BDSMUN 2015
Summit On
Disarmament And
Security In The
Middle East
STUDY GUIDE
Akshat Singh
Deputy Secretary General
Arshia Saxena
Secretary General
Diya Shah
Director General
Contents
A Note From The Directors
About The Committee
The Yemeni Conflict
Background
Current Situation
Past UN Action
Bloc Positions
Questions A Resolution Must Answer
Pre-Conference Submissions and Closing Remarks
Position Papers
Closing Remarks
References
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
BDSMUN 2015 !
3
5
5
6
9
12
15
15
16
16
17
17
2
A Note From The Directors
BDSMUN 2015 !
Delegates,
Welcome to the Summit on Disarmament and Security in the Middle East. My name is Kabir
Badiani, it is an honour to be your Chair at the 9th Annual Session of the BD Somani Model United
Nations.
I am in my senior year at BD Somani International School, and I am extremely passionate
about Economics, Politics and Theatre. My intention is to study International Relations as well as
Theatre at university, and MUN has been one of the driving factors in my decision to do so. With
regards to my experience with Model UN, I have been a part of KCMUN 2011, BDSMUN 2012 and
have won Honourable Mention in the SC at BDSMUN 2013 as well as Outstanding Delegate the SC at
SpringMUN 2015 as well as Outstanding Delegate in the SC at HMUN China 2015. I have also chaired
the SC at Junior BDSMUN 2015.
I believe that the way in which MUN can stimulate a real life situation and give each delegate
the power to decide the fate of the world in a matter of three days, truly brings out the intellectual
capability of each delegate, and strengthens each delegate’s awareness, debating capability and most
importantly, understanding of how the international community works.
In the SDSME at BDSMUN 2015, I am expecting an extremely high level of debate that gives
each of you a platform to present the views of, and more importantly, to take responsibility of an
entire country, and I hope that I can stimulate the environment and crises that are required to do so.
Keeping in mind the gravity of the situation in the Middle East, you can be rest assured that the
intensity of debate will constantly be at its peak.
I expect you all to research thoroughly and come to committee extremely prepared to tackle all
the obstacles that are thrown at you, because I can assure you that there will be no room for a lapse in
judgment when you enter the SDSME. Feel free to contact me at sdsme.bdsmun@gmail.com with any
questions. I look forward to seeing you on the 18th of September.
Kabir Badiani,
Director,
Summit on Disarmament and Security in the Middle East,
BD Somani Model United Nations 2015.
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
3
BDSMUN 2015 !
Dear Delegates,
As a 12th grade student of the Cathedral and John Connon School, Mumbai, it is my great
privilege to be called upon by my esteemed colleagues from the BD Somani International School to
guest chair in 2015’s BDSMUN. I will be assisting Kabir Badiani in the Summit on Disarmament and
Security in the Middle East, and look forward to high levels of debate and intense lobbying sessions to
accentuate the overall experience.
My passion for MUN began in the 8th grade, when I won the Best Delegation award with my
co-delegate in my very first MUN, and was fortunate to continue my successful streak in the years to
follow. I have participated in 10 other MUNs, including Harvard Model United Nations, Boston, this
year, where my school won Best International Delegation. I have had the privilege of being an
Assistant Director in Cathedral Model United Nations (CMUN) 2014, and will be Directing the ‘Winter
Palace Conference’ in CMUN 2015. The vast experience that comes from the multitude of conferences
I’ve attended has helped me become well-versed with procedure and the art of controlling a committee,
along with of course, knowing how important it is for a committee to be fast paced and interesting for
all present. Having already sat on the Executive Board twice before this conference commences, I
assure you I will be well equipped with everything that is required of an Executive Board member.
My other interests include acting, public speaking, elocution and I have, of course, the
proverbial addiction to debating. I look forward to delegates being well versed with their policies, the
topic and procedure, and hope that in return I am able to ensure that committee is both fruitful and
entertaining for everyone.
Looking forward to seeing you this September!
Natalia Bilimoria
Co-Director,
Summit on Disarmament and Security in the Middle East,
BD Somani Model United Nations 2015.
Kabir Badiani
Director
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
Natalia Bilimoria
Co-Director
4
About The Committee
BDSMUN 2015 !
