HATSHEPSUT
Queen
Princess to
to
Co-Ruler
Dorman
Peter F.
The
only existing records of Hatshepsut*s childhood and
the years she spent as princess at the royal court are those
that she herself
had inscribed on the temples
Deir
at
el-
Bahri and Karnak during her later kingship. These accounts are
couched
terms that patently emphasize her mythical descent
in
from the Theban god Amun-Re and her oracular
still
monarch;
a girl, as future
their intention
become pharaoh from
retroactively
having been divinely sanc-
to present the erstwhile princess as
tioned to
selection, while
is
the time of her girlhood.
searches in vain for contemporary references to
One
Princess
Hatshepsut recorded during the reign of her father, Thutmose
would not expect her
In fact, one
mature deaths
who came to
With
—
to inherit the throne before her, until their pre-
not to mention a third, also
the throne
when
the few
titles
monuments
lar quartzite
who was both
that can
A
be dated to her tenure as chief queen
any unusual
status or wielded
tomb, impressive enough for the time,
it
does not seem to have been finished.^
sarcophagus inscribed with her queenly
Up
to this point there
of queen. But Thutmose
II
two or three years old
—
also
a
A rectangu-
titles
was
political role
dis-
that
who
Thutmose
asserts in his
Hatshepsut,
on the throne a son perhaps
named Thutmose
minor queen named
—born
Isis.^
to
him not
The unusual
tomb biography
that after the death
of
II,
facing
queen. Early i8th Dynasty
his son stood in his place as
King of the Two Landsy having
assumed the
the throne
while his
ofthe
rulership
sister,
upon
of the one who begat him,
the God's Wife, Hatshepsut,
country, the
Two Lands being in
Curiously, nowhere does Ineni state the
Instead, he
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and Rijksmuseum van
Oudheden, Leiden
Aswan showing Senenmut
appears with the traditional regalia of a
just
Opposite: Fig. 36. Hatshepsut. Detail of a lifesize granite statue, early i8th
Dynasty.
who
than that
nature of this royal succession was alluded to by the architect
Ineni,
Fig. 37. Graffito at
seems to have died unexpectedly only
into his reign,'^ leaving
by Hatshepsut but by
Theban
were no intimations
Hatshepsut was destined to play a greater
few years
Amun, but
for her in the isolated southern cHffs of the
covered inside.
a
her half
Hatshepsut acquired the normal
that she then held
extraordinary power.''
mountain, but
II,
Great King's Wife and God*s Wife of
do not suggest
was prepared
named Thutmose,
their father died.'
Thutmose
the accession of
brother and her husband,
queenly
be prominently featured,
two of her brothers, Amenmose and
since at that time at least
Wadjmose, stood
to
I.
(see cat. no. 95)
makes
by virtue of her
King's Mother
it
managed the
name of the new pharaoh.
perfectly clear that Hatshepsut
roles as chief queen
—was
the prime
and
affairs
her care!'
—
apparently
God 's Wife rather than as
mover in governmental
affairs.
87
consort and pharaoh.'° Another offering depiction, from a limestone
chapel at Karnak, presents a
more
explicit
amalgam of female and
kingly attributes, with Hatshepsut garbed in the usual tight-fitting
robe but wearing a regal plumed crown with ram's horns, and
her cartouches preceded by the
Egypt, and Mistress of Ritual
acquires kingly
titles
King of Upper and Lower
titles
38)." It
(fig.
and crowns
is
at this point,
(as at least
queen had done previously), that Hatshepsut 's kingship
to begin. Yet the visual
when
she
one other Egyptian
may be said
and textual incongruities of such an offering
scene must have been striking to the literate observer. Indeed, there
evidence that in the later years of her co-regency, Hatshepsut had
is
several such scenes recarved to eliminate the queenly features
and
replace her female image with the male one of her later persona.'^
Another curious iconographic measure was attempted
at the
temple of Buhen in Nubia, which was decorated jointly by
Hatshepsut and the young Thutmose
sanctuary, Hatshepsut
is
shown
still
On
III.
garbed in a long dress but
adopting the wide striding stance of a male, as
gown had become elastic (see fig.
Thutmose
2),'^
Since at
if
the
hem of her
Buhen the deceased
was venerated together with the
II
the walls of the
local god,
Horus,
Hatshepsut had not yet given up the active celebration of her husFig
38.
Hatshepsut dressed as a
woman and wearing a plumed crown with
ram's
band 's memory; but
horns. Block from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak, Thebes, early i8th Dynasty.
that
was soon
Probably by the seventh regnal year of Thutmose
Quartzite
sentations of Hatshepsut had
so
a
During the early years of her regency, Hatshepsut had herself
portrayed in the traditional garb of a queen, often grasping the
God's Wife of Amun,
distinctive insignia of the
engraved by Senenmut
at
as in the graffito
Aswan, which commemorates the
port of two obelisks to Karnak at her behest
temple of Semna in Nubia, Thutmose
III, as
(fig.
trans-
37)7 At the
reigning king, was
depicted as the donor of the renewed temple offerings, but
Hatshepsut was portrayed
at
one
accompanied by her queenly
pains to sanctify the
granite statue of
side,
wearing her long gown and
In this period she also took
titles.^
memory of her recendy
Thutmose
Khnum
II,
found
at
deceased husband; a
Elephantine and intended
shows him
to change.
many of her
III,'"*
repre-
assumed the masculine form seen
in
royal monuments. In laying claim to the throne as
"male" pharaoh, however, she was forced to
alter the basis
of
her legitimacy.'^ Ignoring the inconvenient facts of her marriage
to
Thutmose
II
and her former career as queen, she contrived
instead an elaborate
signaled
mythology of her predestination, supposedly
by an oracular event during her
by her miraculous
her father, Thutmose
Bahri, while
ished from sight.
in
I
now to be based on direct descent from
was
Thutmose
From
male form and ruled
partner to the younger
II,
and
Theban god Amun-Re.'^
birth through the
Since her right to rule was
father's reign
glorified at her
own temple
the father of her
own
Deir
el-
Hatshepsut was represented
this point on,
as a pharaoh, a fully equal
Thutmose
in
co-regent, van-
III.
and even senior
But she never attempted to
and
obscure her female essence; her inscriptions consistently employ
bears a dedicatory inscription from Hatshepsut "for her brother."^
the feminine gender, maintaining the tension between male and
for the temple of
But
it
there,
in a jubilee cloak
seems clear that Hatshepsut 's control over the mechanics
of government, hers by default since the death of her husband,
eventually required ideological expression as well, and relatively
early
on she devised a prenomen for
coronation name: Maatkare.
the ka of Re,"
life
its first
chief queen's
of a
complete sentence, "Maat
is
all
her representations.
Thus Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis
into a "male"
place gradually, over a period of years, and
of exploratory phases.
The extended
belies the pretense that her kingship
pharaoh took
went through a
series
transitional period itself
had been preordained.
meaning "The proper manifestation of the sun's
Hatshepsut 's assertion of male kingship was not a usurpation of
prenomen, enclosed within a cartouche, was
royal power, which in any case she had wielded from the death of
force.") This
used on
(It is a
herself, the equivalent
female elements evident in almost
appearance in conjunction with the quintessential
title
God's Wife, while Hatshepsut was represented
in
queenly regalia and female costume
88
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
— an odd
confluence of
Thutmose
II. It
should rather be viewed as the end result of an
unprecedented experiment in which the possibility was explored
that a female sovereign could ascend the
Egyptian throne.'^
I.
For the genealogical interrelationships of the early Thutmoside family, see
Wente
Amenmose was named crown prince in year 4 of
and Wadjmose was accorded his own mortuary chapel in western
1980, pp. 129—31.
his father,
7.
Habachi 1957, pp. 92-96.
8.
Caminos
Thebes, for which see Lecuyot and Loyrette 1995 and Lecuyot and Loyrette
As deceased members of the
1996.
structed
royal family, both princes remained local
9.
cult figures.
2-
10.
For example, Hatshepsut
is
shown
in a
secondary place, behind Thutmose
and the queen "mother," Ahmose, on Berlin
pp. 255-57, pi. 34.
The
questioned in C. Goedicke and Krauss 1998.
Wildung
The title God's Wife of Amun,
connected with the cult of Amun, was
this depiction, see
Gardiner, Peet, and Gerny 1952-55, no. 177,
and prenomen, see Urkunden
12.
Gabolde and Rondot 1996.
p. 172, pi. iv.
For example, see Caminos 1974,
14.
For the date, see Hayes 1957, pp. 78-80,
81, fig.
when
15.
An early sign of this shift may be seen in
Senenmut's shrine
the
office
held considerable economic and political significance.
title
An inaccessible location
Carter 191 7.
such as this was typical of interments
minor queens of Thutmose
Catharine H. Roehrig's "The
III, for
which see Lilyquist 2003. See
el-Silsila,
Two Tombs of Hatshepsut"
Urkunden
4, pp.
59-60; see also Dziobek 1992,
16.
where Hatshepsut
Caminos and James
vol. 2, pis. 74, 82.
calls herself the
at
Gebel
"King*s First-Born Daughter";
at the
Chapelle Rouge
at
Karnak (Lacau
in the divine-birth reliefs at
her Deir el-Bahri temple (Naville 1894-1908,
1990.
i.
1963, pi. 40.
These events are represented
and Chevrier 1977—79, pp. 97—153) and
in chapter 3.
On the age of Thutmose II, see Gabolde 1987b; and von Beckerath
On the age of Thutmose III at this point, see Dorman 2005.
6.
see
also
pi. LVi;
4, p. 34; see
Dorman 2005.
Chevrier 1934,
13.
three
5.
depiction of
can be recon-
the basis of the extant traces.
11.
prepared for queens of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, such as the tomb of
4.
For
also
1974,
it
ordinarily given to major queens in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, a time
connoting a female priestly
3.
stela 15699; see
on
The
Dreyer 1984.
for a textual occurrence of titles
II
authenticity of the stela, however, has recently been
1998, pi. 42; see also Urkunden 4, pp. 201—2.
Hatshepsut has been entirely erased and recarved, but
pt. 2, pis.
xlvii-lv),
respectively.
pis. 34, 63.
17.
On this subject, see also Ann Macy Roth's essay in chapter
i.
Relief Depicting
38,
Thutmose
II
Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose
II (r.
1492—
1479 B.C.)
Limestone
H. 107
cm
W.
(42/8 in.),
109
cm {^^2%
in.)
Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor
During the Eighteenth Dynasty, each successive ruler
added
a structure of
great temple of
Amun
at
some
sort to the
Karnak. Kings
fre-
quently chose to have a courtyard and a huge
gateway, or pylon, built in front of the existing
temple complex, thus creating a
entrance.
new
principal
Between 1957 and 1964, restoration
work was done on what
is
now
called the
temple's Third Pylon.' This gateway was constructed
by Amenhotep HI
(r.
1390—1352
and CO -ruler, Thutmose
Amenhotep's
architects
structures built
by
III.
B.C.),
nephew
the great-grandson of Hatshesput*s
For the foundation,
had used blocks from
earlier kings.
Among
were several limestone blocks from a
these
festival
court built about a century earlier in the same
area
by Hatshepsut 's husband, Thutmose
The block on which
\\.^
this relief is
carved was
removed from the foundation of
the Third
Pylon during the winter of 1957-58.
It
had
originally been part of the southern face of the
38
northern entrance into the festival court built
by Thutmose
presenting
who
is
right
hand
nw
H.^
The king
is
shown kneeling,
jars (libation vessels) to
With
Amun,
king
is
identified as
"Aakheperenre Thutmose-
Protector-of-Re," which
is
written in the car-
This image of a kneeling king offering nw
jars is
repeated in the colossal statues of Hatshepsut (see
extended
touches above him, and by his Horus name,
cat. nos. 91, 92),
and
"Forceful Bull of Powerful Strength," which
tated that in the statues the king's hands, held
was (dominion) hieroglyphs to Thutmose. The
appears in the rectangular device behind him.
aloft in the relief, are
seated at the right.
Amun holds
his
out the ankh
(life)
but the weight of the stone dic-
shown
resting
on her knees.
PRINCESS TO QUEEN TO CO-RULER
THE JOINT REIGN OF HATSHEPSUT AND
THUTMOSE
III
Cathleen A. Keller
Our
information regarding the chronology and events of
the regency period, before Hatshepsut completed her
transformation into king of Egypt/
is
limited to a
few
Indeed, on
monuments of
the time they frequently appear
together as twin male rulers distinguished only by position
(Hatshepsut usually takes precedence, as in
fig.
41) or, occasion-
common sys-
dated sources and a somewhat larger number of undated ones.
ally,
The
tem of dating (both using the regnal years of Thutmose
latter sources are assigned this
time span by virtue of their
by
regalia (see cat. no. 48).^
number of officials known
choice of names for Hatshepsut (Hatshepsut rather than Maatkare)
a
and
continued in power
titles
(queenly rather than those used only to refer to reigning
kings),
and the manner of her depiction
dress).
A scholarly consensus has developed that by regnal year 7,^
(in
female rather than male
when her first known datable use of royal titulary occurred, a critical
stage in Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis had been reached.
tion of male
what
costume and
later. ^ It
attitudes appears to
have taken place some-
was, however, fully developed by the time she began
the decoration of her temple at Deir el-Bahri,
had
Her adop-
started in regnal year 7,^
and persisted
whose construction
until the last dated refer-
who have
to
They
also shared a
III),^
and
have served during the co-regency
when Thutmose
III
reigned alone.^ Historians
envisaged a government divided into isolationalist
(Hatshepsut) and expansionist (Thutmose
III) factions
probably
miss the mark.'° Although the joint reign did not see the extensive
Thutmose
military activity that characterized the sole reign of
there
is
evidence that Hatshepsut
may have
Nubia; moreover, her imperiaUst rhetoric
male
rulers."
The
joint reign was,
single
is
led a
III,
campaign into
consistent with that of
best-known foreign expedition of the
however, not a military venture but the royally
ence to her as king in regnal year 20 J There was no mention of
sponsored voyage to the exotic land of Punt, undertaken to obtain
when Thutmose III embarked on his Megiddo campaign
incense and other costly and precious materials for the cult of
Hatshepsut
late in
year 22, which thus marks the
latest possible date for the
end
The approximately
Amun-Re
at
Karnak.'^'The expedition was depicted in extenso on
the southern portion of the middle portico of her Deir el-Bahri
of the joint reign.*^
fifteen-year period in
effectively shared the throne of
which the two
Egypt has yielded
little
rulers
evidence
of rivalry between the two kings or their respective courts.
temple,'^ adjacent to the rebuilt chapel of Hathor,
associated with foreign lands. Its successful return
early in the joint reign.
is
Many historians have placed
Fig. 41. Hatshepsut
whose
as identical
from the Chapelle Rouge,
Karnak, Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. Quartzite
96
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
9,
Hatshepsut 's
and Thutmose shown
kings. Detail of a block
cult is
dated to year
celebration of a Sed festival
—
powers
however, the evidence that
—
in regnal year i6;
actually took place
And
event
joint reign's building
program were
although our knowledge of Thutmoside con-
struction projects in the north of the country
is
meager,
dence that Hatshepsut's architects were active
el-Silsila,
at
we have evi-
numerous
sites in
Kom Ombo, Hierakonpolis/El-
the Nile valley proper (Elephantine,
Kab, Gebel
this
not conclusive.'^
is
The accomplishments of the
prodigious.'^
a ritual renewing the king's royal
Meir [Cusae], Batn el-Baqqara and Speos
Artemidos, Hermopolis, and Armant'^), as well as in Nubia'^ and the
Sinai.
However,
it
was
in the
Theban
area that the core of her
building program was centered, with projects undertaken on both
the Nile 's west
bank (Medinet Habu, Deir
of the Kings'9) and
east
its
bank
el-Bahri,
and the Valley
(the temples of Karnak^""
and Luxor,
along with their processional connection""'). At Karnak, in particular,
The Chapelle Rouge,
Fig. 42.
and
a shrine built
by Hatshepsut in
the early i8th
Dynasty
now reconstructed in the Karnak Open- Air Museum, Luxor
Hatshepsut continued the conversion of the temple, founded by
Senwosret
I (r.
19 18—1875 ^'^') early in the
expanded by Amenhotep
I
and by her
Middle Kingdom and
father,
Thutmose
I,
turning
come, so that "those
the respectable but not spectacular complex into a true national
what
shrine and in the process confirming the dynasty's, not to mention
will say:
her own, association with the god
Amun-Re.
Hatshepsut's constructions at Karnak reshaped the heart of the
joint reign
was
considered the southern counterpart of Heliopolis, the cult center
To
the earlier part of the joint reign belong
her erection of a pair of obelisks quarried by Thutmose IP^ and
her fabrication of a small limestone
structions
axis
at
were
a
shrine.^"^
monumental entrance
Deir el-Bahri" by Dieter Arnold
to the
and the Palace of Maat,""^
still
42), to
to the southern (royal)
two
pairs of
new complex giving
entrance
in chapter 3),
Kingdom
now known
sanctuary,
as the Chapelle
it is
detail here,
be mentioned.
some
'How like her it is,
adoption of kingly attributes.
scrutiny.5^
exaggeration, but instead
to offer to her father (Amun)'!"^'
we remain unsure of
naked (and unnatural)
is
Its
the reason for Hatshepsut's
attribution
political
That serious internal
by
earlier scholars to
ambition does not stand up to
developments made
political
it
necessary for her to continue as co-ruler until Thutmose could
assume sole rule has been suggested more
supporting
that sets
tory
it
is its
more
this thesis is scanty.^^
One
recently, but evidence
aspect of this co-regency
from other periods of joint rule
apart
in
Egyptian his-
sheer length,^^ which the ancient Egyptians, being no
prescient than ourselves, could not have foretold.
that existing artistic conventions
made
it
difficult to
It
may be
depict a
female co-regent taking precedence over her male counterpart,
eventually prompting Hatshepsut's adoption of kingly regalia
even in the absence of any
points of commonality in the corpus should
tradition, seen in the rebuilding
will hear these things will not say that
which
not possible to treat Hatshepsut's monuments in
First, there is the
who
my inscriptions)
Rouge
house the portable barque of Amun.""^
Although
any
a
extant portion of the Middle
included a quartzite shrine,
(fig.
Among her later con-
of Karnak (the Eighth Pylon; see "The Temple of Hatshepsut
obelisks,
have said (in
In the end
Middle Kingdom temple, which by the time of the
of the sun god Re.^^
I
emphasis on the restoration of
of deteriorated structures, such as
cerns.^'
specific political or diplomatic
con-
Equally obscure are the reasons for the damnatio memoriae
inflicted
upon her by her former co-regent some twenty years
after the period
of joint
rule.^*^
This was surely too long a time for
Hatshepsut's youthful co-regent to have waited,
if
simmering
the temple of Hathor at Cusae and the "heart" of the temple of
resentment were his motivation, before embarking upon the task
Amun-Re
of defacing her monuments and destroying her images.
at Karnak.""^ It is
festival calendars
evident also in the recalibration of the
and the reinstitution of cultic and
festival cele-
brations, following a period of what Hatshepsut describes as igno-
rance of religious
matters.""^
Second
is
the concentration
on the
of Thebes, the dynastic and theological seat of the royal family.
Here
is
wherein
concretized the theme of royal and divine reciprocity,
Amun rewards the king with legitimacy and prosperity in
exchange for "the beautiful flourishing
Finally, there
is
efficient
monuments."''^
surely Hatshepsut's desire to accomplish things so
truly unique^° that they
1.
would amaze even generations yet
to
For the period of the regency, see "Hatshepsut: Princess to Queen to
Co-Ruler" by Peter
site
F.
Dorman earlier in this chapter and Dorman 2005.
Dorman 2005.
1988, pp. 18-45,
Dorman
2.
See conveniendy
3.
