value laden and descriptive usage "...give some indications of the wide range of contemporary social problems which the analysis of community raises. In many respects the desire for community symbolise a desire for personal and social fulfillment, an attempt to close the gap between life as it is actually 7 Newby, Howard. 1980. Community. Open University, Great Britain, pps. 6-8. Newby, Howard, Op. Cit. P. 13. 9 Newby, Howard, Op. Cit. P. 12. 8 experienced and life as those who ...(experience it) would like it to be or perceive it as having been in the past"10 Margaret Stacey protested the use of the concept community. She said it is highly value-laden and that the "definitional disagreement comes from this. That rather, concentration should be on institutions and their inter-relations in specific localities "which she said would give a better understanding of locally based social network".11 Consequently this study declines the usage of community as the concept to understanding social clubs as a phenomenon. In this usage it restricts our focus from relationships that span a given locality and, secondly, community assumes an inter-relationship amongst all inhabitants of a given locality. Rather, in place of community, social network is adopted in this study to understanding social clubs. Social network is used in explaining the ties that shows which individual, group or institution interact with one another.12 Secondly, social network exposes the relationship between individuals and groups and their fiscal environment. Social Network, as Newby's study traced has come to replace the value laden and emotive concept of community. It is also the concept used in explaining the ties that shows which individual, group or institution interact with one another.13This study, therefore, is premised on the assumption that social clubs are a social network. DEFINING SOCIAL CLUBS In a study focused on social clubs in the eastern part of Nigeria, Ogunna defined social clubs " ... as an organised group of people who posses certain common social values and attitudes that pulls them together for the purpose of achieving shared objectives. It is a system of cooperative human effort designed to satisfy social goals. It is an organisational expression of the persistent feeling of loyalty and obligation to the group with common basic understanding and n identical beliefs in certain social issues..."14 This definition, while it reflects certain general characteristics of social clubs (organised group of people, shared objectives, co-operative effort 10 Newby, Howard, Op. Cit. P. 33. Ibid.. 12 Ogunna, A.E.C. "Community Power Structures and Politics". In Awa, Eme O. 1992. The Transformation of Rural Society: A Study of rural Development in the Eastern State of Nigeris 1970-76. 13 Ogunna, A.E.C. Op. Cit. P. 38. 14 Toyo, Eskor. 'Neocolonialism, Primite Accumulation and Third world Orientations (A Clarification of Issues)', Nigerian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 4, Nos. 1 and 11, 1985; Abba, Alkasam et al. 1985. The Nigerian Economic Crisis: Causes and Solutions. Gaskiya Coproration Limited, Zaria. 11 and the satisfaction of social goals), obscures the fact that social clubs are not a monolithic group. Their basic difference lies in the social position of the members of the club: that is the division between advantaged and disadvantaged members of the society. This difference, consequently, informs the difference in the objectives and activities of social clubs. For example, Ogunna's study classified between National Clubs and localised ones. The former has national structure and membership while the latter is just localised to specific towns and clans. In describing the activities of the national clubs he said they initially were concerned with entertainment of their members and protecting their interest and also provision of life insurance scheme for their members. Even when they decided to extend their services to community development some reasons that accounted for this were (1). (2). To demonstrate to the society that they posses wealth and they are philanthropic;. As the club increased in size and many members became apparently wealthier, they then collected enough funds. The Honda Club is one club mentioned as belonging to this category.15 One can extend the list by adding professional bodies. This study therefore can be said to be a study of advantaged members of the society who are less constrained economically. The so-called localised social clubs are but a reference to cultural and ethnic associations who concern themselves with their community development. These cannot be grouped together with social clubs as clubs are essential heterogeneous in their composition and are a migrant phenomenon. The concern of this study centres on clubs of the less advantage category whose members are high constrained economically. These types are mostly prevalent in the northern part of Nigeria. Social clubs could therefore be defined as a network of people who, as a result of similar experiences) agglomerate and harnessed their efforts to protect themselves and transform their existing conditions. Social clubs are essentially a relationship characterised by mutuality entered by members in respect of their social environment. Of the category under study, social clubs are a solidarity of people who are economically and legally constrained and organized to identify and co-operate for the purpose of transforming their conditions of their existence. These are made up of unskilled, semi-skilled and unemployed men and women drawn across 15 Kwanashie, Mike ( ) Structural Adjustment: Capital Accumulation and Employment, in ( ). ethnic and religious boundaries. They are always identified as "social, cultural and dramatic clubs. Origin/Profile of "Social cultural and Dramatic clubs" "Tawakaltu socials cultural and Dramatic club." Tawakaltu social, cultural and Dramatic club is currently located at No. 73 Yoruba Street, Sabon-Gari, Zaria Kaduna State. The club was founded in 1982 by 15 people as a drama wing of "Tsaunijet Football club". It was later ceded as an independent organization to enable members fully concentrate on drama and cultural dances. Two