The Summit on Disarmament and Security in the Middle East is a specialised body modelled
around the extremely important United Nations’ General Assembly committee, The Disarmament and
International Security, First Committee. The SDSME is a branch of the DISEC, created keeping in
mind the importance of the Middle East in today’s modern world.
Oil, which forms a backbone to most industries in the world, is primarily sourced from Middle
Eastern countries, thus instability in the region is catastrophic to not only the population of the region
but also to the economies of most other nations dependent on oil from the Middle East.
The Middle East is the most militarized region in the
world, with the highest number of arms sales. The region is
fraught with anarchy, religious tensions, unstable governments
and extremism. The rapid advancement of powerful extremist
nations within the region is a cause for concern, as their control is
accentuated by their access to the valuable natural resources in
the region. Apart from the al Qaeda, which has, on numerous
occasions, exploited weaker countries in that region in order to
advance their own objectives, the IS (Islamic State), has now
emerged as a powerful extremist organization, a well-financed and
well-organized off shoot of the al Qaeda, whose goal is to establish a Muslim state in the heart of the
Middle East.
The region remains backward in terms of education, productivity and economic diversification.
Their efforts in educating women and complying with international law are dismal. Thus the Middle
East remains a region, which requires stability in order for extremism to be eradicated and human
rights to be secured.
The Yemeni Conflict
The global conflict in Yemen, which began in 2001 when the Yemeni government began to
fight to terminate the Al-Qaeda cells in their country, has escalated to inconceivable heights over the
past decade. After Al-Qaeda attacks on two of Yemen's greatest allies, Saudi Arabia and United States
of America, the Yemeni government was pressured into acting against the internationally declared
extremist organization. In January 2015, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (IS) declared that it
had troops located in Yemen, escalating not only the competition between the two organizations, but
amplifying the threat to international security.
Furthermore, While Yemen itself does not produce a significant amount of oil, its location on
the border of Saudi Arabia, a massive oil exporter, makes it strategically a sensitive region, and
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
5
BDSMUN 2015 !
instability in Yemen could result in Saudi Arabia being exposed to extremists, thus leading to an
inflation in oil prices, affecting the global economy. Yemen’s ports are located on the import routes of
Western countries, and their location on one of the world’s crucial oil chokepoints makes extremists in
that region even more harmful.
Thus while the Yemen crisis may seem an insignificant spec on first looking, it happens to be one
of the most sensitive cases of strife and human rights abuses. Its impact is global, and as a result it is an
extremely important area of discussion. Delegates must keep in mind the various political, geographical
and social factors while deciding on a course of action in this sensitive case, where national sovereignty
is at stake, along with international safety.
Additionally, the internal conflict in Yemen began in 2011 when a revolution against President
Ali Abdullah Saleh resulted in almost half a decade of continuous rebellions that to this date have not
terminated with the most recent Houthi Rebellion for example, and has now resulted in the diplomatic
involvement of Yemeni allies, United States of America. An amalgamation of these major conflicts
results in a larger, more significant Yemeni Conflict, which is sure to leave no stone unturned with its
complexity and vastness.
Background
The Republic of Yemen is an Arab country located in Southwest Asia. It remains a region in
constant flux, with varied rulers and boundaries. It has been in a state of political crisis since 2011, but
its instability can be traced back to the 1500s, where the Ottomans absorbed part of Yemen into their
empire, only to be expelled soon after, in the 1600s. As Aden, a major city in Yemen, came under
British rule in 1839, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 made the port a major refueling point. The
Ottoman Empire returned to rule North Yemen from 1849 until 1918, when the dissolution of the
Ottoman Empire led to an independent North Yemen, ruled by Imam Yahya.
The assassination of Imam Yahya in 1948 led to a revolt against Feudal rule, only to be quelled
by Yahya’s son Ahmad, who succeeded his father and ruled Yemen until his death in 1962. This led to
army officers seizing power to set up the Yemen Arab Republic, leading to a civil war between the
republicans supported by Egypt and the royalists supported by Saudi Arabia. In 197, the People’s
Republic of Yemen (South Yemen) was formed, comprising of Aden and the former Protectorate of
South Arabia, however it was taken over by Marxists in 1969, and its economic, social and foreign
policies were altered in favor of Soviet tendencies. 1971 and 1972 saw tensions spark in the region as
multiple South Yemen citizens fled to the North and armed groups planned an overthrow, only leading
to border clashes between North and South Yemen, which were settled by the intervention of the Arab
League.