Dorman
2005; note in particular Gabolde and
4.
Winlock
1942, pp. 133—34;
Hayes
Rondot
1996.
1957, pp. 78—80.
5.
Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 152-53, no. 181,
6.
For a summary discussion of this argument, see
7.
On stelae from Sinai (Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952—55, pp.
179, 181, 184, pis. LVii, LViii)
pi.
Lvn.
Dorman 2005.
150—54, nos. 174a,
and on the exterior of the Chapelle Rouge
Karnak (Lacau and Chevrier 1977-79, pis.
at
7, 9).
THE JOINT REIGN
97
8.
For the most recent chronology of the
9.
See Dziobek 1995, pp. 132-34, and "The Royal Court," below.
0.
Wilson
L
Redford 1967,
cited in
1951, pp.
For the campaigns of Thutmose
Nubian campaign, see Habachi
the
see
III,
at
engagement {Urkunden
The precise
11.
Even
less likely to
III
is
Sed
a
Karnak.
16 jubilee
25.
founded upon two separate
is
that
from "regnal year
dedicating the obelisks to
Amun,
essay,
4, p.
down
15 II Peret i,"
367,
11.
p. 359)
3-4).
The
is
27.
Khnum temples,
Amenhotep
III in his
temple of Montu in
For die obelisks of Hatshepsut
1993.
at
list
Our knowledge of
of monuments and
no— 11;
1971, pp.
in years 15—16 (Barguet 1962,
on axis
a second, larger pair stood
Gabolde 2003,
p. 421).
east
of
For the Palace of
The Chapelle Rouge was
"The Place of the Heart of Amun" (Nims
called
Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79; Graindorge 1993; Carlotti
The shrine's decoration remained unfinished
It
was
largely completed subsequently, but
at
was
III.
On the restoration of tradition, see
4, p. 386,
Chappaz 1993a,
For the temple of
p. 104.
The
4-13; Chappaz 1993a.
11.
restoration of
deteriorated limestone structures of the Middle
Kingdom (Gabolde
1998,
pp. 137-40).
28.
As
Speos Artemidos inscription {Urkunden
stated in the
p. 386,
8-9,
11.
p. 388,
11.
4, p. 384,
11.
8— 11,
14-17) and exemplified in the form, orientation,
and decoration of the Satet temple
ref-
in Elephantine (Wells 1985
and 1991; see
also the references in n. 16, above).
Elephantine, primarily
at
were quarried
see Kaiser 1993 (with bibliography); for
29.
more
The phrase was used with some frequency;
p. 200,
1.
Urkunden
3;
4, p. 298,
11.
see, for instance,
of Hatshepsut's
Urkunden 4,
many scholars have empha-
1-6. Although
"divine birth" {Urkunden 4, pp. 215—34) and "jeunesse" {Urkunden 4, pp. 241—
Thutmose
1984.
For
II
dedicated
Kom Ombo, see
see
p. 43,
Caminos and James
4, pp.
and Ratie 1979,
4, p. 386,
11.
4, p. 387,
65) texts
For Hierakonpolis/
Thutmose
For Gebel
el-
Chappaz 1993a,
pp.
p. 176.
1.
17;
30.
which
stress
her association with her father,
and contrast with the lack of piety expressed toward her royal
This desire
Thutmose
may be why elements
of Mentuhotep
II (see,
for example,
posed pillared facades there
For Armant, see
is
rulers.
of earlier monuments, such as the temple
and the temple of Amun of Senwosret
II
Gabolde 1989,
were advanced by male
never copied in the design of her Deir el-Bahri temple.
1993. For Hermopolis, see
p. 47.
el-Bahri,
efforts to assert royal legitimacy, citing the
pp. 138-39), similar claims of divine ancestry
4-13; Gardiner 1946,
Gardiner 1946,
I,
half brother and predecessor,
98—
Fakhry 1939. For Speos Artemidos, see
Chappaz 1988 and
10, p. 389,
1.
from Deir
Elephantine, see
383—91; Gardiner 1946; Fairman and Grdseloff 1947; Ratie
1979, pp. 178—82; Bickel and
Urkunden
at
4, p. 382.
1963, pp. 7, 11, and
pp. 46—47. For Batn el-Baqqara, see
Urkunden
by Hatshepsut
Urkunden
For Meir (Cusae), see Urkunden
99.
a variant
I,
were adapted but
The use of superim-
on the Mentuhotep
II
temple; the
repetition of Osiride figures across the upper terrace facade that fronts a pil-
surely derived from the Senwosret
Karnak temple (compare
Ratie 1979, p. 183 (with bibliography).
lared court
Buhen (Caminos 1974 ) and Semna (discussed by
Dorman 2005) and Ibrim (Caminos 1968, pp. 50, 58, pis. 17-22).
Gabolde 1998,
Primarily at Serabit el-Khadim: Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 37—
regency render an unusually sensitive homage to the works of earlier peri-
At
the south temple at
38; Valbelle
and Bonnet 1996, pp.
59, 71,
78-79, 100,
ods
181-83.
114,
The decoration of the Eighteenth Dynasty temple
currently being prepared for publication
is
Deir el-Bahri
For Medinet Habu, see plans and reconstruction by Holscher (1939,
pp. 6—17, 45-48, pi. 4).
is
is
pi.
xxxviii).
The
I
identity of the creative genius at
work
undeniable and was surely approved by the king.
12—13; Urkunden 4, p. 368,
Urkunden
32.
There does not appear
4, p. 384,
11,
to
11.
3—6.
have been any attempt to remove Thutmose
ments of the period. Indeed, Hatshepsut used
Ann Macy Roth in chapter 3. For the Valley of the Kings, see Gabolde
1987b, pp. 76fF., and "The Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" by Catharine H.
than instituting her own. See the remarks of Dorman 2005 and, for an
3.
For Hatshepsut 's work
n. 25.
in the heart
of Karnak, the Palace of Maat, see below,
For the Mut complex, see the essay by Betsy Bryan
the jointly produced
Kamutef temple,
Karnak, a royal mansion north of the
to in inscriptions dating
see Ricke 1954.
inscribed
way
stations
34.
Murnane
35.
On the problem
of expressing female precedence within the male-oriented
Egyptian
system, see Robins 1994b.
pp. 109-10.
1977, pp. 43—44-
artistic
On its effect on Hatshepsut's
Dorman 2005, citing Gabolde and Rondot
1996, p. 215. One can only imagine how the western Asiatic states perceived
the Egyptian female regent system; they may have viewed it as offering an
adoption of kingly regalia, see
A list of
on a wall of the Chapelle
opportunity to gain military advantage because the traditional male leader
of the Egyptian army was absent.
the Chapelle Rouge,
marking the processional route between
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
of Hatshepsut, Teeter 1990.
Chappaz 1993a,
so-called palace of
from Hatshepsut's reign (Gitton 1974).
Rouge (Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79, pp. 73—84).
In the context of the festival of Opet as inscribed on
six
The
For
earlier reevaluation
his regnal year calendar rather
33.
Amun temple, is prominently referred
monuments dedicated by Hatshepsut was
which shows
in chapter 3.
III
during his minority; nor was reference to him omitted from royal monu-
by the Epigraphic Survey of the
University of Chicago. For Deir el-Bahri, see the essays by Dieter Arnold
Roehrig in chapter
at
may never be known; but that the monuments of the co-
31.
and
98
Aswan
sized the stridency
Silsila,
21.
graffito at
Kaiser 1980 (Satet temple), and von Pilgrim 2002 (temple of Khnum). For
El-Kab, see Murnane 1977,
20.
Senenmut
detailed discussion, see Kaiser 1975, pp. 50—51, Kaiser 1977, pp. 66-67,
Dreyer
9.
in the
the temple of Amun-Re used sandstone (Wallet-Lebrun 1994) to replace the
joint reign are
early 1970s, see Ratie 1979, pp. 175-96.
For a summary of the constructions of Hatshepsut
the statue of
8.
a
(Nims
Hathor, see Urkunden
founded upon two types of primary
mention the monuments. For
I
soon dismantled by Thutmose
sources: archaeological, including in situ remains of the constructions and
7.
Festival Court. (For the develop-
Gabolde 1987a, 1993, and 2003.) These
see
of Thutmose
hall)
1995; Larche 1999—2000.
portions reused in later projects; and textual, comprising royal and private
the Satet and
Thutmose 's
reused by
the end of the joint reign.
rather than indicating a historical event.
considered to have been initiated chiefly by Hatshepsut.
6.
in
92fF.).
later
1955, pp. 113— 14);
on the north
among the wished-for results of
monuments begun during the
building programs of this period
known by the
is
Maat, see Barguet 1962, pp. 141-53; Hegazy and Martinez 1993.
26.
by Eric Hornung and Elisabeth Staehelin
(1974, pp. 56, 64—65), in a Wiinsch-Kontext,
erences
up
Gabolde 2003, p. 420) and
the temple
stands between the Fourth
still
day" {Urkunden
last
side of the shaft occur, as noted
inscriptions that
set
On the Eighth Pylon, see Martinez
columned
with
On the north side of the base are inscribed the
IV Shomu,
For the purposes of this
This shrine was
pp. 96fF.;
occasion of the Sed festival" {Urkunden 4,
"first
Ann
festival jointly celebrated
on the obelisk of Hatshepsut
to "regnal year 16
relationship
was lunu, Thebes was
Karnak, see Golvin 1993. The pair installed inside the wadjit (papyrus-
have occurred
at
The
p. 16.
North Karnak; Gabolde and Rondot 1996.
dates of the quarrying of the obelisk,
words
24.
(Uphill 1961).
and Fifth Pylons
were
obelisks
(Habachi 1957, pp.
3.
The argument for a year
inscriptions
The
were probably the pair mentioned
1—2).
Kitchen 1982.
chapter
Grimal and Larche 2003,
i43fF.;
ment of this area of Karnak,
her inscription
For the Deir el-Bahri temple, see the essays by Dieter Arnold and
Thutmose
5.
23.
location of the land of Punt has been the topic of much discus-
Macy Roth in
4.
4, p. 386,
Gabolde 1998, pp.
lunu Shema'u, "Upper Egyptian Heliopolis."
and Redford 1967,
in
and Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79,
clearly stated in the Egyptian language: Heliopolis
and additional campaigning
Redford 1967, pp. 60—63. Hatshepsut refers
sion; see generally
3.
22.
p. 63.
1957, pp. 89, 99-104,
1955, p. 114,
pp. 154-69-
Speos Artemidos, to the refurbishing of troops, surely in preparation for
military
2.
Karnak and Luxor: Nims
1993a, pp. 93!?.
most recendy Redford 2003. For
pp. 57—59. For the possibility of Asian activity
in Nubia, see
Chappaz
joint reign, see
36.
Nims
1966; discussed in detail in
Dorman
1988, pp. 46—65.
Kingdom
4,
co- regencies in general, see Murnane
iff-
1977, PP-
These pots almost certainly contained cool water
and Cerny 1952—55,
{kehehu)\ see Gardiner, Peet,
which Thutmose
no. 181, pi. LVii, in
III offers
cool
water and Hatshepsut offers white bread to the god
Onuris-Shu.
5.
The
pointed loaf is probably white bread {ta-hedj)^
based on
its
resemblance to bread identified as such
numerous Middle Kingdom examples including
in
those cited in n.
Provenance:
above.
3,
Sinai,
Bibliography;
Maghara
Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952—55,
p. 74, no. 44, pi. XIV;
Hikade 2001, pp.
A King and the
49.
154-56, no. 6
11,
Goddess
Anukis
Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of
Hatshepsut and Thutmose
(1469-1458
III
B.C.)
Painted sandstone
cm
H. 71
(28 in.),
W.
Musee du Louvre,
Inscription of Hatshepsut
48.
andThutmose
At
applies to both rulers.
right, "the
Upper and Lower Egypt Maatkare"
III
nw
Thutmose
God, Lord of the
Sandstone
stands at
Inscribed area: H. ca. 87
(29K
cm
(34^
in.),
W.
75
cm
Two
Good
Lands, Menkheperkare"
proffering a long pointed loaf^ to
left,
"Hathor, Mistress of Turquoise." Both kings
in.)
are depicted as male rulers and
Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 45493
Not
two
pots to the figure identified as "Sopdu, Lord
of the East,"^ while her co-regent "The
year i6 (1453 B.C.)
lars
wear broad
col-
but are distinguished from each other by
in exhibition
their other dress
and
their regalia. Hatshepsut,
wears the khepresh (or blue) crown and a short
This depiction of the joint rulers Hatshepsut
kilt
and Thutmose
loose robe that swings free at the back and
mine
III
in the Sinai
was inscribed near a turquoise
by an
official
who had been appointed
named Kheruef,
"to explore the [myste-
rious] valleys" in search
of
stone so beloved of Egypt's
this
elite.
semiprecious
At
with a projecting triangular apron over a
hangs to
above her ankles. Thutmose
just
CAK
1
.
Evidence for a
New Kingdom presence in the
Sinai prior to the joint reign of Hatshepsut
expeditions follow a hiatus in such activity that
Thutmose
had occurred during the Second Intermediate
(Gardiner, Peet,
Period (1650-1550 B.C.) and marked an impor-
nos. 171-74, pi.
tant resurgence of mining.'
graffito is the
from the
site
similarity to
site at
may
The
only Eighteenth Dynasty example
of Maghara, coupled with
examples
at the
in general, see
fact that this
its
2.
Peet,
3.
date, regnal year 16, appears floating
Its
supply dwin-
and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 24, 36); for
from the
indeed have been carrying out some inde-
The
be mined extensively.
el-Khadim during the Middle Kingdom (Gardiner,
Kheruef
pendent reconnoitering.^
Hikade 2001.
dled, leading to the increased exploitation of Serabit
much -used mine
Serabit el-Khadim, suggests that
andCerny 1952—55, pp. 149-50,
LVi). On New Kingdom expeditions
Of the Sinai turquoise sources, Maghara was the
earliest to
close
and
suggests only modest activity
III
site,
The floating
graffiti
see nos. 175-77, 179-81, pis. lvi-lvui.
date has Middle
Kingdom
for examples, see Gardiner, Peet,
precedents;
and Cerny
195^-55, nos. 57, 86, 90, 91-93, 100, 104-6, 115,
above the sky sign^ that forms the top border of
118, 120. It
a symmetrical offering scene, suggesting that
CO -regencies in the Twelfth Dynasty; for Middle
it
was used
bis)
In this relief the goddess Anukis, a divinity
Upper Egypt and with
linked with southern
close ties to
necklace,
Nubian
associated
toward the face of
deities, proffers a
menit
with female divinities,
a king.
The menit
necklace
was shaken rhythmically during temple and
ceremonies;
tival
ual,
when
imparted
it
life.
fes-
proffered to an individ-
The
king,
probably
Hatshepsut, wears the composite atef crown
and
a false beard.'
Anukis
made
is
The
clear
identity of the goddess
by her
distinctive flaring
headgear, probably of ostrich plumes.
tures of both king
The
fea-
and goddess are rendered
in
the style of the latter part of the co- regency.
This block was once part of a sandstone
tight-fitting shendyt kilt.
the begin-
launched mining expeditions in the Sinai. These
III
wears the red crown of Lower Egypt and a
ning of their joint reign the co-regents had
(39/* in.)
B59 (formerly E 12921
King of
offers
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
III,
cm
99.5
Paris
in other contexts to indicate the
temple^ built by Hatshepsut for the goddess
Satis
on
the island of Elephantine, near Egypt's
southern border, to replace an earlier limestone
by Senwosret
structure erected
have
fallen into decay.^
I,
which may
The new temple was an
elevated rectangular structure surrounded
thirty
rectangular pillars
toward the midwinter
Anukis and
ator god,
with
Satis,
by
and was oriented
sunrise."^
together with the local cre-
Khnum, formed
the Elephantine triad,
Khnum and Satis consorts and Anukis their
offspring.'
The
three divinities
were united
more by topography than by any mythic
Khnum,
as
ties.
Lord of Elephantine (Abu) and Lord
of the Cataracts, was associated with the annual
inundation, which
was thought
to originate in
THE JOINT REIGN
99
b.
Gold and
Diam.
2.5
lapis lazuli
cm
(i in.);
scarab: L.
cm
1.5
in.)
(^/s
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Purchase,
Edward
These two
S.
Harkness
Gift, 1926 26.7.764
made of cosdy
fine rings are
materi-
and inscribed with the names of the
als
rulers Hatshepsut
their bezels are
mounted on
would have allowed them
the fine
mud
joint
and Thutmose HI. Both of
to
which
swivels,
be used to impress
sealings that protected documents,
as well as the content of
bags and chests, from
tampering.
The
lapis lazuli ring (b) is inscribed
Menkheperre, given
dess, Maatkare,
identified as
as a
used as an
official seal,
Provenance:
with the star Sothis (Sirius), the island of
Clermont Ganneau excavations, 1907—10; acquired
frontier,
and was considered the
astral herald
was
of
associated with
the island of Sehel and luxury goods imported
into
Egypt from the
Elephantine, Temple of Satis;
pp. 323-24.
2.
Kaiser et
1972, p. 159, n. 7.
al.
Werner
reconstruction (1980, pp. 254, 255,
40), locates the block
Bibliography: La vie au hordduNil 1980, p.
no. 142; Valbelle 1981, pp. 14-15, no. 118, 115,
77,
al.
on the
(pi. xli, b).
two
(pi. xli, a)
Satis temples
and Eighteenth
Karnak appears
temple
larly
prompted by the poor
to have
state
been used as
The
First
a
Rings with Cartouches of
Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
letter
t
seal.
III
follows the netjer nefer (Young
is
Gold and green
God)
not present
suggesting that the
Liiyquist 2003, p. 182.
Provenance: 5oa. Unknown; purchased from
Mohammed Mohassib
Sob, Probably western Thebes,
Wadi D, Tomb
i;
Carter; formerly
purchased
at
Gabbanat el-Qurud,
Luxor by Howard
Carnarvon collection
(1472-1458 B.C.)
jasper
Sob.
cm (% in.); plaque: L. 1.5 cm (^ in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Diam.
Ill's,
is
to be read as feminine.
Bibliography:
a.
its
Prophet of
working
above the cartouche of Hatshepsut but
above that of Thutmose
50.
2.3
Gift of Mrs. Frederick F.
Hatshepsut 's work on the
Satis
at
1.
2.
Hatshepsut and Thutmose
rear wall of chamber
(1972) compares these
of the Twelfth Dynasty
Dynasty
actually have
118B; Franco 2001, p. 286 (note)
Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of
257, no.
On Satis, see Valbelle 1981, pp. 112—27, ^rid Valbelle
1984. On Senwosret's temple, see Kaiser 1977, p. 66.
Kaiser et
"The
fig. 5,
Kaiser's
fig. 4,
far too large
CAK
C, one of the rooms decorated by Hatshepsut.
3.
(a),
reverse the inscription
expression
On Anukis, see Otto 1975a; Valbelle 198 1, especially
On the menit necklace, see Staehelin
1982. On the atefcrown, see Goebs 2001,
it is
which bears on
square-cut jasper ring
south.*^
pp. 114-27.
because
have been worn by a woman. In contrast, the
in 1908
CAK
1.
something
clearly
royal favor rather than
Horus of Nekhen (HierakonpoUs) Tjeni," may
caverns at the First Cataract; Satis was linked
the inundation; and Anukis
was
It
mark of
bestowed
to
Good God-
(and) the
she live!"' and has been
having belonged to a foreign wife
of Thutmose HI.^
Elephantine, and protection of the southern
life,
may
on the
"The Good God,
underside of the scarab
Thompson,
191 5 15.6.22
Winlock
p. 125, fig.
5oa.
Hayes
1959, p. 104
1948, p. 35, pi. xix, d;
Hayes
1959,
66 (bottom row, second from right);
Liiyquist 2003, pp. 181, 182 (with bibliography),
no. 140, figs. 179, 184 (top row, right)
been simi-
of the Senwosret
I
structure (Gabolde 1998, pp. 137-40).