aims were fundamental to their formation of the club. First to appeal against increasing involvement of their peers in police cases through the use of drama. Secondly, the club was formed to start some self-help activities to assist members from the degenerate social conditions of existence and the increasing hopelessness from unemployment. Specific self-help activities were assisting members and securing their release from police arrest. Drama was adopted as a means to campaign for and begin concrete self-help activities especially from gate-takings during performances and membership dues. However, it could also be seen that drama became the locus on which some germ of organizational activities began. Of the founding members, 12, that is 80%, were of Hausa ethnic group and of the Islam c religion. A few of these were clerical staff of Zaria local government; others were traders but most were unemployed. Later in the year members signed for registration by sending a draft copy of their constitution to the local government youth development office. They were given an attestation certificate and later registered in 1987. MEMBERSHIP Membership of the club is made up of men and women. The women live at the club-house as single women. While some are engaged in retail business like making and selling of Yogurt , Zobo, Iced-water, the majority of the women are unemployed. The men on the other hand are made up of clerical staff from the local government, members of Road Transport Workers Union, Retail market traders, secondary school students and unemployed. This membership is categorised into two. The first category is the dues paying and identity card holding members which are 60 in membership. These are the bona fide members who can sit at meetings, vote and be voted for into positions of leadership. The second category is made-up of a supporters club. These are people who patronize the club's activities. It is from this category that bona fide members are recruited. Those who voluntary indicate interest in membership from the supporters club are put on probation. Their activities are monitored to see their commitment to the club and to ensure that within the period they are not involved in any criminal activities. However, recruitment is often biased towards workers, traders and women. But when a woman is transferring from another club her activities in the other club are traced to ensure her movement is not connected with fraudulent activities. ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE AND PROCESSES Committee Zatarwas (executive council): this is made-up of the Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Secretary, Assistant-secretary, Financial Secretary, Treasurer, director of Socials, Director of Drama, Police Commissioner and his officers - these are responsible for order during performances and also play the role of policemen in plays. Others are Shugaban Mata (Women's Leader) Maitamaki Shugaban Mata (Assistant Women Leader), women Secretary, public Relations Officer and Club Messenger. Elections into this council used to be annual until 1992 when the club received directives from the Youth Development Officer to make it biennial. The functions of the Executive Council are to take decisions, plan programmes and represent the club. The council holds its meeting weekly either Saturday or Sundays where it also tallies accounts from earnings and spending from the previous week. Members of the executive council can only hold the same position twice - that is, if they are re-elected after which they can only contest for different positions. For example the Current Chairman was the former Director of Drama who held the position twice while the current Financial Secretary was the former Chairman who also held that position twice. CLUB PATRON The club has three patrons who act as advisers. These are usually nominated and presented to the general meetings for approval after the nominees agree to serve in such positions. The choice of patron is informed by those the club feels are in strategic position to help its members in times of need. They are usually drawn from businessmen or government functionaries. GENERAL MEETINGS The club holds its general meetings fortnightly. This is where decisions of the Executive Council and programmes are presented for approval, modification or rejection. Also presented at the general meetings are the previous week earnings and spending. From the general meeting the Executive Council receives information and suggestions from members. An average of 46 members was recorded in the course of the field trip for this study. CLUB ACTIVITIES The club programmes of activities are divided into weekly and seasonally. The weekly activities are Drama, Music and Cultural dance. Theses are slotted for Friday, Saturday and, Sunday of every week of the year. The weekly activities start with drumming. This serves to attract the public and to indicate the commencement of the day's activity. This is later joined by cyclical dance and songs with all members. It is later substituted by the club's cultural troupes in costume after which a drama sketch is presented. Members later withdrew into meeting depending on which is due and often terminated the day's activities around 8 p.m.; although if the club receives an invitation, it could slot it in any day of the week. Programmes of the club for the year are also decided into dry and raining seasons. This mostly involves a community development programme. VISITS Visits could either be for condolence or in show of solidarity. For condolence the club organises visits depending on its financial situation to hospitals. For this purpose they carry along gifts both cash and kind, often with prayers to the sick. This is done irrespective of whether the person visited is known or unknown. Sometimes it is targeted at a house that is bereaved of a loved one. On other occasions visits are paid to similar clubs in other locations of local government in a show of solidarity. This often provides an opportunity for sharing experiences and exchanging ideas. AJO This is a rotational fund raising activity for members of the club. The person whose turn it is is responsible for inviting