Political strife continued to plague the region as border troubles were accentuated and an earthquake in
1982 killed 3000 citizens. In May 1990, North and South Yemen united to form the Republic of
Yemen, with Ali Abdallah Saleh, previous President of North Yemen, as President of the united
6
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
BDSMUN 2015 !
country. This leads to food riots and coalition governments to be formed in order to create an
egalitarian state which was otherwise accused of marginalizing the South. In 1994, former VicePresident Ali Salim al-Baid declared the independence of Democratic Republic of Yemen, but
northern forces successfully prevented the splitting of the nation once again. In 2001, the period
preceding the municipal polls and referendum, which supported the extension of the Presidential term
and powers, saw a great deal of violence amongst the populous.
The Al-Qaeda started their attacks on Yemen in 2000, when US naval vessel ‘USS Cole’ was
damaged, killing 17, in an al-Qaeda suicide attack in Aden. In 2002, Yemen, in its crackdown on alQaeda, expelled more than 100 foreign Islamic clerics, leading to a retaliation from the al-Qaeda which
attacked the oil supertanker ‘MV Limburg’ in Aden, killing one and injuring twelve, also cost Yemen a
great deal in port revenue.
In June 2004, dissident cleric Hussein al-Houthi led a Shia insurgency in the north, leading to
the death of hundreds, and in September the government announced that its forces had successfully
killed Hussein al-Houthi, which sparked a resurgence of armed conflict between the government’s
forces and the supporters of al-Houthi. In May 2005, President Saleh announced a compromise by
which the rebels would renounce their campaign in the North in return for a pardon and amnesty for
those already arrested for being a part of the rebellion.
September 2006 saw President Saleh win another term in the elections held, but early 2007 once
again saw massacres between the armed forces and the al-Houthi rebels. A ceasefire in June 2007 only
lasted for month, as a suicide bomber attacked a tourist convoy in Marib, killing eight Spaniards and
Yemeni citizens in July, resulting in the ban of demonstrations without a permit across the country, and
the prohibition of carrying firearms in Sana’a. 2008 experienced further clashes between the rebels and
the government forces, as a series of bomb attacks were launched on the police, officials, diplomats,
foreign businesses and tourists, leading to the United Sates’ evacuation of all non-essential personnel,
which was followed by an attack on the US Embassy, killing six assailants and twelve civilians.
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
7
BDSMUN 2015 !
176 al-Qaeda suspects were released in February 2009 on the condition of good behavior. Nine
foreigners were abducted in June 2009, and the Yemeni army launched a fresh offensive against the
Shia rebels in August, displacing thousands of civilians in the process. The rebels attacked the Saudi
Arabian border forces in October 2009 for supposedly supporting the Yemeni government’s counter
attacks, but territory seized from Saudi Arabia after a cross border incursion was regained soon after.
December 2009 saw ‘Underwear bomber’ Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab try and down US
airliner, a failed attempt whose responsibility was claimed by the al-Qaeda. The Yemeni government
requested support from Western countries to combat the extremists’ threats. The government
negotiated a cease fire with the al-Houthi rebels in February 2010, but October 2010 saw matters
worsen as a Global Terror Alert was issued on all packages originating in Yemen after packages
containing explosives were intercepted on cargo planes bound for the US, while domestic siuations
worsened by the return of the al-Houthi rebels who killed 3000 soldiers.
Pro-reform demonstrations began in 2011, and President Saleh promised not to continue his
rule in 2013, or hand over power to his son, but this did not prove o be sufficient for the anarchist
populous, who continued to protest, leading to the declaration of an emergency. This resulted in
continued violence, unrest and deaths, as airports shut down and civilians sought safe haven in other
countries, while Britain and France prepared to evacuate foreigners in the event of a civil war.
The United Nations Security Council passed a resolution in October 2011 condemning the
violence in Yemen and called for a transfer of power, which saw President Saleh step down, handing
over power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, who headed the ‘Unity Government’ containing a
prime minister from the opposition. Although Yemen is said to have asked for $10 billion in the form
of aid to improve infrastructure, security and help overcome the impending food crisis, international
donors pledged $4 billion in this regard. The army successfully recaptured Shuqra, Zinjibar and Jaar,
three al-Qaeda strongholds in the South in June 2012.