4.
The
Satis
temple dates back to the Early Dynastic
Period (Kaiser 1977,
p. 65, fig. i),
and
it
have served an astronomical as well as
tion.
appears to
a cultic func-
Hatshepsut's temple, the best preserved of the
numerous
rebuildings, has
been the object of much
study; see Wells 1985 and 1991.
5.
On Khnum,
ram or ram-
usually depicted as a
headed male, see Otto 1975b. The
attested in the reign of Senwosret
triad
I
was
f).
first
(Valbelle 1984,
coL 487).
6.
These included
ivory, ebony,
and boxwood, exotic
animals and animal skins, gold, and ostriches and
ostrich eggs; see Valbelle 1981, pp. 96-97.
100
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
50a,
b
50a, b, bases
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR TO PRINCESS NEFERURE
In the early Eighteenth Dynasty, several
men
titles
that single out
entrusted with the upbringing of the royal children
women and
came
into use.'
Usually translated as Royal Nurse {mn't nswt) and Royal Tutor (mnf
nswt), the titles appear only in the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Both are derived
from the word mena^ which means "to suckle"; the feminine
interpreted literally, as "wet nurse."^
into the reigns of their nurslings
Nurtured the
A
title
can be
number of Royal Nurses
and gained a second
title,
One Who
God Qdt ntf)? Because of their close bond with the reignwomen are often prominently represented in the tombs of
husbands or sons, and
at least
One of these was
burial in the Valley of the Kings.
Sitre,
who was
ruler (see
While the
is
Hatshepsut's nurse,
buried in a tomb only a short distance from that of her
role of a Royal
is
art
Nurse
somewhat more
is
relatively clear-cut, the office of
difficult to define.
In one representation a
seen teaching archery to a prince; however, most images simply
young
The men seem
to
child,
have acted
sometimes a boy and sometimes
at first as
a
guardians and later as over-
This
(cat. no. 60),
is
the
III,
first
showing the close association between a Royal
Tutor or Royal Nurse and a young member of the royal family, and the
statue itself,
Senenmut seated and Neferure on his
Senenmut
lap, is
unique in pose.
very
clearly valued his relationship with the princess to a
high degree, for he had not one but ten statues made of himself with her,
including one that was carved out of the bedrock above his
tomb chapel on
Sheikh abd el-Qurna, in the vast necropolis of western Thebes
It is in
the
Kingdom,
form of a block
in
which a man
is
pulled up in front of him and
shown
seated
wrapped
princess,
and holding her finger to her mouth, two
a
on the ground with
in a cloak.
To
(fig. 47).^
from the Middle
statue, a type that dates
Senenmut added the small head of the
depict the tutor with a
girl.
honor of
signal
fig. 75).
Royal Tutor
tutor
two were given the
from the years of Hatshepsut*s regency for Thutmose
work of Egyptian
lived
ing king, these
their
statue that dates
her nephew and Neferure 's half brother
his
knees
this traditional
form
wearing a sidelock of hair
artistic
conventions that identify
young child. The composition expresses Senenmut 's guardianship of the
princess,
whose small form, with her head tucked under
pletely surrounded
and thus protected by
his large
his chin,
is
com-
enveloping one. This
eloquent image became the one repeated later in the d3masty by tutors
who
seers of the physical and/or intellectual training of the maturing child (or
wished to commemorate a relationship with a royal charge.^ Senenmut
In a few cases a tutor, like female counterparts,
himself commissioned six other block statues of this t3^e, at least five of
children) in their
care.'*
was eventually granted the
after his
title
One Who Nurtured
the reign of
first
Thutmose
evidence of
II,
Senenmut with Neferure. Block
Fig. 48. Block statue of
function
Hatshepsut's husband and Neferure *s father.
this relationship,
Senenmut 's Theban tomb chapel (TT
Agyptisches
filled this
and was probably appointed during
however, comes
stanie carved into the
71), early i8th
in the
form of a
bedrock above
Dynasty
Senenmut with Neferure, early i8th Dynasty. Granite.
Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Berlin (2296)
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
set up in the temple of Amun at Karnak, whose estates he
On the two best-preserved examples (see fig. 48), the title Royal
which were
oversaw.
The most famous Royal Tutor was Senenmut, who
Fig. 47.
God Qdi ntr)
charge became king.
for Hatshepsut's daughter, Neferure,
Our
the
Tutor does not appear in the
inscriptions.^
Presumably
it
was considered
unnecessary, for the statue itself embodied the tide.
Two other statues depict Senenmut with Neferure. One of these, now
Egyptian Museum in Cairo (fig. 49), shows Senenmut seated on
in the
Fig. 49.
Senenmut with Neferure,
Museum, Cairo (CG
early i8th Dynasty. Granite. Egyptian
Fig. 50.
421 16)
Senimen holding Neferure and accompanied by
Carved
wife.
tomb (TT
the ground with one leg raised.
lap,
The
small Neferure
sits
sideways on his
her back against his knee, while Senenmut 's huge hands hold her
snugly and protectively against his chest. This pose
tional
is
based on tradi-
images of a mother and child that date back nearly a thousand
years to the age of pyramids.
a tutor,
when Senimen, who was
a boulder above his
The
Only on one other occasion was
also briefly a guardian
tomb carved with
final statue
the image
example
(cat. no. 60), this is the
him
(cat. no. 61).
him
Like the
only work of its kind.
is
the
first
Royal Tutor or Royal Nurse to depict himself
together with his royal charge,
the statues to
Senenmut
it
seems natural to
himself. This group
is all
attribute the idea for
the
more impressive
because the representation in sculpture of a royal and a nonroyal person
together
is
unprecedented and abrogates a number of seemingly invio-
of Egyptian
late rules
art.
These include the general conventions
royal person, even a child,
is
royalty; that a royal individual
undoubtedly inspired by the example of this
with
One
(let
depicting her divine birth.
Senenmut 's
is
at
work may
owe
also
Deir el-Bahri. The
his astonishing corpus
Mistress of the
is
Two
woman
Lands,
officials.
Beyond
of statuary indicate an innate talent that
honors. '° Although Senenmut has no
in designing
image
Hatshepsut *s temple
in the temple (fig. 45)
was he who provided
ture, sculpture,
have
that, the
is
likely to
at
titles
that state a direct
involvement
Deir el-Bahri, the presence of his
and the evidence of his statues suggest that
the inspiration for this
monument,
in
which
it
struc-
and landscape combine to form one of the world's great
architectural masterpieces.
CHR
1.
its
form
to
as the
woman
On this title, see ibid., pp.
A longer version of the title is One Who Nurtured the Body of the God
hZw ntr). On this title, see ibid., pp. 327-29.
On the title Royal Tutor, see ibid., pp. 322-27.
who nurtured the
The miniature king
7.
These
king on the lap of an adult, used as a retrospective commemoration of a
314-21.
{sdt
4.
For more on
a small
Queen Ahmose-
3.
For a
The same composition of
occurs in connection with
2.
5.
lap.
titles
who had two nurses. For information on these titles and the
individuals who held them, see Roehrig 1990.
Nefertari,
6.
on her
"Chief Nurse
Sitre, also called Inet."^
her former nursling, Hatshepsut.
of a
in
The first evidence of the
The
lifesize statue is
a bench with a miniature king seated sideways
inscription identifies the
to
step toward his later
great artistic creativity and capacity for innovation he demonstrated in
alone touches) a person of lower rank.
Museum's Egyptian Expedition among the fragments of statuary
on
which he seems
first
that a
never touched except by another royal
other unique sculptural
Hatshepsut*s temple
role of guardian to Neferure,
acquired early in his career, was probably a
represented in a larger scale than non-
Senenmut. Many pieces of a statue were discovered by the Metropolitan
sitting
They were
which once stood on
the middle terrace in Hatshepsut 's temple, probably near the reliefs
person or a deity; and that a royal person never interacts in an obvious
way
statue,
have been recognized and rewarded with further responsibilities and
Because of the variety and number of Senenmut 's tutor statues and
the fact that he
Dynasty
252), early i8th
high position as one of Hatshepsut 's principal
(fig. 50).^
representing Senenmut with Neferure shows
striding forward, holding the princess before
earliest
of Neferure, had
his
above Senimen 's Theban
nurse or tutor of the king, occurs in two later tomb paintings.
used by
it
into a limestone boulder
list
this
tomb, see "The
Tombs of Senenmut" by Peter F. Dor man, below.
of these statues, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 282-86.
statues are
now in the Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Museum, Cairo (CG 421 14).
Berlin (2296), and the Egyptian
8.
On Senimen,
9.
Winlock
10.
see Roehrig 1990, pp. 52-64, 280.
1932a, pp.
5,
10.
See "The Statuary of Senenmut" by Cathleen A. Keller, below.
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR
II3
6o
114
HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT
Senenmut Seated,
6o,
seat records that the statue
of the Lady of the
with Neferure
Two
was made
"as a favor
Hatshesput." Hatshepsut probably gave up the
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
period of Hatshepsut
III,
(1479-1473
s
regency
D. 48
The
EA
God's Wife when she became king, and the
statue can therefore be dated with relative cer-
B.C.)
tainty to the years
Diorite
H. 72.5
title
when
she served as regent for
cm
in.),
W.
23.5
cm
(9}^ in.),
The
(i8/s in.)
Trustees of the British
original placement of this statue
unknown. The invocation
Museum, London
are given in the
174
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479— 1458
B.C.)
Diorite
H.
53
cm
(20^8 in.),
W.
14
cm
(5K
in.),
D. 26.5
offerings
The
is
on the front
Field
Museum, Chicago,
Gift of Stanley Field
and Ernest R. Graham 173800
name of Amun, and seven
aspects of the
god are
on the proper
left side
listed in the inscription
of the
seat.
Therefore
This
Senenmut
presents
statue
Neferure, in a pose that
is
carrying
unique in the corpus
This statue depicts Senenmut in his position as
the statue probably stood
guardian of Hatshepsut 's daughter, Neferure.
precinct of Amun's temple, perhaps in the area
ingly ajffectionate gesture of the princess,
The
of North Karnak, as one author has convinc-
right
princess
sits
on
his lap,
and he holds her
close to his chest, enveloping her protectively in
his cloak.
Neferure wears her hair in a braided
sidelock and holds her finger to her
artistic
There
lips,
two
conventions that identify a young child.
is
as there
no royal cobra, or uraeus,
is
at
her brow,
in all the other statues depicting
somewhere
Senenmut, Hatshepsut, and
in the
names were
relatively
The
flat.
before the periods
when
these
almost no modeling around the upper
on both
figures the
Senenmut 's
title
mouth
One
lids,
Eaton-Krauss 1998; Eaton-Krauss 1999, pp. 117-20.
is
in the inscriptions, since
implicit in the statue itself.
inscription that runs
down
the front of the
cloak identifies him as "Chief Steward of (in
cartouche) Princess Neferure, Senenmut."
An inscription on the proper right side of the
The
Provenance: Acquired
stifF
princess wears the sidelock of youth
a scepter that is
in
Luxor
young Neferure 's
in 1906
left
hand she holds
sometimes connected with the
goddess Hathor' and
and
in a slight smile.
by the otherwise
poses of the figures and their rigid gazes
and the royal uraeus. In her
may be associated with the
acquisition of the
title
God's
Wife, which she seems to have inherited from
of Royal Guardian or Royal
Tutor does not appear
the relationship
is
the formal effect created
straight ahead.
attacked.
CHR
I.
whose
Senenmut 's shoulder. The
gesture emphasizes the intimate relationship
her
eyes are huge, with
encircles
the seem-
between Neferure and her guardian, softening
with Senenmut. Both faces are very youthful
and
arm
is
names of
suggesting that the statue was buried out of
way
of Egyptian statuary. Also notable
Amun are all intact,
ingly argued.' In the inscriptions the
harm's
cm
(lo^s in.)
Thutmose IIL
cm
Senenmut with Neferure
61.
Lands, the God*^ Wife,
Bibliography: London,
pis.
British
30—32; Hall 1928, pp. 1—2,
pp. 30 (bibliography), 120-25, no.
Dorman
Museum
pi. II;
2,
1914,
Meyer
1982,
304-5
(text);
1988, pp. 118—19, ^45> 188—89 (bibliogra-
phy); Roehrig 1990, pp. 71-72, 277-78; Fay 1995,
pp. 12-13; Marianne Eaton-Krauss in
2001, pp. 120—21, no. 44
Russmann
et al.
her mother
when Hatshepsut became
Except for hands, heads, and Senenmut 's
king.
feet,
both figures are enveloped in a large cloak that
touches the ground on Senenmut 's
left
and that
provides a wide, smooth surface for an inscription.
From
this inscription
Senenmut 's name has
60, profile
and back
SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR
II5
HATSHEPSUT'S MORTUARY TEMPLE
AT DEIR EL-BAHRI
Architecture as Political Statement
Ann Macy Roth
While
Eighth Pylon
ture for the procession."^
at
Deir el-Bahri in western Thebes. This beauti-
temple erected
at the
base of sheer limestone cHfFs was
built according to her
Djeser-djeseru, or "holy of holies,"
it
own
was intended
of the cult that would ensure her perpetual
site
different constituencies within the
and religious allusions
Not only
death.
It is
These address
power and
it
would have communi-
cated Hatshepsut 's message to contemporary observers.
who combined
one
Amun,
Amun-Re,
Medinet Habu
—
upon
At
this
the city of
Thebes
(fig. 63).^
at
—
this
huge ceremonial
rec-
Hatshepsut either built
or added to each of these temples.^
The temple
at
naded porticoes
in
the divine
barque of Amun-Re from
its
bank of the Nile across the
river to the cemeteries of the west bank,
was assigned
to
home
their ancestors.
Amun-Re
the
Karnak temple on the
The temple 's
east
central shrine
rather than to Hatshepsut herself,
probably in order to accommodate
from Karnak, by
at
this festival.
ritually associating the
The procession
two temples, emphasized
bond between Hatshepsut and Amun-Re. The main
axis of the
b.c.).^
Mentuhotep
of the second golden
his,
connection, the external appear-
that flanked central
ramps leading to terraces
his ancestors
and not known
else-
its
local traditions.
Another visible, external feature of Hatshepsut 's temple was
colossal statuary.
The
its
Osiride statues along the uppermost colon-
nade and the sphinxes lining its causeway show none of the gender
ambiguities found in
Thus
some of the smaller
pieces.
and external appearance
Amun-Re and would
to the
— were
all
designed
as a traditional, legitimate king, the
successor to the great Mentuhotep, a ruler
god and
who had
proper
the support of
revive Egyptian culture, bringing great
to his city, Thebes. This
clearly have appealed to the
Few
represent a
most conspicuous features of Hatshepsut 's temple—
location,
show Hatshepsut
honor
They
male king.^
the
to
who accompanied
reunited Egypt at the end
Egypt, and Hatshepsut was thus associating herself not
by
and the populace of Thebes,
who
as the founder
this
Theban form used by
traditional,
construction. This annual procession included the king, the
B.C.),
only with Mentuhotep but also with Thebes and
Deir el-Bahri played the principal role in the
where they honored
2051—2000
Mentuhotep had patterned his temple on the safftomb,
(figs. 56, 89).
its festivals,
priests,
II (r.
Both of these suggested a con-
ance of her temple echoed that of her predecessor's, with colon-
Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an older festival clearly enhanced
its
its
Hatshepsut implied to viewers that she was the founder of another
Luxor,
served as the end points
festival processions that inscribed a
the
it,
age of Egypt's history,^ and by placing her temple next to
where
main divinity of Thebes. These temples
at
architectural form.
was probably already viewed
Re, the sun god and traditional ruler of the gods,
and the small temple
of three
Mentuhotep
a local
to
Deir el-Bahri, Karnak temple, the Opet temple
at
tangle
Thebes were dedicated
took place in and around
of the First Intermediate Period (2150—2030
a deity
the
its
golden age. To emphasize
the rituals and processions enacted in
with
that
the temple's architecture and iconography but also
time, four temples at
activities that
nection between Hatshepsut and the Eleventh Dynasty king
Egyptian population and use
to consolidate her
Apart from the
most conspicuous aspects of the Deir el-Bahri temple were
location and
home city, Thebes.
of her
Karnak, which was probably the point of depar-
to serve as the
life after
lated expressions of Hatshepsut 's political agenda.
at
aligned with the front of Hatshepsut 's
plans.' Called
therefore not surprising that the temple contains carefully calcu-
historical
is
her principal architectural achievement was her
own monument,
her
Deir el-Bahri temple
out Egypt in the course of her two-decade reign,
mortuary temple
ful terraced
Hatshepsut built and restored temples through-
message would
Theban populace.
ordinary Thebans, however, would ever have entered the
temple to admire the relief decoration of the colonnades and the
shrines of the upper terrace.
Only
the elite of Thebes joined
bers of the court and officials from the capital city of
mem-
Memphis
in
147
Fig. 63.
Map of Thebes, showing the principal temples of the
early i8th
Dynasty and the routes of festival processions
Dubll-Bahri
Dkirkl-Mkdina
Templi'iit
Mtntuhotepll
MM
fK,tt>hLp<,u[
ASASU
Mehenket-ankli
(Temple orThutmose HI)
'
*
Temple »1
AmcnhiUcp
I
1
I?
CukivQud Land
I:
the north to participate in rituals for Hatshepsut and her father
decoration on
and the annual Beautiful Festival of the
crown of Upper Egypt and smiting Nubians, while on the north
Valley.
he wore the red crown of Lower Egypt and defeated enemies from
Asia or the Aegean. There was also a progression from the outside
was placed on the early years (2465—2389
Dynasty, a period of strong kings
of Re
at Heliopolis,
its
who
A particular focus
innermost shrine, and
its
a
in general
roughly correlated with
cipal axis
was
148
Decoration on the exterior and near the
including scenes of foreign wars or of hunting and fishing in the
world
its
inside.
stressed their ties to the
far deserts
in itself,
whose center
decoration was arranged cos-
its
its
entrance showed places that were farthest from the temple,
mographically.^ Both replicating and rationalizing the geography
of the larger world, the temple had
of a temple to
of the Fifth
B.C.)
north of Memphis.
An Egyptian temple was seen as
lay at
south side depicted the king wearing the white
was invoked, alluding
kings built impressive pyramids near Memphis.
cult
its
of Egypt during the Old Kingdom, when powerful
a very different set of historical precedents
to the glory
For these viewers,
own
cardinal points,
actual orientation.
which
The prin-
identified as the east-west path of the sun.
hatshepsut's building projects
The
and Delta marshes. Such images represented the king's
mastery over chaos. Inside the temple one encountered more
ordered scenes of festivals and the king receiving
ers,
and
finally, in
gifts
and prison-
the innermost rooms, intimate scenes of the
king offering to the gods.
Hatshepsut 's temple consisted of an entry-level courtyard and
two higher platforms, each reached by a
central ramp.
Colonnades
flanked the ramps
on each
and a third pair of colonnades
level,
obeHsk on the colonnade below are boats bringing incense
trees
flanked the entrance to the highest platform. Behind these colon-
and the other treasures back to Thebes, again depicted nearest the
nades Hatshepsut placed the
temple 's central ramp.
reliefs that
most
explicitly bolstered
On the walls of the northern colonnade at this level are the most
her right to the throne and the equation of Thebes with Heliopolis.^
The iconography of the lower colonnades
graphically arranged.
(fig. 57:3) is
On the lowest level, reHefs on the
geo-
explicitly political scenes, presenting
Hatshepsut 's divine birth
end wall
and election to the throne of Egypt, events that would have taken
of the southern colonnade depict Dedwen, the Lord of Nubia,
place in northern Egypt, in the palace at Memphis. In the center
holding a rope attached to a
list
of southern towns, each repre-
sented as a crenellated oval with a Nubian head protruding from
is
and Hatshepsut
is
visited
by Amun-Re
in the guise
conceived during their meeting.