a local popular artist. He/she takes care of the artist's transport fare and feeding. Monies collected at ajo include donations from other members, spray from dances and gate takings. The club takes 5% of all monies collected while the remaining is left for the person for whom the ajo is organised. However, ajo in Tawakaltu has suffered some setback in the past two years. Some members for whom ajo was organised scrammed without reciprocating the gesture to other members. This led to mistrust amongst members and consequently suspension of the activity. Some members found a replacement for ajo through birthday parties. Members started organising birthday parties in which other members and invited guest come to donate money and gifts. Birthdays could not be sustained because of the general down turn in the economy. This rather intensified the need for members to raise money. The club registered an instance where a member organised a naming ceremony for her sheep. LITERACY AND SHILLS ACQUISITION The club organises literacy programmes for members who wish to learn to read and write in Hausa. This programme is occasional substituted with a skills acquisition lesson in which members who have a skill in making yogurt, pomade, soap share their knowledge with those wishing to learn. Currently the club is embarking on a campaign to secure a sewing machine where the women's leader can share her sewing skill with other women members. The club often finances the cost of materials for the lessons at no cost to members. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Community Development refers to services provided by the club for the benefit of the entire locality. This could either be initiated by the club itself or the local government. Projects initiated by the club are clearing of refuse dump within settlements, clearing of blocked drainage during raining season, filling of potholes on major roads, weeding of cemeteries. The club has also made financial contributions to the rebuilding of a collapsed primary school hall at L.E. primary school Sabon-Gari by the community in Sabon-Gari. Community development projects for which the club is involved by the local government are environmental sanitation, spray of insecticide in stagnant water along the gutter, tree planting campaigns annually launched by the local government, and health campaigns like those of meningitis, cholera. For this purpose the club has also received training from UNICEF and SPACE 2,000. The club has also been involved by the local government in special clean-up exercise especially when visitors are expected by the local government e.g. the Junior World Cup and visitations by ministers or the state governor. CLUBS FUNDING SOURCES The clubs sources of funding are N5 weekly membership dues, N10 gate-takings for performance, a special contribution levied on members in emergency situations e.g. when a member is sick; the transport fare given by the local government for some of the projects which involve the club; transport fare and mandatory N500 it charges those wishing to hire its services; monetary spray it receives when staging performances; 5% percentage it uses to collect from ajo and honoraria given by NGOs for participating in programmes they organise. From revenue generated, a weekly imprest of N200.00 is kept with the financial secretary while the excess is deposited at the clubs' account with the Bank of the North it opened in 1987. WOMEN IN CLUBS Tawakaltu has 16 women in the club. These are made up of divorced and young ladies. These ladies are patronised by specific men who come to see them or send for them in the evenings. Some of the women augment this with retail business like selling of soft drinks and sewing and selling cardigans. The chairman of the club described women as "rai kungiya" (the life of the club) because of the role they play in the club: women are responsible for all the cooking done whenever the club has visitors; they are the attraction for the audience that pays to watch the club performances, they raise revenue for the club during cultural dances - men sometimes get carried away and over spray; they are a major source of raising membership for the club from both women and men; they are important in propagating important messages to the society as it borders on their experience - e.g. cultural practices like forced marriages or the choice of spouse for the lady "Bajinta Social, Cultural and Dramatic Club" This club was formed by 8 people at Tudun-Wada, Zaria on the 13'h February, 1982. It currently has its office at Tudun Wada Zaria local government, Kaduna State but operates its activities at Kuta Hotel. The name Bajinta is a Hausa name signifying someone who displays extraordinary efforts in any endeavour. Its aim and formation were to entertain people of Hausa culture, promote unity amongst people and embark on self-help activities. The club is registered with the Youth Development Office, Zaria local government, and has the following objectives in its constitution: (a) Unite youth in Zaria and its environs. (b) Enlighten the public through drama on global occurrences. (c) Strengthen relationship between clubs and the public. (d) Educate club members through public lectures (e) Embark on self-help through communal efforts (f) Assist the government to educate the public on national issues MEMBERSHIP Membership of the club is voluntary and is made up of both men and women. Membership is often advertised during community development work. Interested candidates are given the clubs constitution to study. If they agree with its aims and objectives they are then given a membership form to fill in after which they are registered. The club currently has a membership strength of 125 people who are dues-paying and identity card holders. ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE AND PROCEDURES Committee Zatarwai (Executive Council) is the decision-making organ. It is made up of the Chairman, Vice-chairman, Secretary-general, Assistant Secretary-general, Director of Health, Director of Socials, "Commissioner of Police" and his officers who are responsible for order and prosecution of members who violate club's rules, Women's Leader, Assistant Women's Leader, Female Director of Socials and Public Relations Officer. Election into theses offices are conducted biannually while previous officers can only hold their post for two terms after a re-election. After those terms he/she can only contest for any other post after two years. The function of the council is to make decisions and supervise its implementation by the committees. It also prepares programmes for the club. The club meets fortnightly for this purpose. CLUBS ACTIVITIES The club's programmes of activities are divided into weekly and seasonal. Drama and cultural dances are its two major weekly activities for entertainment and fund raising. However, it also uses drama to communicate messages to the general public; for example, campaigns against communal violence and to preach peaceful co-existence in the family. The local government has often relied on the club for its health campaigns like immunization, meningitis, cholera. When immunization was introduced in Zaria, it was mostly rejected on the suspicion that the aim was to control population by destroying the reproductive system. The local government used the club to clear such suspicion. The local government has also employed the services of the club in social activities. It organises its representation at the annual Cultural Competition organised by the State Council for Arts and Culture. However, the club's weekly activities have been suspended since February for lack of a venue in which to perform. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT The club's community development services can be classified into those services it renders at its own initiative and those it is engaged to do by the Local Government for the benefit of the society. The club has constructed two culverts: a well for drinking water and every raining season embark on clearing blocked drainage to enable free water passage. It also goes to weed the cemetery every year and clear refuse dumps within immediate human settlement. It was also engaged by the local government for environmental sanitation during the Junior World Cup hosted by Nigeria. VISITS The club often organised visits to hospital to sympathise with the sick and offer them prayers. Visits are also organised as a networking activity with other clubs. In this case it either goes to visit another club outside its local government or the state or receives such other club s its visitors. AJO This is a reciprocal fund-raising activity for members of the club. It is organised fortnightly. Money received during ajo includes gate-fees, donations and sprays. It is expected in Bajinta's ajo that members donate at least what other individual members donated to their own ajo. For this purpose the artist invited to sing occasionally stops singing to allow members to announce their donation. This is then recorded. At the end all monies are collated. The club takes 10% while the remaining goes to the person for whom it is organised for. He or she is responsible for the artist transportation and honorarium. Ajo in the club is used specifically to raise capital for business or to raise money for urgent problems. An average of N30,000.00 is often raised per ajo. Through the proceeds of ajo six women have been able to go into restaurant and grains business, while the men have often used their money for marriage, it is said. Ajo is currently the major and consistent activity of the club. FUNDING Funding for the club's activities are 150 monthly membership dues, registration fees of N150 of new members, N5 fine for late comers to the club's activities, 10% it receives from ajo organised for members, donations and sprays whenever it is hired by the public and a token contribution given by the local government to "wash-up" whenever they are involved in environmental sanitation the local government organises. Also the club is given an honorarium for the cultural competition organised by the State Council for Arts and Culture. WOMEN IN THE CLUB Registered members of the club are made up of divorced women and young ladies. They play a major role in the club as described by the chairman. Their presence in community development work and drama cultural presentation attracts an audience for the club. This has helped raise the revenue earnings of the club. "BAYAYIDDA SOCIAL AND DRAMATIC CLUB" Origin: The club was established in 1987 at Funtua town by four people which later grew to fifteen. The club's name is derived from the legendary Daura Warrior, Bayajidda. The club's motto is "progress" and has its office located at the clubhouse in Unguwan-Wanzamai, Funtua, along Zaria road. Aims: The aims of forming the club were to evolve an organ that will begin self-help activities for founders and also start some community development activities. Founders also felt that it was only through group efforts that they could attract government attention rather than through individual complaints. These aims were informed by daily complaints and a critique of government effort at addressing the poor conditions of those living in the country, often when people gather over games like "Dara", Ludo and Porker in the evenings. Founders therefore evolve drama as a means of reflecting the people's living conditions as well as sending the message for mutual assistance to the public. The club was registered in 1987 at the social welfare office in Funtua local government and has the following objectives in its constitution: 1. Unite the youth for self-help 2. Promote the love and respect in the public mind through the medium of drama and the like. 3. Help club members in times of problems like ill health. 4. Network with other clubs to educate the public about government intention 5. Be loyal to every government 6. Avoid discrimination on the basis of politics, religious and ethnic background. MEMBERSHIP Membership into the club is voluntary. The current membership strength is 152 made up of men and women. This is made up of people from professions such as motor-cycle transport workers, primary school teacher, `wanzamai', fine-art, retail traders, tea sellers, water vendor, wash-men, brick layers, carpenters, and a snake-charmer. The club also has unemployed people as members. For male members applications are considered only when there is a vacancy created by migration of a member or death, while the women are considered through the rate by which their numbers reduce as a result of marriage. Applicants are given the club's constitution, code of conduct and ajo forms to study. Only applicants who accept the conditions in these forms are registered. This is to enable only credible people into the club and to ensure unity one symbol of which is the members' uniform dressing at functions outside the town. ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND PROCESSES. Committee Zatarwas (executive council) is the decision-making organ of the club. This is made up of the chairman, vice-chairman, secretary, assistant secretary, financial secretary, treasurer, auditor, information secretary drama secretary, social secretary, community development secretary, secretary for visitors, Alkali Kungiya (club judge), women's leader, women's secretary, women's social secretary, messenger. However, for faster communication, a standing rule is that everybody is a messenger. Elections are conducted into the executive council annually. The executive council is also responsible for day to day running of the club, and meets every Wednesday for this purpose except when there is emergency meeting. COMMITTEE The club has set-up standing committees to enable more members take part in club activities and to ensure efficient performance of club activities. For this purpose the following committees are established: 1. Community development committee 2. Electoral committee - this is set-up at the end of the year to conduct election of new executives in January 3. Special committee - this is responsible for social functions such as members' marriages, naming ceremonies or when the club is invited out of town. However, an emergency committee is always set-up when a member is sick and cannot take care of himself. The committee decides the amount members will contribute to treat the sick member. GENERAL MEETINGS Meetings of the executive council are held every Wednesday while general meetings are held every Sunday. At the general meeting decisions of the council are released and future programmes unfold for final adoption by members. Also at general meetings, information, suggestions and complaints are given to the executive for necessary action. ACTIVITIES OF THE CLUB Drama and cultural dances are the club's weekly activities. These are slotted for Thursday, Fridays and Saturdays at the clubhouse. On other occasions the club chooses within its weekly slotted dates to stage open performance at public places. This is either at the motor-park or market centre and 'gidan -shata'. Open performances are specifically meant for plays on conflict and health. This is a result of the training programme the club received from UNICEF, John Hopkins University and Community Action for popular participation. ENVIRONMENTAL SANITATION Environmental sanitation is a monthly activity of the club. This involves clearing of refuse dumps within immediate settlements. The club often receives invitation from "Ungwanai" or streets for environmental sanitation. It has on several occasions, on invitation from unions at the market and the motor-park, conducted sanitation exercises at the market and the motor-park. The club is also involved by the local government for this purpose. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Apart from its monthly sanitation exercise, it has implemented such community projects as the construction of culverts and drainage in Ungwan Wanzamai and occasionally goes to fill pot-holes on major roads. The club has currently applied for land from the local government to build a health centre. ADULT LITERACY The club holds two hourly literacy classes for both its members and interested members of the general public, which include married men and women. Forty minutes is devoted per lecturer period to teach reading, writing and arithmetic every fortnight on Saturdays at the clubhouse. The club has just been offered a rented room for a class by one of its married students who wants to enroll his wife. The club charges N5 per student per lecture day and currently has 11 students for the session. On demand members who are literate in Arabic organize classes for those interested. VISITS/ "SPECIAL" PERFORMANCE. Visits are occasionally organised in a show of solidarity with other clubs. The objective of the visits is to strengthen relationships with the club visited, exchange ideas and strengthen the two clubs' technical capacity in drama production and cultural dances. This is done through the exchange and critique of performances. Visits are also targeted for ailing clubs. In such a case the club organizes a special performance. For special performances the club normally writes to the District Head of the town they are visiting informing him of their coming to stage a special drama performance for him. For this purpose the District head is requested to invite his friends. A similar arrangement is also made with the club being targetted. On arrival the club organizes a mini sanitation around the district head palace and his immediate neighbourhood after which they stage the drama presentation and cultural dance. During the performance money is usually spent on the club. In addition the club also presents a gift - "Garkuwa" (symbol of authority) to the District-Head. For the club visited, the club also organizes ajo after its performances. Money raised from the ajo is handed over to the local club for problems. Where the club is torn by internal strife a meeting is normally conducted in the night to discuss the issues involved and set the processes in motion for reactivating the club. Bayajidda also receives visiting clubs for similar purpose. AJO This is a rotational fund raising activity organised for those who register for ajo. This includes club members and members of the general public. For the purpose of ajo a committee is set-up every 4 months; the committee's tenure is either extended if there is no complaint against it or it is replaced with new members for another four months tenure. The work of the committee is to decide whose turn it is for ajo to be organised. The committee is also responsible for ensuring the compliance to ajo rules as follows; 1. Any interested candidate for ajo must buy the form for N20.00. 