March 2013 saw the beginning of the National Dialogue Conference, a forum with the aim of
drafting a new constitution, while the US intensified its drone strikes against the al-Qaeda. The
National Dialogue Conference ended in January 2014, after agreeing on a document upon which the
new constitution will be formed. The presidential panel gave approval for Yemen to become a
federation of six regions as a part of its political transition in February.
July and August of 2014 saw tribesman blow up the country’s largest oil pipeline, and President
Hadi remove his entire cabinet from office and overturn a controversial fuel price rise following antigovernment protests in which Houthi rebels were heavily involved. Houthi rebels took over Yemeni
capital city Sana’a in September 2014, and rejected the draft of the new constitution proposed by the
government, leading to the resignation and subsequent recantation of the resignation by President
Hadi. The UN organized a peace deal according to which Houthi rebels would withdraw their fighters
once a new government is formed, but the Houthi later only agree to a five-member presidential
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
8
BDSMUN 2015 !
council as a replacement to President Hadi. The UNSC denounced this Houthi move and demanded
that negotiation of the power sharing be done under the aegis of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
The Islamic State killed 137 people in March 2015 as their first major attack on Yemen is two
suicide-bombing attacks on Shia mosques. Houthi rebels advance towards South Yemen as a Saudi
Arabia led coalition of Arab states launches air strikes against Shia Houthi rebel targets and imposes
naval blockades, an action condemned by Iran. As civilian casualties mount, the United Nations warns
of the total collapse of Yemen in the near future. June 2015 saw the US led drone strike kill al-Qaeda’s
Yemeni operations leader Nasser al-Wuhayshi.
Thus it is completely apparent that Yemen has been a conflict-inflicted zone for decades, and its
unstable political situation coupled with its precarious geographical situation makes it the ideal target
for extremism. The nation has not experienced any stability or peace for more than a few months, and
its dismal state leaves much to be desired in terms of standard of living and security.
Current Situation
The Yemeni Conflict has escalated to unprecedented levels in recent years. The tussle for power
in Yemen has serious implications for the region and the security of the West. In recent months,
Yemen has descended into major confrontations between several different groups internally, pushing
the country to the edge of a civil war. The most important fight is between forces loyal to the besieged
President, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, and those allied to Zaidi Shia rebels known as Houthis, who
forced Mr Hadi to flee the city of Sanaa in February.
Yemen's security forces have divergent loyalties, where some units backing Mr Hadi, and others
the Houthis and Mr Hadi's predecessor, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has still remained politically
influential, despite no longer being in power. Mr Hadi is also supported in the predominantly Sunni
south of the country by militia and local tribesmen.
Both President Hadi and the Houthis are opposed by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP), which has staged numerous deadly attacks from its strongholds in the south and south-east.
The picture is further complicated by the emergence in late 2014 of a Yemen affiliate of the jihadist
group Islamic State, which seeks to eclipse AQAP and claims it carried out a series of suicide bombings
in Sanaa in March 2015. After rebel forces closed in on the president's southern stronghold of Aden in
late March, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia responded to a request by Mr Hadi to intervene and
launched air strikes on Houthi targets.
What happens in Yemen can greatly pulsate into regional tensions. It also worries the West
because of the threat of attacks that source from the country as it becomes more unstable. Intelligence
agencies across the world consider Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula the most dangerous branch of
al-Qaeda because of its technical expertise and global reach. The US has been carrying out drone
strikes against AQAP in Yemen with President Hadi's co-operation, but the Houthis' advance has
meant the US campaign has been significantly reduced. The conflict between the Houthis and the
9
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
BDSMUN 2015 !
elected government is also seen as part of a regional power struggle between Shia-ruled Iran and
Sunni-ruled Saudi Arabia, which shares a long border with Yemen.
Arab states in the Gulf have accused the Iranian government of backing the Houthis financially
and militarily, and although Iran has denied this, they are themselves backers of President Hadi. Yemen
is strategically important because it sits on the Bab al-Mandab strait, a narrow waterway linking the Red
Sea with the Gulf of Aden, through which much of the world's oil shipments pass. Egypt and Saudi
Arabia fear a Houthi takeover would threaten free passage through the strait.
After months of tightening their hold, the Houthis have formally seized power. In January, the
group said it would dissolve parliament and announced plans for a new interim assembly and fivemember presidential council, which would rule for up to two years.