By
this historical
southern border of Egypt proper, the quarrying and load-
ter
of her royal father's body (and thus the legitimate heir to the
ing onto boats of two monolithic obelisks for the temple of
Karnak
(see cat. no. 78).
The
the ramp, where Hatshepsut
boats proceed northward toward
is
shown
obelisks and the temple itself to
the temple, she
is
in
Thebes, presenting the
Amun-Re. (Here,
represented as a man.)
Thus
as
throughout
the colonnade
encapsulates the geographic expanse from Nubia in the far south
to the
I,
wall shows events that took place
the top.
at the
The colonnade's back
Hathsepsut's mother, Ahmose,
of Thutmose
Thebes
itself,
which appears next
North of the ramp Hatshepsut
is
to the central
ramp.
depicted as a sphinx, smiting
northern colonnade she
is
shown
fishing
marshes and offering statues and calves
and fowling in the Delta
to the gods,
perhaps
in
daugh-
had been called Son of Re since the
tant because Egypt's kings
Fourth Dynasty. Directly above the scene of Hatshepsut 's conception.
Queen Ahmose
is
shown giving birth, and on
scenes in which Hatshepsut
is
either side are
presented to various gods and pro-
claimed king of Egypt.
The themes of
Fifth
and trampling on western Asians. In the central scenes of the
identifies herself as the
throne) and simultaneously as the daughter of Amun-Re, impor-
border town of Elephantine, where the granite was quar-
ried, to
myth, Hatshepsut
this level's decoration,
Hke those below, have
Dynasty antecedents. Scenes of a king's expedition
have recently been found
Sahure 's temple
at
at
Abu
Punt
to
and a
Sir,""
narrative of divine conception and birth survives in a literary text,
papyrus Westcar, which recounts the divine births of the
kings of the Fifth Dynasty.'^ Part of the story
is lost,
first
but
it
three
seems
Memphis. The scenes of stereotyped violence on the lower, outer-
clear that
most
claim descent from Re. While the papyrus dates to the Seventeenth
of the temple are ones that would normally appear on
level
narrative scenes
and fishing and fowHng
showing the transport of the obelisks
in the
marshes represent the king's order-
its
have antecedents
also
Fishing and fowling are
in royal temples
first
of the Old Kingdom.
attested in a fragmentary scene
the Fifth
Dynasty mortuary temple of Sahure
Abu
While the scene of transporting
at
Sir.
has no exact parallel in the
last
(r.
2458-2446
obelisks
(r.
2353—2323
To
may have been the
(fig. 57:5).
'°
the middle level again reflect geography
Depicted on the south side
is
the trading mission that
Hatshepsut sent to Punt, a land far to the south of Egypt whose
exact location
undertaken
is still
at the
unknown.'' Previous voyages to Punt were
height of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, to
obtain exotic goods used in temple contexts, particularly incense.
hills
earlier times.
On
the southern end wall are images of
Puntite villages and the exotic goods the Puntites offered the
story, since
was
—
Theban
area,
where
the area of Deir el-Bahri. She
a chapel dedicated to
earliest
is
period as the wife and
also an important
mortu-
she personified the western
frequently identified as the
Mistress of Punt, so her shrine 's proximity to the Punt colonnade
was appropriate.
To
the north
was a smaller shrine dedicated
the jackal-headed
a
to
Anubis
nected with the use of his
prince
who was
(fig. 57:6),
god of mummification. Like Hathor, Anubis was
mortuary god. His occurrence here, however,
is
probably con-
name (Egyptian jnpw)
to refer to the
the designated heir to the throne, a role that
Hatshepsut claims in the adjacent Birth colonnade.'^ Both Hathor
and Anubis were particularly important
rise
Hatshepsut 's expedition would have recalled the glorious achieve-
ments of
honored from the
ary goddess in the
has scenes
inspiration for Hatshepsut 's reliefs.
The colonnades on
(fig. 57:7),
mother of the divine kings. Hathor was
depicting the transport of granite columns for his mortuary temple
and
the south of these colonnades
Hathor
B.C.)
from Aswan
B.C.),
must transmit an older
it
propagandistic motive only makes sense in the context of the
from
Old Kingdom, the causeway of Unis,
king of the Fifth Dynasty
B.C.),
who
Fifth Dynasty.
ing of the natural environment for the satisfaction of the gods.
They
point was to glorify and legitimize these kings,
Dynasty (1635 — 1550
the entrance pylons of temples.
The more
its
of Osiris in the
Thus
late Fifth
Dynasty.
the middle terrace as a
whole emphasizes divinity and the
divinity of Hatshepsut 's kingship.
to
in the period before the
combine within herself the
It
expresses Hatshepsut 's claim
roles of
Hathor (who was both the
Egyptians; like the scenes in the lower terrace, these are set in a
daughter of Re and the queen of the kingly god Horus) and
foreign land, but here a peaceful trading partner rather than
Anubis (the legitimate heir
a chaotic enemy.
Echoing the scene of boats transporting the
on the two colonnades
to the throne).
are unified
The
narrative cycles
by the divine scent of incense
ARCHITECTURE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT
I49
which means "to make divine")
{s-ntr^
that pervades both.
Punt
is
"god's land," source of incense trees; and prior to Hatshepsut's
conception
awakened by the divine smell of Amun-Re
is
husband's body, the same scent
in her
likes
Ahmose
with her,"
fills
her
The uppermost
that, after
which was
terrace of Hatshepsut's temple,
the priesthood,
is
members of
carried a long inscription recount-
ing Hatshepsut's coronation, while the southern colonnade con-
(now mostly
tained offering scenes
of
obliterated
of the colonnades'
later kings). In front
mummiform
by the
inscriptions
pillars are colossal
statues of Hatshepsut in the guise of Osiris (fig. 59).
Three groups of shrines open
on the upper
terrace.
The
Theban
scenes of the
of Opet on the
east.
off the central
court itself
(fig.
57:9)
colonnaded court
is
Cut
also
III.
contained
Thutmose
I
and
with the
on the north wall and the
festival
into the west wall of the courtyard
were
is
complete. Hatshepsut, her father, and other
and Re. Thus the emphasis
queen herself
The
gods.
(fig. 57:12),
with Hatshepsut's Eighth Pylon, which in
to
Amun, was aligned
this
on family
is
an open-air
Egypt.
cult place
altar
was
equated with
all
Throughout
reHefs of the
Old Kingdom
glyphic writing includes
(fig. 57:11),
Thutmose
in the Valley of the Kings, southwest of
20
Deir el-Bahri, which
The double
chapel of Hatshepsut and Thutmose
contained
I
east-west offering chapels. Large false doors of red granite stood
at their
western ends (see
cat. no.
87 for Thutmose
I's),
surmounted by scenes of piled
offerings.
side walls present mirror images.
owner of the
an offering
a
mortuary
To
The
chapel, seated before a table of
list,
and
ritual.
priests
reliefs
on
the longer
the west they depict the
tall
loaves of bread,
performing the sequential actions of
Farther east are three registers of offering
Some of the
The
hiero-
often indi-
captions also
and Fifth Dynasty (inside
Dynasty (outside the tem-
appealed, respectively, to the
it)
officials,
period of glory familiar to each. With
its
by
where she
reflecting a past
references to Thebes,
where Hatshepsut's family originated, and
also to
Memphis,
two great periods of Egyptian
ruled, the temple ties
history and the two most important cities of the Eighteenth
Dynasty
Egypt
into a
—
harmonious whole. This tying together
reflected
theme indeed, the unification of Upper and Lower
a cyclical refoundation of the Egyptian state symboli-
renewed by each new king.
cally
The
and on the
eastern walls facing them, scenes of cattle being butchered were
style.
temple cosmologically and geographically within the Egyptian
universe. Allusions to the Eleventh
a very old
Hatshepsut intended for herself and her father.
is
programs locate Hatshepsut's
architecture and decorative
Theban populace and Memphite
Tomb
who
cating a plural with the tripled determinative rather than the three
ple)
corresponding to
I,
and
in proportions
many Old Kingdom spellings,
the north
To the south was the double chapel dedicated to Hatshepsut
and her father
not only between
the temple, the elegant raised relief resembles
may have
of Heliopolis in northern
ties
royal ancestors.
To
served the cult of the sun god Re,
in the city
Amun-Re
colossal Osiride statues along the colonnade identify
period
served as the principal entrance to Karnak temple.
members of her
Hatshepsut with the ancestral king Osiris, the dead god
Its
The cult places surrounding the courtyard were also geographi-
offer to
Hatshepsut's earthly relatives but between her family and the
have Old Kingdom antecedents.'^
(fig. 57:10),
offering to
family are the recipients of offerings, as are the gods
(cat. no. 83; fig. 61).
whose main
shown
On the upper terrace, the process of making Hatshepsut divine
members of Hatshepsut's family
as well as to the
of
Amun-Re.'"^
strokes that later replaced such tripling.
The central shrine
of members
reliefs
his mother, Seniseneb, are
niches decorated with offering scenes, which were dedicated to
cally arranged.
Smaller chapels around
Hatshepsut's family, including one chapel to the north where
decorated with
festivals, located geographically,
Beautiful Festival of the Valley
and Thutmose
II
open sun court
the
the govern-
not as well preserved as the lower
The northern colonnade
areas.
Thutmose
Anubis while Hatshepsut and her mother, Ahmose,
own body.^'
accessible only to the highest- ranking
ment and
he "does what he
those of
allusions to the early Fifth
have been meant to emphasize an
Dynasty
in the decoration
earlier juxtaposition. It
ing the Fifth Dynasty that the city of Heliopolis, with
the sun
state,
may
was dur-
its
cult
of
god Re, became the religious center of the Egyptian
forming a counterpart
Memphis. In Hatshepsut's
to the
reign,
"Southern Heliopolis," marking
it
nearby administrative capital
Thebes began
as the
to
at
be called
same kind of religious cen-
Dynasty kings had legitimized
bringers and registers of piled offerings above. This arrangement
ter.
of scenes
by claiming divine birth and glorifying the city of their divine father,
Sixth
is
identical to the layout of east- west offering chapels in
Dynasty nonroyal chapels, a layout
rowed from
that probably
150
is
mostly
lost,
depictions in
Re, Hatshepsut
— by
invoking their monuments
their rule
—communicated
to her court the parallel status that her construction projects
earlier prototypes.'^
While the decoration of the northern court dedicated
cult
was bor-
Just as the early Fifth
its
to the sun
entrance vestibule include
hatshepsut's building projects
and
program of ritual processions conferred upon both herself and the
city
of her divine father, Amun-Re.
1.
The
fact that Hatshepsut's father,
Thutmose
honored
I, is
in the
temple
8.
might suggest that building was begun by him, particularly to those who
accept John Romer's arguments that
Valley of the Kings (see
Romer
by Catharine H. Roehrig
Thutmose I began Tomb 20
1974 and "The
1908, pt. 6, p. 9, pi. CLXViii), so previous
Zygmunt Wysocki
where Thutmose
terrace,
Thutmose
name
Thutmose
depicting
to
2.
work could only have been
name with
replaced Hatshepsut's
III
II as
the
initial builder.
that
Kemp
of
to Hatshepsut. Rainer
structed
by
Seti
I
in their
(1294—1279
B.C.)
While the oldest of these three
names, for
program but does not
later
and Ramesses
II (r.
1279— 1213
12.
which
—
other two
the festival of
Opet and the decade
Amun of Opet visited Medinet Habu
Hatshepsut.
temple,
its
—were perhaps
The Opet feast is first attested in
barque shrine and
at
B.C.).
of the Valley,
Deir el-Bahri (Murnane 1982,
inscriptions
Some kingly
later
shrine's original builder (Habachi 1965).
Medinet Habu every ten days
tion of Hatshepsut's small
is
ple
itself,
however, hints
These two newer
festivals
may themselves have
festivals
had perhaps
fallen into
journeys.
axis
stations
on
of Karnak temple and extending
it
Although
it is
17.
type offering
There seems
cults
Harvey
is
and Moss 1978, pp. 522—37. This patinvariable in the early Sixth Dynasty,
have been used
to
in the royal
mortuary
as seen in the first depiction
when
cult
of Re increased in importance
Amarna period
the family of Akhenaten
For example, those quoting the shouts of the boatmen. There
to a phyle organization in the palace in Naville
LXXiii, as discussed in
Kingdom
19.
is
made
parallels are given in
Stadelmann (1979,
1894- 1908,
A. M. Roth 1991, pp. 194-95.
nautical term tS-wr
identifies
facade of
in the later Eighteenth
was given great prominence
(Dorothea Arnold 1996).
18.
feet (170
of a royal fam-
small Third Dynasty shrine of Djoser in Heliopolis, in the Fourth
Dynasty,
Hatshepsut
The
in
throughout Egyptian history between sun
to be a correlation
Deir el-Bahri axis runs parallel to Karnak's axis
about 550
seems
and an emphasis on family,
prototj^e for the
at
list
(A. M. Roth 1993), and during the
the transverse
1978, pp. 34—35).
cited in Porter
and early Fifth Dynasties, when the
toward Luxor, was presumably con-
Weeks
on both colonnades were pointed out
example, the chapels of Mereruka and Kagemni in the
pyramid cemetery,
ily in the
often said that the main axis of Hatshepsut's temple aligns
in the
is
a reference
pt. 3, pis.
lx,
A reference to the Old
same volume
A. M. Roth 1991,
(pi. Lxxiii).
p. 27.
has suggested the importance of Heliopolis as a
p- 321)
New Kingdom temples at Thebes. Kees (1949, p. 434)
an inscription of Hatshepsut
the term jwnw srrfw
at
Deir el-Bahri as the
(Upper Egyptian Heliopolis)
first
to refer to the
use of
Theban
her Eighth Pylon, the earliest of the monumental gateways built along the
area {Urkunden 4, p. 361). In addition to the historical allusions to the
transverse axis of Karnak temple to emphasize the processional route to
Fifth
Luxor temple,
Kingdom, Hatshepsut's
is
also about 550 feet south of Karnak's
it
main
axis
(see the plan in Golvin 1987, p. 202, pi.
and runs
Hyksos from
more plausibly,
the Egyptian Delta and,
for
the rebuilding of Egypt after the depredations of their rule. For a recent edition
and translation of the inscription making this claim, see
6. In the depiction
of the
Ramesseum, Ahmose
New
I,
First
Hatshepsut's grandfather and the
Dynasty
unifier
is
shown
P.
Allen 2002.
first
king of the
as a statue together with
of Egypt, and Mentuhotep, suggesting that
three were regarded as founders of golden ages.
The texts that labeled
J.
Wildung
1969, pp. 11— 12.
these colossal statues often contained feminine references,
but these inscriptions would not have been visible to viewers outside the temple.
rise
of Heliopolis as the religious center of the Old
reliefs also allude in their subject
lection of incense (important in
Punt
matter to the god
Heliopolitan themes: the divine birth of the children of Re; the col-
where the incense
rises
in the east, land
all rituals,
on an open
altar to
but particularly in solar religion,
cense the god himself) from
of the rising sun; and particularly the transportation
of obelisks, symbols of the Heliopolitan
of Min in the Nineteenth Dynasty
Kingdom's Eighteenth Dynasty,
Menes, the
all
festival
Dynasty and the
Re and
i).
Hatshepsut claimed a similar feat by taking credit for her grandfather's expulsion of the Levantine
7.
parallels, see, for
with that of Karnak temple, surveys have shown that an extension of the
roughly parallel to
5.
For
Old Kingdom
meters) to the south (see the plan in
summary of
a
(Altenmiiller 1967, pp. 17-18), and other elements of the standard scenes
nected to the Opet festival.
4.
unknown. For
is
interesting suggestions, see Feucht
probably occurred there as well.
their processional
Her construction of the Eighth Pylon, beginning
some
temples of the early Fifth Dynasty kings Sahure and Neferirkare
the
revived older traditions,
rest
references to incense
The A/B
abeyance or degenerated into small
where the barques could
name of the god
tern of offering-chamber decoration
hidden
(col. 1256).
B.C.).
The
Teti
emphasized them on her Theban monuments and seems to have built
numerous way
16.
The plan of the tem-
Dynasty (1981-1802
provincial affairs during the Twelfth
to the
title
Kingdom Art and
2003.
end points were already in place. These
since the temples that served as their
Theban
although Luxor
Eleventh Dynasty forebear
the
recent discussions of the term and
15.
Medinet Habu temple suggests that it may already
at a possible
and
2004.
What links
The procession of Amun of Opet to
col. 1258).
31,
For a recent publication, see Blackman 1988.
attested only in later periods, but the orienta-
have taken place in her reign (Stadelmann 1980,
trees in pots, Puntites,
1995, pp. 503-12.
by
was
May
13.
Middle Kingdom
that Hatshepsut
in
location.
its
14.
incorporated into the colonnaded
Luxor temple, suggesting
II at
from the species offish depicted
These scenes from Sahure's temple include myrrh
Archaeology, Prague,
on Hatshepsut's
tides with feminine endings occur in
on the barque shrine
court of Ramesses
col. 574),
in the
to judge
presented by Tarek el-Awady at the Conference on Old
festival in
initiated
representations
end point, probably already existed
(Borchardt 1896).
Punt clearly lay on the Red Sea,
boats bringing exotic animals back to Egypt. Information about them was
festivals
appears to go back to the Eleventh Dynasty (2124-1981 B.C.) (Graefe 1986,
col. 187), the
with the solar sym-
these scenes. Both East Africa and the west coast of the Arabian Penninsula
Theban temples con-
festivals, the Beautiful Festival
capital
its
the hnhn stone so important in the earlier part of the
Fifth Dynasty.
11.
Stadelmann (1978) demonstrates similar orientations
and connections, particularly
—
have been suggested as
(1989, pp. 201-5) discusses this ritual
draw on Naville 1894-1908.
that follow
Hatshepsut's scenes would thus have combined Unis's narrative of transporting materials from the borders of Egypt to
honor his early work on the temple.
Barry
by the Eighteenth Dynasty.
The descriptions of scenes
bol of the obelisk
by Hatshepsut
emphasize the connection of these four buildings and their attendant
3.
ID.
in the
Some wall decoration
area could have been inserted
II in this
(Naville 1894-
lished
9.
(1992) suggests that changes in the upper
Thutmose
point to
II,
suggest that the patterns evident in later temples were already well estab-
Two Tombs of Hatshepsut"
discovered in the middle colonnade bear Hatshepsut*s
early stages.
in situ decoration dating before the reign of Hatshepsut, extant fragments
in the
volume). However, the foundation deposits
in this
Although there are comparatively few Egyptian temples with well-preserved
cult.
This evocation of the Memphite gods in Thebes was later continued by
Thutmose
Re
at
III in his
Karnak.
complex of smaller temples around the temple of Amun-
He built a
temple to the north (significantly) of the principal
temple dedicated to the Memphite god Ptah, and another, farther
Heliopolitan form of Re.
their counterparts at the
The high priests of both bore
much larger temples in
m3ow, respectively (Kees 1949,
the
same
the north: hrp
east, to the
titles as
hmwt and wt
p. 430).
ARCHITECTURE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT
I5I
78.
symbol of the union of Upper and Lower
Fragment of an Obelisk
The names and images of Hatshepsut
Egypt.
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III,
year i6 (1463 B.C.)
in.),
W. 42 cm
(16/2 in.),
D. 46
cm
Boston, Gift of the Heirs of
Francis Cabot Lowell, 1975 75.12
the pyramidal top of the southern obelisk,
Provenance:
1975
jubilee, or
in year 16,
Sed
festival,
Aswan.' The two great monoliths, each
nearly 100 feet
tall
(29.5 m),''
were carved with
scenes depicting Hatshepsut and her co-regent,
Thutmose
III,
set
up
Bibliography: W.