2. There is a compulsory payment of N100.00 per ajo. 3. Except where there is an unavoidable problem ajo would be organised monthly 4. Donations for ajo shall not be counted; that is, ajo is based on conviction and goodwill. 5. The club has 5% of total contribution. 6. In the absences of a problem, the ajo committee must be in place for four months before it is replaced. 7. The person for whom ajo is organised is responsible for the artist invited. 8. Only those who purchase and sign ajo forms can partake in ajo. 9. All ajo members must reciprocate ajo for other members proportionate to their ability. The rules were evolved to guide against the possibility of scrams which can led to mistrust and collapse of the club. The person it is organised for is advised before the money is given to him or her to solve an urgent problem or establish a business. From the proceeds of ajo members must have to e.g. set-up retail business, furnish their rooms. FARMING ACTIVITY The club was assisted with a piece of land which the entire members go to cultivate during the raining season. Produce from the farm is usually stored and sold mostly between April and June when prices of foodstuffs have gone up. Produce is only sold to members at a subsidized rate. However, this activity has a sufficient setback as the owner of the land took back half of the land this year. FUNDING The sources of revenue for the club's activities are N10.00 weekly membership dues, N20.00 gate-takings during performances, N50.00 membership registration, money sprayed on members during cultural performances, honoraria it receives from non-governmental organizations for participating in their training programmes, contributions given by the local government and unions for engaging the club in sanitation; money gotten from the sale of its farm produce to members, 5% from monthly ajo, N5.00 fine on members who come late to meetings and money it receives from being hired for celebrations like naming ceremonies and marriages. WOMEN IN THE CLUB The female members of the club leave as single women and are made-up of divorced women and young ladies. They often survive on sexual patronage by specific clients from the public mostly business men and government officials. Women in the club became necessary when there was the need to feature them in plays; as a result of this the club then adopted a deliberate strategy of recruiting women into the club. The method used was to go in aid of any woman who was sick or in police detention. This is because at this time single women were the prime suspects for harboring criminals in the town. After the encounter the women come to join the club; they are normally registered and given an identity card after filling in the necessary forms. As described by the chairman of the club, women are synonymous with the club, because of the role they play in the club: 1 They attract audience to the clubs activity like drama and community development work. 2 They boost the revenue earnings of the club. Because of their presence some men spray more money than they intended and during fund solicitation the women bring more money. 3 They stimulate and activate the energies of men during community development work 4 They introduce innovations into the club; this innovation could be in the form of new plays and cultural dance or certain actions taken by the club which can lead to its retrogation. This is informed by the fact that the women are most mobile and have visited many clubs and watch their performances. 5 Because of their relationship with members of the public who are connected either in business or in government, the women can easily intervene to save the club from police harassment. Bayajidda has 48 women who got married from the club. NATURE/FUNCTION OF "SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND DRAMATIC CLUBS" In a typical formal day at the clubhouse activities commence with the gathering of members of the club and the general public from 4:00 p.m. in the evening. These are often split into groups over indoor games as porker, Judo, dara depending on individual interest. Simultaneously, they share riddles jokes, stories and gossip. They could also be seen sharing cigarettes and colanut. Occasionally a member will perform, in the form of rhyme or poem in which members debate its correctness. Their voices are only withdrawn when the drummers begin to display their drumming skills. They are later joined by club members in cyclical dance and songs until they are replaced at 5.00 p.m. by the club's cultural troupe. The troupe entertains the audience until 5.30 p.m. when a drama sketch is presented usually for 30 to 40 minutes. "Social, Cultural and Dramatic Clubs" are organizations of, until recently, migrants and settlers located in areas poorly endowed with urban amenities like pipe water, electricity and roads, of semi-urban towns. Except Bayajidda whose club houses are built with cement blocks, Bajinta and Tawakaltu are accommodated by mud brick houses. All the clubs have to be accessed by rough road and all rely on well water for their water supply, where the well runs dry they often fall back on water vendors. The various rooms in the club house are linked by a network of broken electricity cables. Clubs are essentially platforms for solidarity for people most marginalised, economically and socially. These are forced to migrate to urban and semi-urban towns in search of first, survival and secondly, to avoid the social stigma and the social demand made on them by their societies. They therefore move to urban settlements to exploit the possibilities for improving survival chances through any sort of income earning work available and to do so behind the heterogeneous cover of urban settlement. Three factors explain the nature of the marginalization of the social clubs economically and socially. First is their earning and accommodation or settlement choice. Members of clubs are made up of the unskilled, semi-skilled and unemployed who have no access to capital