The move filled a political vacuum which had existed since President Hadi, the prime minister
and cabinet resigned earlier that month after the Houthis placed President Hadi under house arrest and
detained other leading figures.
But the Houthis
are minority Shia from
the north, and their
declaration has not been
recognised by Sunni
tribesmen and southern
leaders, threatening
Yemen with a further
descent into chaos.
President Hadi, who is
recognised as Yemen's
legitimate leader by the
international community, managed to escape to Aden, which he declared the de facto capital.
IS's need continuously to expand is a central feature in its strategy since its blitzkrieg in Iraq and
Syria last year gave it control over vast territory and facilitated the announcement that it is a caliphate.
Viewing itself as the rightful leader of Muslims everywhere and as mandated by God to rule over all
territories once under Muslim control and beyond, IS must spread. Expansion is also a mobilisation
tool for IS. It adds to the myth of Islamic State's inevitability and invincibility that its leaders are trying
to promote.
By building its brand name, IS seeks to convince Muslims to accept its authority and pledge
their allegiance to the self-styled caliph, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. But IS miscalculated. Early victories,
astonishing as they were, reflected the poor state and morale of its opponents in the Iraqi army and the
lack of advanced armament by the Syrian rebels more than the prowess of its own forces.When IS
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
10
BDSMUN 2015 !
pursued the genocide of the Yazidis, threatened Irbil, the capital of the Kurdish autonomous region,
and beheaded American hostages, which forced the United States to intervene.
The American intervention largely stopped IS's advance and, in some locations, even forced IS
forces to retreat after suffering heavy casualties. Moreover, to its dismay, the American assault did little
to make prominent jihadi scholars and rival groups (primarily al-Qaeda) change their minds and pledge
allegiance to al-Baghdadi.
At the same time, the attacks IS suffered have hardly been devastating. The complex conditions
in Iraq and Syria, as well as the American fear of getting bogged down in another ground war in the
Middle East, led an intervention-weary President Barack Obama to adopt a very cautious strategy.
As a result, the US and the mostly symbolic coalition it formed did not make any effort to uproot IS
from its main strongholds, and failed to convince its supporters that the caliphate project is doomed.
Loyal to its slogan "staying and expanding" but unable to continue its expansion in the main
battlefront, Islamic State had to prove its viability and success elsewhere.
In November 2014, it announced that it accepted pledges of allegiance from jihadis in Libya,
Algeria, the Sinai Peninsula, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. As a symbol of its alleged authority, it also
announced the establishment of wilayat (governorates) in these countries. Since the beginning of the
year, IS has also collected oaths of fealty from the former Afghan and Pakistani Taliban and from the
Nigerian Boko Haram militant group, and declared the establishment of wilayats there.
Notwithstanding the fanfare surrounding these announcements, in reality IS's presence and power
outside Iraq and Syria is much more limited.
The stronger groups who joined IS, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis in Sinai and Boko Haram in Nigeria,
are in decline. In the case of the latter, weakness was probably the reason it joined IS, and it is unclear
to what extent it accepts al-Baghdadi's authority.
If IS was indeed responsible for the carnage - the US expressed doubts regarding the veracity
of the claim - it would symbolise its actual entry to the Yemen arena.
The rise of the Shia Houthi's did not reflect sectarianism initially, but the conflict has assumed a much
more pronounced sectarian character since the Houthi's forced President Abdrabnuh Mansour Hadi
out. This is particularly bad news because if Syria is any indication, such a conflict draws in radical
Sunni Islamists and makes compromise extremely difficult to reach.
The Sunni-Shia fault line already strengthened the position of al-Qaeda's Yemeni branch. But
whereas AQAP still listens to the wishes of its tribal allies and acts with some restraint (it quickly
denied responsibility for the mosques' bombing), the introduction of Islamic State would lead to
further radicalisation of the conflict and rise in indiscriminate violence.
Beyond Yemen, the Sanaa bombings underscore how the American strategy against Islamic
State is lacking. The US is not degrading IS fast enough to stop its expansion, and it does not appear to
have a plan for confronting IS branches in Sinai, Libya, West Africa, and now Yemen. In taking its time
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
11
BDSMUN 2015 !
to address a quickly expanding threat, the US not only risks further turmoil in the Middle East and
Africa, but also makes attacks by IS members in the West more likely.
In recent years, Yemen has seen violent conflicts largely caused by underlying problems of unequal
access to power and resources.