S.
Thomas
Thus when he
still
stands, but at
some time
upper part of the southern obelisk
Relief decoration in the southern portico
false
fell
obelisks that
were quarried
earlier in
Hatshepsut *s
depicted wearing male
CHR
hatshepsut's building projects
Ostracon with Drawing of
Queen of Punt
20th Dynasty,
ca. 11 50 B.C.
H. 14
cm
In setting up obelisks at Karnak, Hatshepsut
(5^
Agyptisches
in.),
W.
8
cm
(3/3 in.)
Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Museen zu
Berlin 21442
was
following a tradition begun by her father,
Thutmose
seems
to
I.
Before commissioning her
own she
have erected a pair commissioned by her
II
(Gabolde 1987a; Gabolde
2003, pp. 417-22, 430-35)2.
the
beard of a king, and the double crown, a
the
Staatliche
1.
husband, Thutmose
attire,
79.
Limestone
reign and were also set up at Karnak.
and
78
152
at
Deir el-Bahri depicts the transport of two other
the
fragment from the southern obelisk,
is
his systematic
of the lower terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple
many pieces.
Hatshepsut
began
1995, p. 175, no. 77
images on these two obelisks were preserved.^
Fourth and Fifth Pylons. The northern obelisk
On this
later
Smith 1942; Habachi 1977;
on her monuments, her names and
in the temple of
Amun at Karnak, between what we now call the
broke into
encased the bases of
appearing before or offering to
Amun-Re. They were
of the pair
III
Thebes, Karnak temple; acquired in
Joyce L. Haynes in N.
Hatshepsut
ordered two obelisks from the granite quarries
at
next to the sacred lake at
renovation of the area, some time after her
attack
To commemorate her
lies
Hatshepsut 's two obelisks in stone during his
death.
which she celebrated
a distance.
which now
Karnak. Thutmose
(18/8 in.)
Museum of Fine Arts,
from
remain intact on both obelisks, as seen also on
Granite
H. 106 cm (41^
temple, their inscriptions were probably not legible
Habachi 1977,
ern obelisk
3.
is
p. 60,
where the weight of the north-
visible
tion recorded in the
commemorated
first
such expedi-
New Kingdom.
Hatshepsut
the expedition in reliefs deco-
rating the southern portico of the middle terrace
given as 323 tons.
Although the obelisks were
In year 9 of her reign, Hatshepsut sent an expedition to the land of Punt, the
from outside the
of her temple
at
Deir el-Bahri (see
Ann Macy
Roth's essay, above). Particular attention was
81
taken to represent the local houses, unlike anything seen in Egypt, as well as animals, plants,
and trade goods that would be transported back
Egypt.
to
The Egyptians
also carefully depicted
the people of Punt, with their distinctive clothing, jewelry, facial features, hairstyles,
ral
beards
worn by
the
is
a block
king, Parehu, and his wife, Ati.
especially interested in the
The
with her curved spine and heavy
may be
This
was
artist
the queen,
rolls
of
flesh.
an attempt to depict an extreme
form of what
may
showing the
body of
is
now termed
steatopygia; or
some
cultures as con-
This limestone chip, or ostracon, was used
pad by an
artist
who was particularly
taken with the distinctive image of
It
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
Thutmose
III
(1479- 1458 B.C.)
Limestone
Hatshepsut
H. 10
cm
Queen
was painted some three hundred years
III
(1479-1458
B.C.)
Painted limestone
W.
(4 in.),
The Syndics of the
13.2
cm
H. 41 cm
(5/8 in.)
Fitzwilliam
Museum, Cambridge
(16/8 in.),
W. 29 cm
(iiYs in.),
Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.271
The woman
Ahmose,
represented on this fragment
the principal
queen of Thutmose
I
Ati.
after
intact,
some
times, for
details
unknown
were altered
reasons.
wig of short, curled locks
was changed
to a lappet
is
and
is
in ancient
Ahmose 's
original
that covered her ears
wig with
a vulture
This
relief
Asasif,
in
Temple.
It
fragment was uncovered
the
in
depicts the
creator gods, at the
god Atum, one of Egypt's
left,
investing Hatshepsut
with royal regalia. Both the god and Hatshepsut
wear the double crown
that symbolizes the
headdress, and her baton, which would have
union
showing the Punt expedition were
been similar to the one held by her granddaugh-
Hatshepsut 's crown also has a uraeus
who
interest to those
generations
visited the temple
still
of
many
chr
later.
ter
Neferure in catalogue no.
formed
61,
was
trans-
chr
into a lily scepter.
Lower
area of Hatshepsut 's Valley
the time of Hatshepsut and indicates that the
reliefs
cm
D. 7.8
(3/8 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
E.G.A. 3 100.1943
mother of Hatshesput. Although the face
noting prosperity.'
as a sketch
Atum and
it
simply show that the queen was obese, a
condition understood in
Relief Fragment Depicting
81.
Queen Ahmose
and natu-
men. The most famous
section of the Punt reliefs
Relief Fragment with
8o,
between
Upper and
Lower Egypt.
at the
brow. Her face was probably hacked off during
the later reign of her
nephew Thutmose
III.
CHR
I.
The
queen's
body may
also have represented a
Provenance: Western
Thebes, south wall of the
combination of the two. For a discussion of these
upper court of Hatshepsut 's temple
conditions and other possible artistic representa-
given by R. G. Gayer- Anderson in 1943
at
Deir el-Bahri;
tions of them, see Ghalioungui 1949.
of Art excavations, 1935-36, acquired
Bibliography:
Provenance: Western
pi.
Thebes, Deir el-Medina;
Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft excavations, 1913
Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower Asasif, site of
Hatshepsut *s Valley Temple; Metropolitan Museum
xxxvii,
fig.
Mysliwiec 1976, pp.
87; Vassilika 1995, pp.
46-47, no. 19
Bibliography: Lansing and Hayes
fig. 4;
Bibliography:
Dietrich
in the division
of finds
51, 54,
Hayes
1937, p. 4,
1959, p. 89
Wildungin Wildung
1997b, pp. 144-45, no. 145 (with bibliography)
architecture as political statement
153
Three Reliefs Depicting
82.
Running
Soldiers
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 b.c.)
Painted limestone
cm
W.
a.
H.
31
b.
H.
32.5
cm (12/4 in.), W.
39
c.
H.
33.5
cm (13J4 in.), W.
59
(12/4 in.),
Agyptisches
Staatliche
41.5
cm
(16^/8 in.)
cm
(15^8 in.)
cm (23)^ in.)
Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Museen zu
Berlin (a) 18542, (b) 14141,
(c) 14507
These
reliefs
come from
the east wall of the
upper terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple
Bahri,
Opet
the
Deir
at
el-
where they were part of a large scene of
Karnak
which the image of the god
festival/ in
Amun was
transported from his temple at
to the temple of Luxor, a
few miles
to
the south. In this earliest representation of the
festival,
groups of jubilant soldiers are depicted
running both north
(left)
and south
(right) in
celebration.
Relief (a) shows Egyptian soldiers, painted
red, the conventional color for
and carrying
art,
Two
are
throw
armed with
stick,^
men in Egyptian
branches for the
tree
battle-axes
festival.
and one with a
and a fourth carries a standard
The Nubian
depicting two horses.
soldiers rep-
resented on relief (b) are painted brown, their
facial features differ slightly
from those of the
Egyptians, and each carries a
bow and arrows as
well as a battle-axe. Relief (c), like (a), depicts
Egyptian soldiers armed with throw
axes.
One
at the front
holds a fan.
sticks
The
gular patches on the back of the soldiers'
suggest that they wear
ment
1.
2.
kilts
a protective leather gar-
two found
similar to
Kings (see
and
rectan-
in the Valley
of the
chr
cat. no. 36; fig. 27).
Lipihska 1974, pp. 163-67.
These are often
called
boomerangs, but unlike true
boomerangs, Egyptian throw
designed to return
sticks are not
when they miss
their
mark.
Provenance: Western Thebes, upper terrace
Hatshepsut 's temple
at
Deir el-Bahri;
of
(a) acquired in
1907, (b) acquired in 1898, (c) acquired in 1900
Bibliography:
82a,
h.
Porter and
pp. 375-76; Lipinska 1974, pp.
raphy); Karl-Heinz Priese
pp.
1
16-17, nos. 16,
17;
Moss
m Agyptens Aufsdeg 1987,
Laura Donatelli
ndVantico Egitto 1990, pp. 84-86, no.
3;
Wildung in Wildung 1997b, pp. 146—47,
Grimm and
82c. Porter
Schoske 1999a,
and Moss 1972,
1972,
166-67 (with bibliogin Arte
Dietrich
nos. 146, 147;
p. 58, no. 14
p. 375;
Lipihska 1974,
pp. 164—65 (with bibliography); Karl-Heinz Priese
in Priese 1991, pp.
76-77; Janusz Karkowski
in
Geheimnisvolle Konigin Hatschepsut 1997, p. 113,
no. 13;
154
Grimm and
Schoske 1999a,
p. 58, no. 14
hatshepsut's building projects
81c
Relief Fragment Depicting
the Deified King Thutmose I
83.
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
(1479-1458 B.C.)
III
Painted limestone
H. 41
cm
W. 46 cm
(i6/a in.),
(iS/s in.)
Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim 4538
Thutmose
Hatshepsut 's father,
I,
is
depicted
wearing an elaborate crown made up of two
feathers, ram*s
horns with a sun disk, and cobras.
The curved beard of a god
that this
relief is
is
at his chin indicates
an image of the deified king. The
from Hatshepsut *s Deir el-Bahri temple,
probably from one of the small niches along the
west wall of the upper terrace (see
fig. 61).'
CHR
I.
N. Strudwick 1985,
p. 15, citing
Provenance: Western Thebes,
temple
1981.
Hatshepsut 's
Deir el-Bahri
at
Bibliography:
Moss
Wiebach
1972, p. 355,
Steindorff 1900,
where the
from the Anubis shrine
1997, p. 55, and cover
Porter and
thought to be
Hatshepsut 's temple; Peck
in
ill.;
fig. 17;
relief is
Schulz and Seidel 1998,
p. 185, no. 71
Relief Fragment Depicting
Hatshepsut, Recarved as
84,
Thutmose
II
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479- 145 8
reworked
B.C.), later
Limestone
H. 44
cm
(17/3 in,),
W.
Musees Royaux d'Art
33
cm
(13 in.)
et d'Histoire,
Brussels
E
3044
The king is shown wearing the squared-off false
beard of a living pharaoh and the atef crown
crown of Upper Egypt flanked by two
the white
ostrich feathers and
combined with a pair of
ram's horns, a sun disk, and a uraeus
brow. At the back of the crown
sentation of the
god Horus
Although the cartouche
is
the
at
a small repre-
in falcon form.
that
is
partially pre-
served in the upper right corner of this relief
was recarved
of Thutmose
in antiquity
II,
with the throne
the hieroglyphs to the
the cartouche, an ankh followed
ending
ti
depicted
(may she
was
name
left
of
by the feminine
live), indicate that the
originally Hatshepsut.
The
king
profile
of the face has also been altered. The recarving
was presumably done by order of Thutmose
after
Hatshepsut 's death.
III
chr
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
Cathleen A. Keller
Any
investigation of the statues of Hatshepsut
must begin
her temple
Deir
joint reign.
with the examples recovered from her temple
at
el-
Bahri, for, although in a ruined state, they constitute the
largest corpus of surviving images
known
Moreover, since they derive from a
tion
to date
from her
common site,
reign.'
regional varia-
not an issue.^ Finally, the fact that a significant proportion
is
of the Deir el-Bahri corpus
is
made up of architectural
statuary
allows us to use the temple 's construction history to devise a sty-
framework
listic
for the freestanding statues. In 1979
Tefnin published a chronology of the
stylistic
development of Hatshepsut 's statuary that
rests
Roland
and iconographic
upon
the stylistic
changes manifested by three series of engaged limestone statues
Deir el-Bahri.^ These are
all
associate the king with Osiris
Osiride figures, that
and thus present him
The development Tefnin
ruler.
is,
posits
as a deceased
began with four
the sanctuary and proceeded outward,
first
at
statues that
to the ten
statues in
examples
enclosed within niches in the rear (west) wall of the upper terrace
(like cat. no. 74),
and then to the twenty-six statues that fronted
the upper terrace portico.'^ This sequence reflects Tefnin *s hypothesis that the
embeUishment of the temple was
parts of the temple (on the west),
initiated in the inner
which were most important
terms of ritual, and culminated, with some exceptions,
at the
in
outer
sculptures of
whose
Osirides possess close stylistic
Thutmose
II's reign:^
vertical plays against the
a
affinities
round face and
with
straight nose
emphatic horizontals of the
widely spaced eyes and broad mouths In both, the distinct smile
(fig.
64) creates a relatively benign expression. Similar features
appear, for example, in a relief
that
shows Hatshepsut
on a limestone block from Karnak
sanctuary Osirides have skin that
ally
is
reflect
aspects
As we
titles
while retaining female
will show, these feminine
158
both the Karnak and Gebel
other, stylistically related
mary
characteristics
epitomized in
(cat. nos. 95,
96) and in
works from the same temple. '° The
of this
stylistic
pri-
phase are the individuation of
Hatshepsut 's appearance (as distinct from earlier depictions of her
in the generalized style
of her immediate predecessors) and a
unique combination of feminine
The
of royal power.
this phase,
traits
with masculine symbols
face lengthened and, at the beginning of
sometimes took on a geometric appearance;
later a
broadening across the cheekbones, coupled with a narrow, sometimes pointed, chin, created a heart-shaped countenance.
brows
in the
works of this phase arch high above the
almond-shaped eyes; the nose begins to assume a
profile; the lips
more
serious.
figures
become
These
thinner;
The
slightly tilted
distinctly
curved
and the expression tends to be
characteristics are shared
by the Osiride
from the west wall niches of the upper terrace
and the two limestone depictions of Hatshepsut
as a
(cat. no. 74)
maned sphinx
(cat, no. 89).
The
seated images of Hatshepsut are
among the most
interest-
tion.
They do not
constitute a series, but rather are a
group of
iconographically and stylistically unique images united solely by
their seated pose.
their
The
meaning and
other statues in question are true series, and
effect
depend
at least partly
on
this fact.
Thus
each series expresses a different concern: the devotional pair represent the
permanence of adoration; the donor images stand
for
maintenance of the temple's protection; and the Osirides offer
may
forms would
be replaced by increasingly masculinized representations, evident
in
her seated statues from Deir el-Bahri
is
yellow, the color tradition-
Hatshepsut 's decision, for a brief time early in the co-
(fig. 38). 9
male and the adoption of full kingly iconography
multiplication of the offering ritual; the sphinxes suggest the
11.^
used for representations of females. This color choice
regency period, to adopt kingly
transformation of Hatshepsut 's figure from female to
final
The
queen of Thutmose
as chief
Deir el-Bahri, throughout the remainder of the
ing portrayals of her, for they exhibit the greatest individual varia-
(eastern) part of the temenos, or sacred enclosure.''
The sanctuary
The
at
el-Silsila shrines as well as in
hatshepsut's building projects
proof of the repetition of the jubilee." The seated
ever, depict the single recipient of a cult ritual,
statues,
how-
and with their
nuanced variations, these images must represent the peak achieve-
ment of Hatshepsut *s
stylistic, textual,
sculptors at the time they
were made. Their
and iconographic differences also account for the
position of primary importance they occupy for historians and art
profile seen
on most statuary from Deir
el-Bahri; these appear to
be associated with the male Hatshepsut.
The
three remaining seated statues probably are the earliest
surviving three-dimensional portrayals of Hatshepsut as a male
ruler.
that
The
is,
crystalline limestone statue
shows her
male, regalia but with a torso that
(cat. no. 96).
The
face
distinctly heart
is
is
in full kingly,
extremely feminine
shaped and displays the
remnants of a very prominent nose. These features and the change
in royal
statue.
iconography suggest a date
Again the
later
than that of the granite
texts retain referents that are chiefly feminine.
The next example, an over-lifesize granite image, preserves a much
enlarged, one might say flagrant, nemes headcloth and a defemi-
ninized torso
(fig.
66).
While some of the
inscription's epithets
exhibit feminine gender endings, the primary titles are rendered
in their traditional
masculine form.
The
headless torso and legs
of a small black porphyritic diorite portrayal of a male king completes the corpus of seated images
Although the work lacks
Fig. 64. Over-lifesize
of her temple
at
texts that identify
it
(fig.
67).
as a representation
head of an Osiride statue of Hatshepsut from the sanctuary
Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund,
historians
from Deir el-Bahri
alike,
1931 (31.3,155)
both as exemplars of the development of
Hatshepsut's kingly iconography and as indicators of the evolution of style in the joint reign, during
which Hatshepsut 's image
became increasingly masculine and was invested more and more
with male kingship symbolism.'^ Recent studies of Hatshepsut 's
transition
from chief queen of Thutmose
regent of Thutmose
III
confirm the
II to
stylistic
regent and later co-
and iconographic evi-
dence provided by the seated images: Hatshepsut assumed male
guise only after she had already taken a
Two
earlier
that
of the two
is
kingly titulary/^
The
thought to be the badly damaged diorite statue
shows Hatshepsut
cloth, sheath dress,
is
full
seated images portray Hatshepsut in female dress.
in fully feminine guise,
wearing a khat head-
amulet necklace, and other jewelry
(fig. 65). It
inscribed with her complete royal titulary and uses feminine
gender endings throughout. Hatshepsut 's kingly status
ever, indicated
shows her
headcloth
more emphatically
in female dress
(cat. no. 95).
are poorly preserved,
is,
how-
in the granite seated statue that
and jewelry but with the royal nemes
Although the
texts inscribed
we can determine
on
this
work
that her titulary also uses
feminine epithets. In facial features this statue represents a departure
from the received
artistic style
of her predecessors, but
it
does
not exhibit the heart-shaped face, pointed chin, and aquiline
Fig. 65. Lifesize statue of Hatshepsut in female guise
headcloth, early i8th Dynasty. Diorite.
New York, Rogers Fund,
and wearing the khat
The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
1930 (30.3.3)
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
I59
of Hatshepsut
scribed
—
—
its
was
the belt buckle
gesting that
Perhaps his attacks on sculpture in the temple
back and seat are unin-
made
attacked, sug-
masculine in form,
it
represents the comple-
Hatshepsut 's
is
full
any event, Thutmose
transformation into a
on
monumental
a
The
scale.
is
into a
expressed
ing
(cat. no.
all
own
from a
most
this
facial features.
pieces
to
into
group are the superhuman
scale
To this end, he
and occasion-
titles,
and erasing her cartouches
removed from sacred ground and tossed
The fragments
of the temple
east
that
were thrown into
the hole south of Hatshepsut 's causeway served
the
works
immediate male
11.'^
two open quarries located
precincts. '9
dis-
Among
striking characteristics of the
his
and
from them. Once they were destroyed, he had the
tance by means of their heroic proportions
and exaggerated
I
her entire figure from the temple 's relief dec-
striking off their uraei
open courts of
the temple and to impress viewers
Thutmose
oration. Before destroying her three-dimensional
some of these
were intended
in the dramatic
In
images, he did away with her kingly status by
can be classified as archi-
tectural statuary, for they
hold their
ally
94) and kneel-
(cat. nos. 92, 93).'^ Although
are freestanding,
Amun.
seems to have planned
removed Hatshepsut 's name,
best-preserved
and the colossal figures of the
king shown standing
III
memorial temple for
predecessors,
examples are the Osirides from the upper portico (figs. 59, 68)
reluctant to
to convert Hatshepsut 's temple, Djeser-djeseru,
best embodied, however, in
which her male aspect
may have been
it
undertak-
destroy an entire temple dedicated to
the colossal statuary from the temple at Deir
el-Bahri, in
Moreover, he
ing.
tion of Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis.
kingship icon
a virtue out of necessity, since tearing
down would have been an enormous
did indeed portray her. Fully
it
as
for the
fill
own
in
causeway leading
Despite Thutmose
of the
to
Thutmose
Ill's
temple, Djeser-Akhet.^°
Ill's
campaign of destruc-
both the number and the variety of the
muscular development of the male torsos;
tion,
the completely male kingly dress; and the
ues of Hatshepsut that survive are impressive. If
enlarged and simplified facial features appro-
the attitudes of these statues are traditional, their
priate to the colossal scale of the figures.
appearance
''^
In
Although the
by
masculine
fully
imagery
with innovative elements that render
the portico Osirides and granite
Fig. 66. Over-lifesize statue of
sent
a
separate
embodies
it
probably does not repre-
artistic
The
Granite,
Art,
phase but rather
a specific application
Metropolitan
New York, Rogers Fund,
ends.
sions (cat. no. 91) of works that are over lifesize.
from the small number and
While
it is
clear,
relatively early date of the depictions
of Hatshepsut as female that
this
The time-honored method of usurping stat-
was insuflicient if they were
to
the Deir el-Bahri statuary
represent anyone else, so
it
be rededicated to Thutmose
I
or
was simply too much Hatshepsut
el-Bahri statuary have already been mentioned, certain
nomy was
unusual attributes should be highlighted here. The
retained and remains clearly recognizable. Thus, the
is
a single,
statuary (cat. nos. 92—94) and the smaller red granite figures
festival,
(cat. no. 91).
form.'''