of any form. This restricts their job opportunities beyond poorly paid work or low-income business. Besides, these earnings must be shared between the basic needs of feeding, shelter, clothing and their organization's requirement. They are therefore marginalised both in terms of earnings for personal survival and choice of settlements as they have little access to social amenities. Secondly, by 1982 and 1987, the periods which the clubs under study were formed, the Nigerian economy had sunk into deep crisis through a process which started with the disarticulation of the pre-colonial mode of production; that is, the break-up of the peasant and handicraft economy in the colonial period. This process extended to the new colonial period. This period saw the building of indigenous capital through the state-aided primitive capitalist accumulation specifically through projects and programmes in the National Economic Development Plans. This process is fundamental in the crises that characterise Nigerian economy and politics by the 1980s and was therefore responsible for further marginalising the people. Thirdly, an implication of the economic crises of the 1980s is its impact on social organization, especially the family institution. Families that could not survive adjustments collapsed. This fact explains the presence of divorced women in the clubs. In other instances, although this was not confirmed in clubs studied, wives abandoned marriage to seek survival elsewhere. Despite the various fiscal measures adopted to address the Nigerian economy, its degeneration continued to the point of needing a "structural" overhaul. By 1986, the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) was therefore introduced. SAP in essence aimed at cutting down the public sector while boosting the private sector with the hope of developing the productive capacity of the economy to solve the economic problems of unemployment, dependency of the economy, stagflation etc. However, as Kwanashie observed, in the short-run SAP has worsened the economic problems of the country especially the case of unemployment. This is because, as Kwanashie observed further, unemployment was identified only within the context of the capital accumulation process. That is, the issue of employment and therefore, related economic problems identified by SAP, can only be solved by the productive structure of the economy. Thus by 1987 when Bajajidda was formed, the economic and social conditions that necessitated the formation of clubs had not disappeared. "Social, cultural and Dramatic Clubs", while providing the platform for these marginalised Nigerians to solidarise function, also act as tools or social instruments for members to cope with survival through self-help activities. Initially, self-help activities were reduced to aiding members in poor health or under police detention through the members' contributions and dues. As this proved inadequate in meeting the group's needs, other alternatives were formed and as such drama became relevant. Drama was relevant to clubs because it provided the means through which clubs reproduced and understood their reality. Secondly, it was a mediatory instrument between the clubs and the wider society especially through income generation and also through the messages for mutual assistance it stages. Thirdly, drama became the locus on which the group activities were webbed; that is, some germ of organization stated forming around drama. Though drama raised revenue for the club through gate fees in addition to membership dues, total revenue raised was still not enough in meeting the basic objective of self-help for the club members. Ajo therefore played a strong role in this regard. It provided the requisite capital for members to "rehabilitate" themselves from their very poor living conditions. It was at the initial stage predicated on the trust that members would reciprocate financial donations amongst themselves. However, due to the problems of scrams, it developed into a permanent institution with rules evolved to safeguard it. This explain the confidence people now have in it that even non club members also partake in ajo, as is the case in Bayajidda clubs, while in Bajinta ajo is currently the only activity sustaining the club. Ajo therefore not only strengthened members' physical life chances but also consolidated the organization, giving it the base to reflect and expand its activities. Alongside physical survival members could now develop their personal abilities through literacy classes and skills acquisition programmes. This strengthened their self-confidence and their commitment to their clubs. One major function of a social club is the services they provide for the benefit of members of the general public. This, in actuality, could tag their legitimizing activities which emerged as a result of their encounters with both the general public and agencies of government like the police. An encounter with some members of the public is over their musical activity in the night especially during ajo, which often causes noise pollution. This normally leads to the instigation of landlords to revoke space or accommodation rented to clubs as operating centres by the public. Tawakaltu is currently operating from its seventh location while Bajinta is forced to perform its fortnightly ajo in the parking space of Kuta Hotel some distance from its office. Bayajidda is saved this instability because one of its members owned the current clubhouse it operates from. Through community development the club has earned the respect and confidence of members of the public. People now feel confident in taking sanitary complaints to the clubs rather than to the local government. Occasionally police raided clubhouses on the accusation that they harbour criminals, an action defended as necessary whenever there is a strong suspicion. However, no club member has ever been charged in court or convicted by the police on the grounds of crime as a result of the raids. Besides most of the raids and sometimes detention of members are resolved informally often at some financial cost to the clubs. One can safely argue that police raids were in actuality extensions of corrupt