There have been six rounds of fighting between the state and the Houthi's in the north; separatist
unrest in the south; frequent attacks by AQAP; and power struggles between tribal and military
factions.
For much of the 20th Century, Yemen existed as two separate countries - the Yemen Arab
Republic (YAR) in the north and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) in the south. In
1990, the countries chose to unify and create the Republic of Yemen. However, southerners soon
began complaining of political and economic marginalisation by the government in Sanaa, and fought a
civil war in 1994 in a failed attempt to reverse the unification.
Instability and large-scale displacement, as well as weak governance, corruption, resource
depletion and poor infrastructure, have hindered development in the poorest country in the Middle
East. Unemployment, high food prices and limited social services mean more than 10 million Yemenis
are believed to be food insecure.
Past UN Action
In a letter written in March 2015, President Hadi requested a resolution authorising immediate
support for "the legitimate authority by all means" against the advancing rebels.
On the following Tuesday, the rebels reportedly seized two key towns in the south. They took full
control of Sanaa in January, putting Mr Hadi under house arrest and declaring that a five-member
"presidential council" would rule the country. Recent developments had raised fears that regional rivals
Iran and Saudi Arabia could be drawn into the conflict. On Tuesday, Saudi Arabia moved its heavy
military equipment to areas near its border with Yemen, US officials were quoted as saying by the
Reuters news agency.
In the letter, President Hadi asked the UN Security Council to authorise "willing countries that
wish to help Yemen to provide immediate support for the legitimate authority by all means and
measures to protect Yemen and deter the Houthi aggression".
"All our efforts for peaceful settlement have encountered absolute rejection by the Houthi's
who continue their aggression to subdue the rest of the regions out of their control”. The president
earlier called on the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) and the Arab League to intervene. The letter
came just hours after the rebels and soldiers loyal to Mr Hadi's ousted predecessor, Ali Abdullah Saleh,
reportedly entered the provincial capital of Dhalea and the Red Sea port of Mukha on Tuesday. ProHouthi troops also killed at least four people protesting in and around the third city of Taizz, medics
said.
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
12
On June
25th,
BDSMUN 2015 !
2015, the United Nations humanitarian arm announced it would provide a
“critical injection of emergency funding in order to accelerate relief efforts to war-trapped civilians in
Yemen”. According to an announcement made by the UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), “$25 million will be released from the UN Central Emergency
Response Fund (CERF) in order to support lifesaving projects including the provision of fuel,
medicine, emergency supplies, clean water, sanitation services and nutrition programmes to Yemenis in
need”.
According to a recent joint survey released by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO) and the World Food Programme (WFP), “six million people in Yemen are slipping towards
severe hunger and now need emergency food and life-saving assistance, a sharp increase from the last
quarter of 2014. In addition to the population facing a food security 'emergency,' over 6.5 million
people are classified as facing a food insecurity security 'crisis.’” “Meanwhile”, the study added, “10 out
of Yemen's 22 govern-orates are now classified as facing food insecurity at 'emergency' level. Millions
more are highly vulnerable and could easily fall into emergency levels unless there is a dramatic
improvement in the availability and access to food at prices that most people can afford.”
The World Health Organization was able to dispatch almost 48 tonnes of medicine into the
country during the five-day ceasefire in the early periods of May 2015, which served almost 400,000
people.
On April 14th, 2015, The Security Council demanded that “all parties in the embattled country,
in particular the Houthi's, immediately and unconditionally end violence and refrain from further
unilateral actions that threatened the political transition.” The Security Council also said that imposing
sanctions on individuals were undermining the stability of Yemen. Adopting resolution 2216 (2015) by
14 affirmative votes to none against, with one abstention (Russian Federation), the Council also
demanded that “the Houthi's withdraw from all areas seized during the latest conflict, relinquish arms
seized from military and security institutions, cease all actions falling exclusively within the authority of
the legitimate Government of Yemen and fully implement previous Council resolutions.”
Also welcoming the adoption, the representative of Yemen described it as a “tangible
demonstration of the seriousness of the international community’s support for his people’s effort to
restore peace, rule of law and democracy.” He said that “while the Yemeni Government and other
parties were finalising a comprehensive peace framework, opposition forces had mounted a coup d’état,
threatening the social fabric and cohesion of the Yemeni people.” He “applauded the response of the
Gulf Cooperation Council to the crisis as consistent with the imperative of preserving Yemen’s
Constitution and rebuffing Iran’s designs.”