Thutmose
III
began a deliberate
program of damnatio memoriae directed against
regent;'^ his central goal
Hatshepsut 's claims to kingly
temple
160
at
his
former co-
was the eradication of any
status.
trace of
Her splendid mortuary
Deir el-Bahri was a primary target of
hatshepsut's building projects
this
campaign.
more
five series
of
limestone Osiride statues from Hatshepsut 's temple conform to
without doubt that of the same person represented in the colossal
reign,
to
Although some of the innovative features of Hatshepsut 's Deir
type of image was superseded by
face of the seated female figure in catalogue no. 96, for example,
II
had to be destroyed.
the male icon, the essential appearance of her distinctive physiog-
About year 42 of his
III
ues by simply altering the inscriptions on them
or extremely simplified small ver-
lifesize
was
made
when he sought to adapt Djeser-djeseru to his own
1927
(27.3.163)
of the male
it
Hatshepsut statuary unusable by Thutmose
Museum of
kingship icon. Most of the statues in this cate-
gory are either well over
unique and
perhaps these very touches of originality that
Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty.
development,
it
uniquely expressive of Hatshepsut. Indeed,
statuary has been interpreted as a relatively
late
anything but predictable, for each
combines a time-hallowed conventional posture
short, these are Hatshepsut supersized.
exhibited
is
stat-
new
type, in
which the upper body
or jubilee, cloak and the lower
is
covered by a Sed-
body and
legs are
mummi-
Although they were broadly modeled on two protoypes
at
the freestanding, cloaked statues of Mentuhotep
II
Deir el-Bahri
—
and the engaged mummiform Osirides of Amenhotep
I
(see fig. 9)
Hatshepsut 's Osirides grasp four implements, two in each
'nh
and nhoho
scepter in the
flail
left
in the proper right
(see
fig.
fist:
the
and the hqo crook and wZs
68)." This combination of implements
is
Not only her Osirides
entirely unique to Hatshepsut 's statuary.
but also Hatshepsut's small kneeHng figures from Deir el-Bahri
present unusual elements, namely, the nemset vase, the djed
and the prominent khat (see
pillar,
cat. no. 91).
A fragmentary sandstone nurse statue found at Deir el-Bahri is
male Hatshepsut
also unusual. Here, a miniaturized
known
the lap of the Royal Nurse, Sitre, also
arranged at right angles to each other.
shown on
is
as Inet, their bodies
Although
statues featur-
ing a large figure and a small one juxtaposed in this manner had
been known since the Old Kingdom, they were usually reserved
for depictions of the king
The
on the
lap of his
mother or
a goddess.
adaptation of the type here to depict the relationship between
a royal nurse and her kingly charge, contemporary with the proliferation of imaginative tutor statues of
constitutes another
example of the
Senenmut
(cat. nos. 60, 61),
displayed by
artistic originality
sculptors of Deir el-Bahri.^^
Hatshepsut's Statuary Program
THROUGHOUT EgYPT
The
same
destructive
forces
that
were
upon
unleashed
Hatshepsut's memorial temple statuary were responsible for the
disappearance of her statuary from other
known
Fig. 67. Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty.
Metropolitan
Under
Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund,
lifesize, diorite.
The
193 1 (31.3.168)
to
sites.
Hatshepsut
is
have undertaken building projects from the Sinai to
Nubia. In most of her far-flung projects she would have installed
images depicting herself as ruler of Egypt. However, the very
fragmentary condition of this statuary and
make
its
original inscriptions
attribution uncertain.^''
A case in point is statuary associated with one of Hatshepsut's
grandest construction projects at Karnak: the Eighth Pylon
Larger than any pylon previously erected
mental sandstone structure became the
at
Karnak,
(fig. 69).
this
new entrance to
monu-
the temple
and accommodated the complex's twin processional axes, northsouth and
east-west.""*^
unusual features:
it
was
The pylon was
entirely
stone, and an exceptionally large
of
its
by two
distinguished
surrounded by a low wall of lime-
number of colossi stood
south face. Ultimately there were six colossi,
all
in front
made of
limestone and quartzite, paralleling the combination of materials
Three were placed before each wing of the
in the
pylon
pylon.
The two easternmost were completely
itself.
remaining four have
gate were set up
lost their faces.
destroyed, and the
The two flanking the
entrance
by Hatshepsut but bear the name of Thutmose
having been rededicated by Thutmose
III to his father,
one in
II,
his
year 22, the other in his year 42, as part of Thutmose 's program of
usurpation of the pylon
likely
Fig. 68. Bust of an Osiride statue
Hatshepsut 's temple
at
from the colonnade on the upper terrace of
Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. The
head of one statue was placed on the upper body of another similar one for
this excavation
photograph.
itself.
These years are
was the year of Thutmose
second was when the
began. As
it
official
accession to sole power, the
proscription of Hatshepsut's images
was not uncommon
predecessors,
Ill's
significant: the first
for kings to usurp the statues of
Thutmose 's rededication of
the
first
of these two
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
161
The Eighth Pylon,
Fig, 69.
built
by
Hatshepsut in the early i8th Dynasty
at the
was not necessarily part of
colossi
destroy her
monuments
that
his systematic
began two decades
campaign
The
later.
to
other
surviving colossi, those fronting the west wing of the pylon, were
inscribed for
The
latter,
Amenhotep
which
II (the
westernmost) and Amenhotep
accompanied by a much smaller statue of
is
Amenhotep Ts mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, may,
that
now bear Thutmose
original decorative
II's
like the
examples
name, have been part of Hatshepsut 's
Amun
Karnak must have housed many images of her, both
at
figures
and statues that were elements
in statue groups.
and
single
Only
frag-
ments of two such group portrayals have survived, both of which
were associated with the
bipartite
Kamutef sanctuary
at
Karnak:
one shows Hatshepsut with Amun-Re-Kamutef; the other portrays her with
It is likely
Thutmose
III
and the same
at
Karnak
same material depicted
Hatshepsut kneeling between seated figures of Amun and Atum.^""
The most
elaborate composition
with three
divinities.
nal years
on a palm
At
the
rib;
a quadrad of Hatshepsut
on which
Amun sits.
Hatshepsut was
the dais with her back toward
Hatshepsut *s brow.
in her left
Amun. Weret-
hand and places her
Amun touches
ders with both hands."
temporary royal
was
Thoth records Hatshepsut *s reg-
immediately to his right Weret-hekau
stands before a throne dais,
shown kneeling on
left,
right
palm on
Hatshepsut 's back and shoul-
Some of the
relief decoration
statues closely parallel con-
—
in particular that in
the
Chapelle Rouge, the barque sanctuary that Hatshepsut built for
Amun at Karnak.^^
As
these groups reveal, Hatshepsut 's statuary
program under-
standably featured images that visually as well as textually empha-
divinity.
that the devising of group statues
was another of the
innovative features of Hatshepsut 's statuary production.""^
statue
lap of Anukis;^' another triad of the
hekau holds an ankh
program/^
Hatshepsut 's construction within the temples of
Mut
I.
temple of Amun
The
from Deir el-Bahri of Hatshepsut with her nurse has been
size
her close relationship to the gods and make explicit their
acceptance of her kingship
her
literally
—
a key example (cat. no. 40)
merged with the god Horus. Moreover,
shows
as four of the
mentioned. Particularly interesting are the paintings in the tomb
groups depicted in the tomb of Amenhotep indicate, she deliber-
Amenhotep, a royal steward and steward of
ately chose to be portrayed in the context of the elaborate corona-
of one of her
Amun who
tions of
no
officials,
followed Senenmut in
less
this office.
They
contain depic-
than seven different group statues that portray
Hatshepsut with a variety of
divinities, including
Weret-hekau, Thoth, Khnum,
Satis,
Amun, Atum,
and Anukis.^° In
all
of the
tion ritual in
which the king
symbolize his divine
is
invested with insignia that
status.
Hatshepsut *s female identity had been an appropriate aspect of
her representation as the chief queen of Thutmose
paintings both Hatshepsut 's figure and the accompanying texts
Amun. However, it was not, ultimately,
have been erased. Text labels designating the
was
survive
(ss,
meaning
statues' materials
"travertine"), and the stone can also be
ascertained through color (red signifies red granite; yellow
signifies travertine).
One
travertine triad represented
Anukis seated facing one another, with Hatshepsut
162
hatshepsut's building projects
Khnum
sitting
and
on the
II
and wife of
considered adequate
if she
to appear as a king with the status equivalent to that of her
male co-regent. In Egyptian
art, facial
translated into ideal forms, and
it
features and bodies
was according
were
to a similar
process of transformation that Hatshepsut 's female nature was
altered.
In ancient Egypt kingship had
its
own
idealized graphic
and textual vocabulary, with an icon of kingship that was male.
If
Hatshepsut desired to achieve the status and power of an Egyptian
king,
was necessary
it
that she
conform
to that idealized icon.
royal titulary remained clearly female, and there
1.
Tefnin 1979, pp.
2.
However, use of numerous
Her
was never an
viiff.
attempt to pretend that as an individual she was anything other
than
the
15.
fabrics
and the individual
styles
of the sculptors
His conclusions are summarized
in his chart in
Tefnin 1979,
Laboury (1998,
4.
The
His
p. 139.
is
5.
Arguments
set
An example is catalogue no.
An example is fig. 68.
forward by Tefnin and
employ this
The
74.
but the scale
is
belonged to Phase
by Christine Meyer positing
later
statue type.
larger than previously used
and
may represent an
III
continued to
There surely were other standing images that have not
(CG
Cairo
III are in
JE
594,
Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor (MPA.T3.
the
The attitude
Middle Kingdom prototypes (see the entry for
late
A pair of standing statues with contested attributions that may have
survived.
last
Meyer 1982 by Peter Dorman
However,
as Dimitri
Laboury
[1985, cols.
299-300, and 1988, pp.
41,
the
"'5i9)>
11249,
st.i).
For both, see Laboury 1998,
of stylistic and iconographic development that Tefnin outlines has
by subsequent
studies of the temple as well as
Here we should note
actually five.
These
by more
Hornung and
high and the
much
(fig.
on
smaller Osirides carved
terrace, in addition
by Tefnin.
For the reign of Thutmose
II,
16.
Gabolde 1987b. For the develop-
see generally
7.
Laboury (1998, pp. 585-621).
As noted by Tefnin (1979, pp. 38—40).
8.
Chevrier 1955,
pi.
XIX,
As on
fig.
reused in
111*5
Mysliwiec 1976,
p. 152, pi. iv;
temple of Montu
at
North Karnak and
Rondot
to Tefnin's
For a general discussion of the discovery and excavation of this material, see
Phase
II
and include,
Winlock
and one of the smaller granite sphinxes
(cat. no. 88b).
The inscriptions on
the portico Osirides
of the Sed
Leblanc 1980, pp. 82, 86-87.
It
make
The order in which
must be noted
3 1.3. 168:
that the
For
pi. VI,
I,
3,
Museum
1996,
same images of Hatshepsut
particularly
mane
However,
place in the corpus of
it
for
that
made Thutmose
New
The Metropolitan
III
We might say,
the preserver of the
he had ordered destroyed.
It
proved possible
many impressive statues from these fragments, but others,
those made of sandstone and limestone, were lost to centuries of
exposure to groundwater or burned in the lime
this subject
and
is
lost
(Metropolitan
30.3.3:
21.
Leblanc 1982, pp. 296—99,
pi.
22.
Leblanc 1980, pp. 73,
(A.7, A. 10), 74.
The
fig.
implements appears in
23.
For
Sitre as the
i
reliefs
Thus, our knowledge
xlix.
The
identical
on the Chapelle Rouge;
combination of
see Leblanc 1982,
u, ui, A, UII.
nurse of Hatshepsut, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 31—39.
24. It is likely that the sculpture
programs of Hatshepsut and Senenmut inspired
each other. See "Senenmut as Royal Tutor" and "The Statuary of Senenmut"
Tefnin 1979,
in this
25.
volume.
Unfortunately, the only Karnak statue of Hatshepsut with a certain attribution
stylistic analysis.
p. 214;
kilns.
of the Deir el-Bahri repertoire remains incomplete.
(cat. no. 89),
and the faces of two
with face restored), limiting their usefulness for
14.
this
5.
of Art. Beginning in the season of 1922, Winlock's excavations
therefore, that strange twists of fate
with face restored; and 27.3.163: Tefnin 1979, pp. 16—18,
known to have
survived into
modern
times was allowed to disintegrate,
according to the testimony of Sir WalHs Budge (James 1976; Eaton-Krauss
Chappaz 1993a and
1999, pp. 117-20).
2005.
Osirides that front the temple 's upper terrace and works of similar style
from Deir el-Bahri belong
its
Herbert E. Winlock excavated
pp. 300-305, pis. L,
pi. vii, a),
These studies include Gabolde and Rondot 1966,
Dorman
art until
in chapter
statuary (cat. nos. 88b, 93, 95, 96)
collectors in the nineteenth century.
in repre-
the statues are discussed here fol-
13.
1993b;
by Dorothea Arnold
recovered thousands of fragments of Hatshepsut 's statuary.
reference to the "first occasion
upper part of one
Tefnin 1979, pp. 18-19,
others are largely destroyed (Metropolitan
pp. 2—6, pi.
1942. See also the essay
Some fragments of Hatshepsut 's broken
Museum
Schott
refinements of his classifications, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 135—39, i45~4^-
Museum
in this
her Deir el-Bahri statuary did not reclaim
p. 42,
in addition to the
as a sphinx with a
lows Tefnin.
5
1988, p. 65.
to reconstruct
two limestone portrayals of Hatshepsut
festival":
volume.
19.
seated statues, the Osirides from the west wall niches of the upper terrace,
Tefnin 1979, pp. 1-36.
they reveal the vari-
fact,
works produced by individual teams of
to see in
Dorman
214 and n. 89, with bibliography).
These works belong
not to say that these images are identical; in
one would expect
See chapter
originated in the limestone shrine but was
sentations of Hatshepsut at Gebel el-Silsila (Gabolde and
p.
he places a granite sphinx (Cairo, JE 55190) and two
were acquired by European
1955, pi. 2;
from Karnak (Chevrier 1934,
The form
Amenhotep
is
Kingdom
a limestone lintel
III
18.
39 (detail).
1955, p. 216, pi. 3).
and
sculptors.
20.
and Schott
p. 40, pi. xxii
II
17.
ment of relief sculpture and statuary of the regency and co-regency period,
see
This
ations
the north and south sides of
on the middle
III are
Osiride statues (Cairo, JE 56260) and Deir el-Bahri (C5) (Tefnin 1979, p. 139).
no), which are more than 23 feet (7 meters)
the Hathor capitals in the goddess's shrine
to the three posited
on the north and south
Also included in Tefnin's Phase
ing the nemes^ and a granite sphinx in Cairo (JE 53 114). In a transitional phase
between Phases
are: the colossal Osiride figures
p. 48, figs. 46, 47.
(in
smaller kneeling figures of Hatshepsut (cat. no. 91), sandstone sphinxes wear-
that although Tefnin proposes three series, there are
ends of the lower colonnade
C40, C41. Following Laboury, Rita Freed
and Schoske 1999a,
indicates (1998, pp. 59ifF.), the general
recent studies of the early co-regency period.
12.
from
Bryan 2002, pp. 82—84, no- 4) assigns them to Thutmose III. They are, however, also ascribed to Hatshepsut in Chappaz 1993b, p. 6, and cover ill.; Grimm
largely been verified
11.
clearly derived
pp. 169—75, nos.
line
10.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 52458) are the
in the
existence of a single stylistic trajectory for Deir el-Bahri statuary have been
212]).
9.
pendant
its
questioned (in the case of Tefnin 1979 by Bernadette Letellier [1981] and in
that of
6.
94) and
innovation on the part of Hatshepsut 's sculptors. Thutmose
are series B; see pp. 41-43.
are his series C; see pp. 44—48.
live!
red granite, over-lifesize portrayals of the queen in the devotional pose
cat. no. 94),
pp. 585!?.).
four in the sanctuary constitute his series A; see Tefnin 1979, pp. 38—40.
The ten
The
only surviving standing statues of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahri.
chronology has been followed by numerous researchers, among them Pecoil
(1993) ^n<i
King Maatkare,
Son of Re, Hatshepsut, united with Amun, may (s)he
(cat. no.
have contributed to a certain degree of variation among them.
3.
Yet in the imagery of the statues that presented her
female.^*^
as king she of necessity portrayed herself as male:
to Tefnin's
Phase
III.
Tefnin (1979) characterizes
phase as a "return to tradition," in which kingship was once again repre-
26.
The north-south processional way linked
temple, the
site
festival,
the kingship of Hatshepsut. For
sented according to long-standing male prototypes, although this develop-
see Bell 1985.
ment had already taken place during his Phase
which
II.
of the Opet
The
east-west
the
Karnak temple
to the
Luxor
which merged the divinity of Amun and
more on
way was
the function of the
Opet
festival,
the route of the Valley festival, during
Amun left Karnak to visit the Gods of the West.
For
this subject, see
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
163
Ann Macy Roth in this
"Hatshepsut's Mortuary Temple at Deir el-Bahri" by
30.
The tomb
is
TT 73
in
western Thebes (see Habachi 1957, pp. 91-93,
analyzed three of the groups depicted in
27. Martinez (1993, p. 71) suggests that the six colossi constituted a "family
whose
Luxor
Save-Soderbergh 1957,
pi. iii;
Seidel 1996, p. 129,
fig. 38.
temple (the shrine associated with the divine lineage of the king) emphasized
32.
Save-Soderbergh 1957,
pi. iv;
Seidel 1996, p. 130,
fig.
40.
the role of the Eighth Pylon as "a gate of initiation, through which royal
33.
Save-Sbderbergh 1957,
pi. iii;
Seidel 1996, p. 131,
fig.
42.
power is
34.
See the discussion in Seidel 1996, pp. 132—34.
35.
As Robins
135-37 (with bibliography).
A third possible triad is slightly
(cat. nos. 60, 61)
Two
official
notes (1999, pp. 103, 110).
36. Inscriptions
questionable; Seidel 1996, pp. 138—39.
The images of her high
88.
position, facing south toward
affirmed."
28. Seidel 1996, pp.
29.