practices. These raids are a function of the regime in government. Where an atmosphere of human rights violation and corruption is established by the political regime, the police also extend these practices to their areas of operation and as such clubs are at the receiving end because of their powerlessness. With a new political climate in the country none of the clubs has witnessed raids by the police this year. Rather Bayajidda was visited by police officers on patrol asking them to inform them of any suspicious characters. Politically " Social Cultural and Dramatic Clubs" do not have an articulate conscious ideology with respect to their aims and their approaches. They are primarily conscious of their survival needs and the autonomy to pursue these needs unrestrained. They adopt a strict membership drive so as to purge themselves of criminals and consequently avoid any tampering with their autonomy. They do raise money to secure the release of any member detained by the police or are sick, and are very reluctant to seek redress where their rights are violated because they lack confidence in the justice system. Social clubs are a quiet movement whose members mobilize for changes that bear directly on their survival without necessarily colliding with state power. Perhaps they rely directly on their survival without necessarily colliding with state power. Perhaps they can best be conceptualised as a process in formation. " SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND DRAMATIC CLUBS". AND THEIR INTERACTION WITH GOVERNMENT The local government is the most immediate level of authority where a sustained system of interaction exists between clubs and the government. First of all in terms of concrete activities it is at the local government level that clubs can be seen. Secondly, in terms of engaging their services it is the local government that does so. Even where such services are needed at state level recruiting, this is done by the local government especially during cultural competition. And thirdly, the legal recognition in the form of registration done for clubs is done by the local government. The process involves groups seeking registration as clubs to submit their draft constitution to the Youth Development Officer at their local government. This is to ensure that their objective is in line with the law, and that their activities, during monitoring, conform to their objectives. In most cases (Bajinta and Tawakaltu) their youth development officer ends up producing a final draft of the club's constitution and giving it back to them to print. For registration, they are required to submit an application seeking registration with three copies of the constitution attached in which one copy is kept at the youth development office, the second given to the State Security Services (SSS) and the third to the Ministry of Youth and Sports of their States. In the case of Bayajidda its constitution was produced by the defunct Mass Mobilisation of Social Justice and Economic Reconstruction (MAMSER). A renewal of this registration is done annually. Another area of interaction between Social Clubs and the Local Government is in social development work. Occasionally the clubs are engaged to execute social development services such as clearing of refuse dumps, spraying of insecticide along gutters clearing of blocked drainage, health and environmental campaign. However, the local government does not have a defined policy towards the clubs especially in the area of social development service. Even where clubs have applied for work implements to sustain some of the social services, none has received any positive response to this effect. In addition to this one of the basic problems facing clubs is space allocation to carry out their activities. Tawakaltu has been forced to relocate eight times since inception while Bajinta, after relocating three times this year, has to settle with a venue for its performances separate from its club office. In Zaria Local Government, a Youth Social Centre initially launched for social function was only completed after pressure and assistance from Bajinta. Despite that, after its completion the centre was locked and the key handed over to an Islamic organisation on the condition that anybody seeking usage should apply for it from the group. In the case of Tawakaltu, it has written formal application as well as having lobbied the various local government chairmen for space to build a theatre, but neither has happened since 1994. In Funtua Bayajidda not only applied for space to build a theatre, it has also applied for space to build a Health Centre which budgeted for N70,000 but this has not been given. Deducing from the nature of these interactions between social clubs and government one can say that the government registers the clubs to control, monitor and regulate their activities in conformity with standard and values it approves. Also, in engaging clubs in socials development services as well as encouraging them along these lines in public speeches while at the same time, in concrete terms, denying their independent development along the provisions of such services, government wishes first to reduce social clubs to reserve labour which it uses whenever it requires it and secondly to deny their development as organisations that can provide these services. Perhaps one benefit to those in government for this conduct can be seen with the sanitation exercise for the Junior Word Cup organised by the Zaria Local Government, as narrated by the Youth Development Officer, in which all the clubs in the Local Government participated. It was declared that the local government spent N41.8m for the exercise. In the case of this field trip, Bajinta, the club within this local government, admitted participating in the sanitation exercise but denied given any money for the exercise. The implication of this interaction between government and social club is that the social club tends to withdraw and feel less encouraged in relating with government. They have a distrust for authority and tend to concentrate their activities on members and other obscure places. This withdrawal leaves the processes of governance unengaged.