Imposing sanctions on individuals it said were undermining the stability of Yemen, the Security
Council today demanded that all parties in the embattled country, in particular the Houthi's,
immediately and unconditionally end violence and refrain from further unilateral actions that
threatened the political transition.
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
13
BDSMUN 2015 !
The Security Council also demanded that the Houthi's, withdraw from all areas seized during
the latest conflict, relinquish arms seized from military and security institutions, cease all actions falling
exclusively within the authority of the legitimate Government of Yemen and fully implement previous
Council resolutions.
Acting under chapter VII of Charter, the body also called upon the Houthi's to refrain from
any provocations or threats to neighbouring States, release the Minister for Defence, all political
prisoners and individuals under house arrest or arbitrarily detained, and end the recruitment of
children.
Imposing sanctions, including a general assets freeze, travel ban and arms embargo, on Abdulmalik alHouthi, who it called the Houthi leader, and Ahmed Ali Abdullah Saleh, son of the president who
stepped down in 2011, the resolution called upon all Yemeni parties to abide by the Gulf Cooperation
Council and other initiatives and to resume the United Nations-brokered political transition.
Reaffirming the need for all parties to ensure the safety of civilians, the Council called on
parties to facilitate the evacuation by concerned States and international organizations of their civilians
and personnel from Yemen. The resolution requested the Secretary-General to report on the
implementation of the resolution within 10 days.
Explaining his delegation’s decision to abstain, the representative of the Russian Federation said
the text failed to take into account proposals his country had made, refused to call on all sides to halt
fire and lacked clarity on a humanitarian pause. There were inappropriate references to sanctions, he
added, stating that resolution must not result in an escalation of the crisis.
The representative of Jordan, Council President for April, said, however, that the adoption of
the resolution under Chapter VII was a clear and firm signal to the Houthi's and all those supporting
them to comply with their obligations. Stressing the regional ramifications of the escalating conflict,
she stated that the Council was prepared to consider any additional measures required.
The Council had for months demanded that the parties in Yemen proceed with the agreed
upon political transition, the representative of the United States recalled. In response, however, the
Houthi's had intensified their military actions, threatening the country’s and region’s security. For that
reason, she strongly supported the resolution, which provided a general asset freeze and travel ban on
spoilers.
Also welcoming the adoption, the representative of Yemen described it as a tangible
demonstration of the seriousness of the international community’s support for his people’s effort to
restore peace, rule of law and democracy. He said that while the Yemeni Government and other
parties were finalising a comprehensive peace framework, opposition forces had mounted a coup d’état,
threatening the social fabric and cohesion of the Yemeni people. He applauded the response of the
Gulf Cooperation Council to the crisis as consistent with the imperative of preserving Yemen’s
Constitution and rebuffing Iran’s designs.
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
14
Bloc Positions
BDSMUN 2015 !
The complex and multifaceted nature of the Yemeni Conflict results in countries from across
the world being influenced, thus involved and eager to, in some way, impact proceedings in the conflict
stricken state. Nations in and around the Middle East that have been affected drastically would be
inclined to increase counter terrorism and border security by domestic and international forces. The
Yemeni government will be eager to eliminate all traces of threats from the AQAP and more recently,
the IS, however, whether or not the Yemeni government is open to international assistance with regards
to the internal conflicts and revolutions is another matter.
USA, one of Yemen’s major allies, has not got involved solely to aid Yemen, but to fulfil the
Global War on Terror that the government has implemented for over a decade. Saudi Arabia, however,
also one of the countries with major involvement, sees the conflict being terminated as one of it’s
priorities, and has created a 10-state coalition to end the Houthi rebellion, including Bahrain, Qatar,
Kuwait, UAE, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Sudan, and Pakistan. Certain states resent Western influence in
the Eastern hemisphere, whether it reduces the risk of an escalation in the Yemeni Conflict or not.
States with a strong commitment to national sovereignty and a general opposition to interventionism
may push for an Yemeni future with as little Western influence as possible. Remember that states that
disagree on many issues may still collaborate on resolutions when they have mutual interests. Thus it is
possible for two states that differ in stances on multiple issues to still prepare a resolution together
provided both policies agree on that particular issue.