Senenmut shown with
on
statues
from Deir el-Bahri include a mixture of male and
female gender endings, but those on works from other
the princess Neferure
Colossal Sphinxes of
el-Bahri.^
Their original location was probably
where sphinxes appear
the lower terrace,
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
west rows flanking the sacred route across the
2.
(1479-1458 B.C.)
terrace to the
ramp
the Egyptian
Granite
H. 164
(i
ft.
I
cm
W, 90 cm
(64>^ in.),
D. 343
cm
3.
arranged along the temple's main axis in two
in exhibition
H.
Berlin sphinx
Granite, paint
131
cm
(515^ in.),
Agyptisches
Staatliche
D. 287
cm (9
ft.
counterpart;
in.)
5
sphinxes date to the
art.
Old Kingdom,
The
earUest
shortly before
the creation of the great sphinx at Giza
most famous and
largest
The prominence of
and
in relief depictions
—
the
example of the genre.
sphinxes in
pyramid complexes, both
facial planes, nar-
more
much broader
across
izontally set.
head and frequently
Egyptian
York
has a shorter,
On both
with a nemes headcloth, has a
in
New
The New York sphinx
body and
very long history
its
proportionally longer
heart-shaped face that
the cheekbones;
a royal portrait
is
Old Kingdom
as freestanding statues
of the king trampling his
running
the
on
its
is
eyes are wide open and hor-
down
the breast
prenomen of the
is
king.
preserved and gives
164
The Metropolitan
Hayes
(3 1.6. 167); see
and Tefnin 1979, pp. 114-15-
was suggested recently by Dorothea Arnold
essay in chapter
5).
Previously,
Winlock
pp. 159-60) hypothesized that they
(see her
(1935a,
were on the
middle terrace. The problem was reviewed by Tefnin
(1979, pp. 102-3),
who
the granite sphinxes
followed Winlock's siting of
on the middle terrace and the
colossal kneeling figures
on the upper
terrace.
The more
intact text
Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head, transported
to the Agyptisches
Museum,
Berlin,
Lepsius in 1845; body. Metropolitan
by Karl Richard
Museum
excavations, 1928, ceded to the Agyptisches
Berlin, as part
of Art
Museum,
of an exchange in 1929
Amun
"preeminent
at Djeser-djeseru," the
use
Bibliography:
88a,
Winlock
of which would be consistent with the place-
pp. 160, 189, pi. 50 (restored);
ment of the sphinxes outside
Aldred 1961, pp. 48-49, no.
the temple 's upper
cak
terrace.
112-14 (bibliography,
77, 187, pi.
1935a;
Hayes
Winlock 1942,
1959, pp. 92-93;
23; Tefnin 1979, pp. 102,
p. 113), 118, 120, 127, n.
i,
175-
xxvn
88k Winlock 1929a, pp. 3-9,
figs. 7, 8
(body); Tefnin
1979, pp. 102, 103-7 (bibliography, pp. 103-4), 115-
some fragmen-
from Hatshepsut's temple
Provenance: 88a, Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri;
Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1928
the Berlin sphinx also contains the epithet of
mortuary complex.'
Six colossal granite sphinxes,
tary, survive
sixth are in
bibli-
The head
A primarily single placement of the granite sphinxes
88b.
sphinxes a battered column of text
enemies, suggests that they functioned as protectors of the royal
in
row, slanting eyes, and a small, terse mouth.
Berlin 2299
The depiction of the king as a sphinx, with a lion's
coiffed, as here,
face
and narrower, with sharper
Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Museen zu
smaller than
is
its
The
and for descriptions and
Museum of Art, New York
1959, PP- 93-94,
facing rows, these two are not identical.
b.
and torso of a
the temple itself and the religious processions
Although the sphinxes were symmetrically
31. 3. 166
p. 172;
ography, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 107—12).
that passed along the route.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Not
Winlock 1942,
in a
position to extend their guardianship over both
(35?^ in,),
3 in.)
Rogers Fund, 1 93 1
were
two fragmentary whole sphinxes
Museum, Cairo (JE 53114+55191,
JE 56259) and the head from another (JE 55190)
(see Winlock 1929a, p. 12, nn, 9, 10, p. 14, fig. 15;
that ascended to the tem-
ple's middle level. ^ Therefore they
a.
particular
In addition to the two granite sphinxes catalogued
here, there are
to
have been arranged, evenly spaced, in two east-
III
sites, in
Karnak, are chiefly male.
were equally innovative.
Hatshepsut
Thutmose
and
it.
31.
gallery" of the Thutmosides,
more
95,
Save-Soderbergh 1957, pp. i-io); recently Laboury (2000, pp. 86-87) has
volume.
at
Deir
hatshepsut's building projects
I.
Zivie-Coche 1984.
sphinx, see also
On the protective qualities of the
Wit
1951.
16, 120, n. 1, 122, n. 1, 127, n. i,
figs. 6, 8, 9, pis.
xxviii, xxix, a
139-41, 146, 174—76,
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
165
Hatshepsut
Sphinx
89-
as a
Maned
the sphinxes
were placed atop the newel posts
ramp between
the head of the
lower and middle terraces, visitors would have
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
encountered them
Thutmose
imposing gauntlet of large granite sphinxes.
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 60 cm (23 Ks
in.),
W. 29 cm
(ii^s in.), L.
no cm
of the granite sphinxes, which were approached
from the
Rogers Fund, 1 93 1 31.3.94
pair, this
side,
emphasizing the latent strength
of the crouching
Like
maned sphinx of Hatshepsut
much of the
temple, the
statuary from Hatshepsut 's
maned sphinxes were
inspired
by
Middle Kingdom prototypes; however, they
king with the lean, taut body of a Hon. This frag-
are
mentary example has been restored with
the latter,
mate
Tefnin 1979,
5.
For example, as noted
Lxvin,
p. 133.
the thick hair
larized
pi.
1989, p. 65, no. 89.
in
Russmann
(1989, p. 65),
on the top of the head has been regu-
and given a nemes-iike appearance.
in Cairo,
which
retains a considerable
is
casts
of
almost complete and
amount of
the original
more than simply scaled-down versions of
still
Hatshepsut sphinxes
results not only
yellow on the body, and traces of reddish brown
materials used
The
excavations, 1927—29
Bibliography: Winlock
1929a, p. 12;
Winlock
Hayes
1959, pp.
1942, pp. 172-73, pi. 48 (bottom);
92; Tefnin 1979, pp.
129-33 (bibliography,
91-
p. 130),
140, 143, 187
whose tense and furrowed visages
present a truly forbidding aspect.^
pigment: blue on the mane and beard, a tawny
on the proper
Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art
lion.
juxtaposes the delicately feminine features of the
its
121—23; Vandier 1958,
pis. 119,
Russmann
4.
passing through the
greeting, as opposed to the stern guardianship
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
of a
3;
Their role would seem to have been one of
(43/4 in.)
One
just after
Evers 1929,
at
the temple's
The
have a lightness that
from the
different scale
and
by the Eighteenth Dynasty
Relief with Hatshepsut as a
90.
Sphinx
statues are
sculptors but also from the overtly youthful,
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
inscribed with very similar texts, both reading
feminine features of the king. This characteris-
Thutmose
left
cheek.^
"Maatkare, beloved of
ever."
The only
Amun, given
difference
is
that
life for-
on the Cairo
sphinx masculine pronouns are used to refer to
the king, and
on the
tic
has caused
some
sphinxes to an
scholars to date the
earlier"*
and more
maned
artistically
experimental' phase of the co-regency period.
New York sphinx the forms
CAK
(1479-1458
III
B.C.)
Painted limestone
H. 21.6
cm
(8K
in.),
W.
37.5
cm
D.
(14)^ in.),
cm
7.5
(3 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Rogers Fund, 1923 23.3.172
are feminine.
While the impression given by the much
larger granite sphinxes
this statue
and
expectancy.
If,
its
is
of quiescent power,
mate communicate tranquil
as Herbert E.
Winlock suggested,^
1.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 53113. For bibliography, see Tefnin 1979, p. 130.
2.
Winlock
3.
See, for example, the
This limestone fragment from the temple of
1942, pp. 172-73.
Tanis (Egyptian
Amenemhat
Museum,
III
sphinx from
Cairo, 394). See also
Hatshepsut
at
Deir el-Bahri depicts a sphinx
with the king's features protecting a cartouche
The
containing her prenomen, Maatkare.
is
relief
noteworthy for the high quality of its execu-
tion.
The
facial features replicate in
ones seen on
uary,
sunk
relief
much of Hatshepsut 's temple
stat-
most notably the larger of the two granite
sphinxes discussed above
The fragment was
(cat. no. 88a).
originally part of a square
statue base approximately 26 inches (66
cm) on
No
identi-
each side and 18 inches (46 cm)
fiable trace
tall.
of the image that originally stood on
the pedestal has been discovered, but the base 's
dimensions suggest that the statue showed
the king in a standing pose.
statue
was
Assuming
also of limestone,
it
that the
probably per-
ished in the same near-total destruction visited
on so much of the temple 's limestone
This pedestal fragment
that,
although
many
is
a useful
statuary.
reminder
of Hatshepsut 's statues
from Deir el-Bahri have been reconstructed,'
cak
the corpus remains incomplete.
I.
Many more
statues
have been reconstructed from
Hatshepsut 's temple than from any other
temple, except that of
Amenhotep
Bryan 1992 and 1997.
III; see
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Hatshepsut Hole; Metropolitan
vations, 1922—23
166
hatshepsut's building projects
New
Kingdom mortuary
Museum of Art exca-
that this corpus
was completed
sibly for a purported
Sed
in haste, pos-
festival
of the king in
cak
year 16 7
following Hayes 1959, p. 97.
1.
Tefnin 1979,
2.
Roland Tefnin (1979, pp. 94-97) reviews the possibilities and concludes that the combined use of the
p. 88,
khat headdress, the nemset vase, and the djed pillar
is
intended to evoke the erection of the djed pillar at
the Sed festival.
3.
Dietrich
Wildung
(1969, p. 135, n. 3), followed
by
Marianne Eaton-Krauss (1977), suggests, that the
^/^£Zf-
wearing king in royal statue groups
the king's ka.
The
fact that in
is
actually
Hatshepsut *s temple
kings depicted wearing the khat are both making
(Hatshepsut
)
and receiving (Thutmose
offerings (Eaton-Krauss 1977, p. 28)
I
and
II)
might signify
the dual role of ka as both the sustainer ("suste-
nance" offered by the king) and the sustained (the
90
"life-force" that requires sustenance).
Bibliography: Winlock
1959, pp. loo-ioi, 102,
1942, pp. 79-80;
fig. 56;
Tefnin 1979,
The
Hayes
p. 134
fact that
been picked out
absence of the
only the eyes and brows have
in paint,
final polish
4.
seen on the larger
some
scholars
inscription here faces right
Re of (with feminine
combined with an
granite sculptures, has suggested to
The
t)
his
and reads: "Son of
body Khenem (no
t)
-
Amun Hatshepsut."
5.
Other members of the corpus include examples
in the
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (22883), the
Hatshepsut Kneeling
91.
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479— 1458
B.C.)
Granite, paint
H. 87
cm
(34/4 in.),
W.
32.5
cm
(12K
in.),
D.
51.5
cm
(20/4 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Rogers Fund, 1923
Among
23.3,1
the statues that originally embellished
Djeser-djeseru was a series of perhaps a dozen'
small
kneeling
lar,
Hatshepsut
of
depictions
proffering a nemset vessel fronted
by
high
The king wears
relief.^
fitting pleated kilt,
a short, closely
with only the khat headdress
and uraeus indicating her royal
back
pillars
of
all
nomen
or
The
status.^
of the figures are inscribed
with one of two types of
the
a djed pil-
a sacred object connected with Osiris, in
text, featuring either
prenomen of Hatshepsut.^
Although the images closely resemble one
another, demonstrating their derivation from a
common
model, their individual features are
sufficiently distinctive to
the
work of different
body forms
show
sculptors.'
that they
The
are highly simplified,
were
facial
which
and
is
in
keeping with their suggested placement in an
architectural setting characterized
by rhythmic
repetition, such as a portico or peristyle court.
If twelve
is
figures, they
indeed the total number of these
may be
connected with the
rituals
of the twelve daily and nightly hours that feature in the decoration of the king's
own
cult
chapel and the solar court, both located on the
upper terrace of the
temple.*^
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
167
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 47703-3), and the
Museum
Metropolitan
6.
(23.3.2, 31. 3. 160, .162).
The hours of the day and
night are depicted on the
ceiling of the cult chapel of Hatshepsut (Naville
1
894-1908,
pt. 4, pis.
cxiv-cxvi) and in the solar
court of Re-Horakhty (Karkowski 1976).
7.
Tefnin 1979,
p. 94,
followed in
Grimm and
Schoske
1999a, p. 84.
Provenance: Western
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Hatshepsut Hole; Metropolitan
Museum
of Art
excavations, 1922-23
Bibliography: Winlock
28;
Winlock
Tefnin 1979, pp. 89-90, 93,
Hatshepsut
92.
1923, pp. 32-33, figs. 27,
1942, p. 141, pi. 53;
Hayes
1959, p. 97;
n. 4, 186, fig. 4, pi. xxiii, a
Maat to
OflFers
Amun
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479— 1458
B.C.)
Granite
H. 261.5
D. 137
cm
cm
(8
7
ft.
in.),
W. 80 cm (31^
in.),
(54 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Rogers Fund, 1929
Not in
The
29.3.1
exhibition
central sanctuary located
on the upper
ter-
race of Hatshepsut *s temple at Deir el-Bahri
was dedicated
to
Amun- Re, whose barque
eled across the river
trav-
from Karnak temple and
then was carried until
it
came
to rest in this
shrine in the yearly Beautiful Festival of the
Valley.'
As
the procession bearing the god's
image crossed the middle
between
a series
terrace,
it
passed
of colossal granite images of
Hatshepsut. These statues, one of which
is
included in the exhibition catalogue, depicted
the king kneeling and offering spherical
nw
92
jars
and are differentiated only by the head covering
In contrast to her seated images, which are
On this statue the king wears the royal
the passive recipients of funerary offerings, the
and
text.
nemes headcloth, and the text on the base
that the king
At
first
is
offering
states
maat to Amun.^
glance, the faces
over-lifesize
donor
pants in temple
on these large
stat-
one that can be held
The
is
has been translated into permanence. In order
at
or near the
share
many
traits with faces on her smaller
legs, feet,
significant
and toes have been elongated
degree.
to a
Hatshepsut 's thoroughly
balanced by the use of femi-
masculine guise
nine gender endings in the statue 's inscriptions
small mouth, although these features are scaled
preserved on
its
its
is
back
pillar
and base.
to accord with their colossal size. Clearly,
own within
168
was intended
to hold
a dramatic setting.
hatshepsut's building projects
and
it
gods (who were
this ultimate
reinforced the king's legitimacy as a
3.
1990. For the offering of
maat^ see Teeter 1997, especially pp. 81-83.
Tefnin 1979, p. 87.
to achieve an impression of eternal balance, the
statues (see cat. no. 91), including highly arched
this architectural statuary
on maat") through
On maat^ see Assmann
it
brows, wide-open eyes, thin, aquiline nose, and
up
a prerogative of the king.
maintainer of social and, therefore, cosmic order.
indefinitely, as the tensed
muscle and splayed toes suggest, yet here
those on statuary of Hatshepsut, an impression
them
said to "live
not
was
signified the sustaining of the
offering,
kneeling pose
calf
end of the co-regency period.^ However, they
It
statues are active partici-
ritual.
ues appear to be the least individualized of
that has led scholars to date
"truth," or "justice,'*
cak
Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art
excavations, 1926—28
Bibliography: Winlock
Winlock
1.
On the Valley festival, see
2.
Offering maat, usually translated as "order,"
Graefe 1986.
fig. 53;
1942, pi. 52 (left);
Tefnin 1979, pp.
1928b, p. 10,
Hayes
4, n. 8,
figs. 9, 10;
1959, pp. 95-97,
72 (with bibliogra-
phy), 74-75, 78-81, 83, 85-86, iio-ii, n. 4, 171-74,
177,
1
86, figs. 2a, 4, 7, 8, pis. xix, b, xx;
Metropolitan
Museum
and Schoske 1999a,
New York,
1987, pp. 46-47, pi. 29;
p. 35, fig.
Grimm
30
Hatshepsut Wearing the
93.
White Crown
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458
b.c.)
Granite
H. 285
(55%
cm
(9
k4
in.),
W. 79 cm
(31/3 in.),
cm
D. 142
in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Rogers Fund, 1930
The
face
on
any of the
30.3.1
this statue is the best
preserved of
faces of Hatshepsut 's colossal kneel-
ing figures from her temple at Deir el-Bahri.
The image
here
a degree not
colossi,
is
simplified
and regularized
to
matched on the nemes-weaving
and the high
crown does not
vertical
frame the face as the nemes does; the overall
effect
is
close-fitting kilt
A
The
therefore naked and austere.
down
dress has been pared
granite
and
king's
minimum,
to a
a
belt.
doorway
set at the
back of the
upper terrace court marked the entrance to the
barque sanctuary of Amun-Re.
was
Its lintel
decorated in relief with a symmetrical composition of four images of Hatshepsut, set
kneeling and offering
on
nw
the viewer's right, to the north,
crown, and the two on the
tall
on
The two
jars.'
left,
bases,
figures
wear the red
to the south, the
white crown. These depictions, together
with more recent research on the placement of
Hatshepsut 's temple statuary, make
situate this statue
it
possible to
of the king in the southern row
of statues flanking the processional
way
across
the middle terrace (see below, pp. 270, 275, n. 9).
In order to ensure
symmetry between
two rows of colossi, the base of this
of the others with the
significantly
tall
white crown)
It is
is
lower than that on the statue of
Hatshepsut wearing the nemes headcloth
no. 92).
the
statue (and
inscribed
offers fresh plants to
"...
Amun"
feminine gender ending.^
The
Maatka[re]
(cat.
who
and contains
a
height and slen-
der proportions of the white crown also must
have played a part in the placement of the
column on
the back pillar:
text in
"The Horus
1.
Naville 1894-1908, pt.
2.
Although nw
jars
5, pi.
Berlin in 1845, and subsequendy given to the
cxxxvii.
generally held liquid offerings, for
as part of an
exchange
the sake of visual consistency they were used in
Senenmut Quarry in
Powerful of K[as, King of Upper and Lower
images to imply other
excavations, 1926—27
Egypt Maatkare, Son
plants, as here,
a single
Khenemet
(or: Daughter.^)
of Re]
gifts, for
and maat^
as
example, green
on catalogue
CAK
in the
Museum
of Art
the Metropolitan
Bibliography: Winlock
Provenance: Western
museum
body discovered
no. 91.
Amun Hatshepsut [beloved of A]mun
who resides in Djeser-djeseru, given life."
in 1929;
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head
discovered by Karl Richard Lepsius, removed to
Winlock
pi.
1930, pp. 8-10, figs.
5, 6;
1942, pp. 170-71, pi. 52 (right); Vandier 1958,
xcix, 6; Hayes 1959, pp. 5-7,
fig. 53;
Aldred 1961,
THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT
169
p. 48, no. 21;
Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art
Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 73 (with bibliogra-
phy), 75, 77-79, 82-87, 118, 155. i59» 177, 186,
figs. 2,
excavations, 1927-28
xxiia
4, 8, pi.
1928b, pp.
Hayes
pi. 51 (right);
11, fig. 11, 13;
1959, pp. 94-95,
Ratie 1979, p. 125; Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 99-101
fig. 52;
Hatshepsut in a Devotional
94.
Bibliography: Winlock
Winlock 1942,
(with bibliography), in, n. 4, 159, 171-74, 177, 186,
Attitude
figs. 2a, 5, 7, pi.
p. 34, fig.