Questions A Resolution Must Answer
• How will Yemen’s borders be secured effectively without an imposition on national
sovereignty, while ensuring that neighbouring countries remain secure from breaches?
• What form of government should Yemen adopt, and how should it be elected/selected?
• How will the al-Qaeda presence in Yemen be combated?
• How will the Houthi insurgency, which has not been resolved for years, be taken care of
to ensure permanent peace in the region?
• Is the Gulf State’s intervention in Yemen a permanent solution, and how will the
repercussions of such an intervention be dealt with?
• How will the Islamic State’s attacks be kept under control?
• Are the US drone attacks going to remain unmonitored by international bodies?
• How will the food crisis in Yemen be combated effectively, given the dangerous
surroundings of the region?
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
15
BDSMUN 2015 !
• How will peace be implemented and then sustained in the state?
• How will the Houthi's be integrated into the decision making structures in the state?
• Will fuel remain un-subsidized or will mild subsidies be introduced?
• Is Iran’s claimed ‘support’ of the Houthi’s proven, and if so will Iran be sanctioned for
supporting rebellious groups?
Pre-Conference Submissions and Closing Remarks
Position Papers
Although the study guide is detailed, more research is required before coming into committee.
All Delegates must be prepared with all of their research in order to have fruitful debate, and thus,
Position Papers are a mandator y requirement. T he document must be sent to
sdsme.bdsmun@gmail.com latest by the 1st of September. Any Position Papers submitted after the 1st
of September will not be acknowledged, and will result in a reduced chance of an award for the
delegate.
Each position paper should be one and a half pages, single-spaced, twelve-point Times New
Roman font (approximately 750 words). Your names, country name, school, and topic area should be in
the upper right hand corner. The paper should be outlined in three paragraphs. The first two
paragraphs should make up about half of the paper; the third and final paragraph should make up the
remainder, and bulk, of your paper. These paragraphs are in a logical procession, and each paragraph
should build analytically on the last.
The first paragraph should consist of your country’s experience or particular connection to the
topic. For instance, how has your country been affected by recent climate changes and infectious
diseases? Is your nation in a particularly vulnerable position going forward, or surrounded by vulnerable
countries?
The second paragraph should discuss your nation’s policy on the issues, as supported by
relevant national documents. This differs from the first paragraph because it should also include a short
description of agreements, statements, and lessons learned from your history and choices in the past.
You should also discuss your current diplomatic arrangements with relevant nations in this paragraph.
Research for this paragraph could include speeches given by heads of state or ambassadors, or national
studies and policy statements.
The third, final, and most important paragraph is your country’s plan going forward. Given
your history and your policy going forward, what does your country believe is the best course of action
to pursue? This should be a unique mixture of international work and your country’s personal past and
experiences. For example, given risk factors and past experiences, what is the most logical and effective
way to address disease risks?
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
16
Closing Remarks
BDSMUN 2015 !
I would like to reemphasise that this guide is a merely a starting point. While I have tried to
include as much key information as possible to maximise your ability to participate in committee, there
is still important work to be done if you are to truly advocate for your country’s best interests. First of
all, it is imperative that you go on to study your country’s policies in depth. The better you understand
your country’s interests, its allies, its needs, and its capabilities, the more convincingly you will be able to
argue on behalf of your country and its people. Remember, the United Nations is built on the principle
of one nation, one vote, so every country’s opinion is valued and essential to debate.
Once again, I look forward to seeing you all in committee, and I hope that you will be able to
stand for your country’s foreign policy, but more importantly, let your voice be heard amongst what I
hope will be a room full of excellent debaters.
References
http://www.globalissues.org/issue/103/middle-east
http://www.forbes.com/sites/billgreiner/2014/06/16/instability-in-the-middle-east-and-itsglobal-impact/
http://www.iags.org/luft_dependence_on_middle_east_energy.pdf
http://www.businessinsider.in/War-in-Yemen-could-threaten-one-of-the-worlds-mostimportant-oil-chokepoints/articleshow/46706036.cms
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14704951
http://www.un.org/press/en/2015/sc11859.doc.htm
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=51243
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=51249#.VZlAgWAXi9p
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/04/11/yemen-war-sectarianviolence_n_7019210.html?ir=India&adsSiteOverride=in
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29319423
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-31998682
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-32045984
Summit On Disarmament and Security In The Middle East
17