Grimm and
XXIV;
Schoske 1999a,
27
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458
B.C.)
Granite
H. (without base) 242 cm
D.
(icfYs in.),
cm
Ill
(8
ft.
2 in.),
W. 74 cm
Hatshepsut as Female King
95.
(43?^ in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Rogers Fund, 1928 28.3.18
Thutmose
III
(1479-1458 B.C.)
Granite
This figure, and
pendant
its
now
H. 167
in Cairo,' are
the only statues of Hatshepsut striding that have
survived from Deir el-Bahri.
found together
in a relatively
The New York
statue
is
The
statues
undamaged
cm (65)^ in.)
(head and lower parts)
Art,
were
(torso)
state.
F
The Metropolitan Museum of
New York, Rogers Fund,
1929 29.3.3
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden
1928/9.2
lacking only the end of
the nose; even the uraeus
is
almost
intact.
As
with the large kneeling statues, the limbs are
One of two
bulky and the volumes simplified. The face
portray Hatshepsut in female dress, this
is
statues
from Deir el-Bahri that
is
per-
haps the most arresting of her portraits. Her
broad across the brow, with a narrow chin. The
for
dress and jewelry are understated: a sleeveless
such a large-scale figure, and the mouth appears
sheath, a broad collar, and striated bracelets and
features are, however, rather finely
to
be smiling
slightly. It
drawn
has been observed that
anklets,
tic
co-regency
The
less
Those portions
period.''
statue originally bore three inscrip-
tions,
which are located on the back
loop,
standard in depictions of
is
the nemes
headcloth and uraeus of a king.'
of the fully developed "kingly" style of the
later
more or
female royalty. But her headdress
overall the statue displays features characteris-
tions
that
remain of the inscrip-
on the throne and back
pillar
seem
to use
feminine pronouns and gender endings in refer-
pillar, belt
and base. They contain references to
ences to Hatshepsut. Also preserved on the
Hatshepsut using both masculine and feminine
back of the throne are two back-to-back stand-
forms and indicate that the statue stood
in
ing images carved in sunk relief of the goddess
Djeser-djeseru, Hatshepsut 's mortuary temple,
Taweret, the only overtly divine representa-
where they surely flanked an important entrance.'
tions
The
rest,
king*s
of
palms down, on a projecting triangular
apron
—
a pose that expresses reverence
II, just
south of Hatshepsut 's temple.
III
had erected a
series
the seated pose suggests that
94
cult
toward
the
founder of the Middle
Kingdom.' Hatshepsut 's statue
massive lines than
its
is
built
on more
Middle Kingdom prede-
artists,
who
1.
pp. 26, 99-101, III, n. 4, 159, 171, 173, 186, figs. 2a,
3.
tal
4.
pp. 100—104,
5.
p. 160);
or before the por-
Russmann
in
i^os- 2,8,
et al. 2001,
29.
Ibid. See also Naville 1907, pi. xix, c-g; Naville
1910, pi.
HATSHEPSUT*S BUILDING PROJECTS
5.
to the central sanctuary (Tefnin 1979, p. 98).
Edna R. Russmann
11;
Naville and Hall 1913, pis.
Evers 1929, vol.
170
on the
i,
pis.
83-85, vol.
i,
2, p.
xxi; and
40, no. 283.
was
it
a focus of
the statue's face, which has
tion. Indeed, the rest
The main possibilities are before the granite gateway leading to the upper terrace (Hayes 1959, p. 94,
following Winlock 1942,
sought to adapt forms already vali-
CAK
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 52458: Tefnin 1979,
2. Ibid., p. loi.
Thutmoside
dated by tradition to benefit their royal patrons.
it is
survived virtually intact, that
cessors and demonstrates once again the reinterpretive abilities of the early
may have
worship and the recipient of offerings.''
However,
of stat-
ues of himself in the same pose, a gesture of
respect
in childbirth, this statue
middle terrace of Hatshepsut *s temple. Certainly
Kingdom, and in this instance the
There Senwosret
(see detail).
associated with the protection
the Divine Birth colonnade, both located
antecedents were right next door at the temple of
Mentuhotep
women
is
been intended for either the Hathor shrine or
toward
a deity.^ This statue type had been used during
the later Middle
on any of Hatshepsut 's statuary
Since Taweret
arms are extended and the hands
commands
of the statue
been deliberately generalized
in
atten-
may have
order to func-
tion as a foil for the face. Large, compelling
eyes, set
below dramatically arched brows,
the viewer with an unwavering gaze.
is
fix
The nose
rather short, thin at the top and broad at the
tip,
with a slight aquiline curve.
The mouth
appears a bit larger than those in other images
of Hatshepsut, with a
as usual,
full
lower
lip.
The
chin
narrow and slighdy receding. In
is,
brief,
95, detail
of back of throne with fragmentary image
of Taweret
Metropolitan
torso,
Museum
removed
to the
by
1869, acquired
the
of Art excavations, 1927-28;
Netherlands by Prince Henry,
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
1928; parts rejoined 1998
Bibliography: Winlock
1928b, pp. 15-16,
figs. 17,
Winlock 1942, pp. 168, 171-72, pi. 57 (right);
Hayes 1959, pp. loo-ioi, fig. 55; Tefnin 1979, pp. 618;
II
(bibliography, p. 6), 20—30, 140-41, 186,
6, 8, pis.
I,
b, c,
II, III, a;
fig.
Grimm and
36
PP- 37,
fig. 32,
96.
Hatshepsut as King
40,
figs, i, 3,
Schoske 1999a,
Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and
Thutmose
III
(1479— 1458
B.C.)
Crystalline (indurated) limestone, painted
95
H. 195
cm
(76V4 in,),
W. 49 cm
(19/4 in.),
D. 114
cm
(44^/« in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
of the Twelfth Dynasty female king Nefrusobek
Rogers Fund, 1929 29.3.2
alized presentation but an individualized image.
(Musee du Louvre,
New
One
1987, pp. 30—31;
this portrayal
is
of a female ruler
tempted to infer that
resolute and self-controlled
to dealing
embodying
its
no bland,
subject
woman who
cised kingship with authority
tomed
is
—
ide-
was
a
exer-
a ruler accus-
with temporal matters while
the "efficient seed" of the god.^
Paris, E27135); see
Grimm
Delange
and Schoske 1999a,
fig- 33-
2.
See "The Statuary of Hatshepsut," above.
3.
"Pure egg and
efficient
1.
14); "efficient
1.
4); "his living
seed" Urkunden
In this statue representing the apotheosis of a
4, p. 361,
seed on earth" {Urkunden 4, p. 362,
image" {Urkunden
4, p. 362,
1.
CAK
I.
York only
p. 38,
6).
female Egyptian king, the attitude, proportions,
physical features, attributes, texts, and material
combine
to achieve a truly
ment of royal
We know only one precedent for the combination of
Provenance: Western
female dress and nemes headcloth: the quartzite torso
Senenmut Quarry; head and lower part of statue,
Thebes, Deir el-Bahri,
same
in
divinity.
remarkable
The pose
is
state-
virtually the
as in the granite seated statue of Hatshepsut
female dress
(cat. no. 95),
although here the
THE statuary OF HATSHEPSUT
96, detail of back of head
king's feet rest
upon an
Nine Bows, the
and the chin
incised depiction of the
enemies of Egypt,
traditional
slightly raised so that the eyes
is
look beyond the viewer rather than directly
ahead. Although the shoulders are noticeably
broader than on the granite statue, the torso and
limbs remain slender and elongated, and the
small, softly
rounded breasts subtly communi-
The
cate the female gender of the king.'
face,
heart-shaped and broad across the cheekbones,
ends in a small, pointed chin. Almond-shaped
eyes, very slightly angled, are set beneath
arching brows.
The mouth
larly in profile)
and
is
small (particu-
set straight across,
and the
was
thin but
nose, to judge from what remains,
prominent
—
the most individualized feature
of this idealizing image.
Instead of the form-fitting sheath of the
granite statue, the clothing here
pleated shendyt
bull's tail
is
kilt,
beaded
worn by male
belt,
royalty,
only a broad collar and a
bracelets.
The
the short
is
and pendant
and the parure
of simple
set
royal nemes encases the head so
it
appears to be an emanation of the
king's person,
from which the protective uraeus,
closely that
now destroyed, once
The
reared.
down
inscriptions that run
the front of
the throne use exclusively feminine forms of the
royal
as
titles
"The
and
epithets.
Hatshepsut
Lands, Maatkare, beloved of
of the Thrones of the
Two
is
Lady of
Perfect Goddess,
described
the
Two
Amun-Re, Lord
Lands,
may
she live
and "The
forever!" (along the proper
left leg)
bodily daughter of Re,
Khenemet-Amun-
The hard
image
this
is
crystalline limestone of
which the
the rays of her progenitor and transfigured into
made has an unusually high
polish for
a radiant being
period and clearly was meant to be
largely unpainted.^ When the doors of the shrine
Hatshepsut, beloved of Amun-Re, King of the
that
Gods, may she
"the bodily daughter of
172
live forever!"
(along the right).
hatshepsut's building projects
left
housed
this statue
were opened
at sunrise,
Re" was illumined by
— an akh^
Until that
she waited, alert and prepared to
rise,
moment,
her gaze
concentrated not on her priests but upon the
domain of Amun-Re, Karnak, the "horizon."^
CAK
1.
Roland Tefnin (1979, pp. 165-66) suggests
using "hybrid" forms, particularly
at the
that,
by
that the statue
of the co-regency, Hatshepsut might have been seeking to express a
new ideal
well as
this
2.
men
—
Only
a fragment of the
the back of the head (see detail), and
The
ter
on
some green
was placed
sanctuary in her temple
Hayes
at
in
who
is
Amun of Djeser-djeseru but instead
Amun-Re
worshiped
the First Occasion (the creation), the sound eye of
for use at
to
Deir
the All-Lord (the
central barque shrine at Deir
dedicated to
Amun-Re
Provenance: Western Thebes,
of
Senenmut Quarry; head,
"Lord of the Thrones of the
cited as
throne, MetropoHtan
Lands" and "King of the Gods" on the west
In this light,
Winlock
1942,
by Karl Richard Lepsius,
1845, acquired
MetropoHtan Museum
an exchange in 1929
in
by
the
of Hatshepsut in the temple of Deir el-Bahri
Bibliography: Winlock
(head);
There
its
is
therefore
no reason
to
inception this statue was des-
seen
(Karnak)
is
expressed in Hatshepsut 's
4, p.
is
364,
11.
on
restored);
own words
earth, the august hill
1929a, pp. 4-12,
pp. 5-10, figs.
3,
figs.
4-6
4 (entire
b (restored head); Winlock
1942, p. 188, pi. 58; Vandier 1958, pi. xcvii, 6 (head
Hayes
1959, pp. 97-99; Aldred 1961, p. 48,
no. 22; Tefnin 1979, pp. ii-i6 (bibliography, p. 11),
know that Ipet-sut
1-4): "I
the horizon
Winlock 1930,
statue), 16-17, figs. 15a,
idea of Karnak as a "horizon" that both sees
is
{Urkunden
Karnak temple, theorized
Museum of Art excavations,
Amun of Karnak.
and
Deir el-Bahri,
forearm, and parts of
1926-28; lower parts of statue, transported to Berlin
appropriate that a major cult
it is
left
should carry an inscription explicidy linking her with
The
4.
do
Sun god)."
followed by Tefnin (1979,
tined for Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri.
Deir el-Bahri. William
not mention
at
Karnak,
doubt that from
Hatshepsut 's cult
(1959, p. 99), noting that the statue *s texts
as
in fact
statue
belt.
it
was
p. 216).
of some discussion. Herbert Winlock (1942,
thought
made
wall of its chamber (reconstruction in
is
nemes
original location of this statue has been a mat-
p. 187)
is
el-Bahri
Two
the garments preserve traces of color: there
originally
However, the
p. 26).
could have aided her political ambitions.
pigment on the
3.
combined masculine
in order to appeal to
blue and yellow pigment
on
that
el-Bahri; in this he
women as
though it is difficult to imagine how
and feminine aspects
was
Karnak and subsequently was transferred
beginning
20-30, 186,
of
figs. I, 2, 3, 6, 8, pis. Ill, b, c, IV, v;
York, Metropolitan
Museum
New
1987, pp. 44-46, pi. 28
THE SHRINES TO HATHOR AT DEIR EL-BAHRI
member of the
building project. Other deposits of votive offerings found at Deir el-Bahri
Dendera, shrines
probably resulted from periodic cleaning of the various shrines during
Hathor, a daughter of the sun god Re, was a powerful
Egyptian pantheon.' Although her main temple was
in her
at
honor were erected throughout Egypt, and from
at least the First
the
Intermediate Period (2150-2040 B.C.), Hathor was worshiped in the area
of Deir el-Bahri.^ Mentuhotep
11 (r.
2051-2000
B.C.) dedicated a portion
of his mortuary temple in her honor, and Hatshepsut constructed a
on the southern portion of the second
shrine to Hathor
temple, Djeser-djeseru.
Thutmose
III
terrace of her
continued the tradition by includ-
New Kingdom.^
Unlike the large temples, which were largely inaccessible except to
the king,
tion.
Hathor shrines were places where anyone could make a dedica-
The breadth of this
numbers of
ing a Hathor shrine in his temple, Djeseru-Akhet, located above and
offerings to
titulary, cult
Little material
has been recovered from inside the remains of the
numerous deposits of the votive
offerings that once adorned
them were discovered during various archaeological excavations
area.^ In the
1922—23 Metropolitan
season, Herbert
Museum
Winlock uncovered what
"Hatshepsut Hole," an enormous ancient
the funerary temples of Hatshepsut and
tion of the Statues of Hatshepsut
Arnold
the
in this
ground
for
of Art Egyptian Expedition
is
dump
now
of building debris from
Thutmose
Thutmose
were concentrated
in
Ill's
III (see
from Deir el-Bahri
causeway, clearly date
Thutmose
1 11.^
one area of the
shrine of Djeser-djeseru, they
pit.
of
fertility
Hathor are
easily recognized because they bear her
and rebirth
(cat. nos.
97-99).
They
models of Hathor masks, figures of cows and
include stelae, textiles,
cats, fertility figurines
and
and jewelry, and models of ears and eyes so that
objects, vessels, amulets
the goddess
name or
images of her, or motifs that refer to her primary functions
would be able
"
1.
to see
and hear her
by Dorothea
as landfill to level
For a detailed discussion of Hathor's
see
"The Destruc-
Daumas
dcp
petitioners.^
2.
For an in-depth study of the Hathor shrines, see Pinch 1993.
3.
In addition to Winlock's
4.
Winlock
religion
and
society,
See Hayes 1959, pp. 29-30.
work
(1923), see, for example, Naville 1907, p. 17.
1923, pp. 26-39.
this material to the
5.
6.
Pinch 1993, pp. 23-24.
Discards from the Hathor
7.
Pinch 1993.
were deposited there during Thutmose
many roles in Egyptian
1977.
small votive objects
Numerous
by the variety of
referred to as the
volume)/ Ostraca, from the debris used
reign of Hatshepsut and
in the
demonstrated by the sheer
object types and the varying quality in their manufacture. Votive
between the temples of Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut.
shrines, but
cult's popularity is
offerings that have survived, as well as
Ill's
173
THE DESTRUCTION OF HATSHEPSUT's MEMORY
THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT
Peter F.
Dorman
The
systematic erasure of Hatshepsut's
name and
from her kingly monuments some years
has, inevitably,
become
a lens
after her death
through which historians
On some monu-
have viewed the events of her Hfe and reign.
down and
ments, her cartouche was shaved
figure
recut in the
name of
representations.^
The
distinctive rebus frieze representing her
throne name, Maatkare, and consisting of a serpent adorned with
a
horned sun disk perched on
chiseling
a pair
of ka arms, was altered by
away the arms, rendering the title unreadable but leaving
the divine symbols intact
(fig.
Nor is
10 1).
there any evidence that
another Thutmoside king; on others, her entire figure and accom-
her burial in the Valley of the Kings was desecrated for the pur-
panying inscription were effaced and replaced with the image of
pose of dishonoring her; there are
an innocuous
such as an offering
ritual object
ary temple at Deir el-Bahri,
all
table.
At her mortu-
the statues of Hatshepsut were
dragged out and dumped into the bottom of a quarry near the
temple causeway. Since
by Thutmose
III,
her
this
widespread damage was undertaken
nephew and
erstwhile co-regent, scholars of
most part assumed
the mid-twentieth century for the
that the
motive was retribution, undertaken because Hatshepsut had
from Thutmose when he was
Noteworthy
also
is
that although
for this far-reaching
his
own name is
program of
many
other possible reasons.
Thutmose
alteration,
III
was responsible
it is
only rarely that
carved over Hatshepsut's. Rather, in nearly every
instance, he inserted the
name of his
of his grandfather, Thutmose
I,
Thutmose
II,
or that
into Hatshepsut's royal titulary,
thereby appropriating her royal
for his immediate
father,
male ancestors
monuments not
(fig. 86).^
for himself but
This activity
reflects a
far too
plan to rewrite the recent history of the dynasty through the
relative obscurity dur-
effacement of Hatshepsut's kingship while deliberately eschewing
ing his childhood and adolescence. Thus her death offered him the
any appearance of usurpation on the part of the reigning king.
forcibly usurped the throne
young
to protest
and had relegated him to
chance to erase her hated
vengefuUy reclaim
nario sounded convincing,
Charles Nims,
memory from
his rightful place
who
it
was
on
the public record and
the throne.
While
this sce-
called into question in 1966
by
pointed to evidence indicating that the attack
Whatever
his motive,
Thutmose
creation of Hatshepsut's
Thutmose
III
monuments
never intended to claim the
as his
own
Ill's overall intentions are also reflected in
direction to the stonecutters. Raised relief was
regnal year 42 (see below). That was at least twenty years after
wide-bladed
late
a date to lend support to the theory
of a motive based on personal revenge.^ This
Hatshepsut's
result the
official
"disgrace"
is
now widely
later date for
accepted, and as a
the
way
by
the scenes and inscriptions were altered in stages, apparently
on Hatshepsut's monuments could not have predated Thutmose llVs
her death, far too
accomplishment.
chisels,
ally smaller chisels
sible
which removed the stone
were then employed
first
cut back with
efficiendy,
to take off as
and usu-
much as pos-
of the original carving. Next the background surface was
smoothed, and
finally the draft
of a revised scene or text was laid
primary question surrounding the proscription has been
significantly recast. It
now:
is
program of erasures so long
died, and so late in his
Why
did
after his
Thutmose
III initiate a
stepmother and co-regent
own reign.'^
The answer can be approached,
in part,
through a careful
observation of the extent and nature of the alterations to
Hatshepsut's
name and
figure.
Her proscription cannot be
damnado memoriae
son's existence
—
that
—because
were never touched; the
is,
These vary from place
to place.
characterized as a straightforward
an attempt to erase
all
traces of a per-
Hatshepsut's representations as queen
attacks
were directed solely
at
her kingly
Fig. 86. Inscription with cartouches in
which the names of Thutmose
carved over those of Hatshepsut. In Hatshepsut's temple
at
II
were
Medinet Habu,
western Thebes. Drawing by Christina Di Cerbo and Margaret
De Jong
267
down,
recut,
and repainted. These revisions were made with care
and deliberation, thus minimizing extensive damage and
ing the process of redecoration.
this
facilitat-
To be sure, there are exceptions to
systematized historical revisionism. For example, the figures
and cartouches of Hatshepsut on blocks from the quartzite
Chapelle Rouge are ruthlessly hacked out, with no attempt made
to preserve the surrounding surface (fig. 87).
However,
of the proscription the Chapelle had been dismantled.
were evidently lying
stones,
many
time
blocks
Its
in a great heap, since only certain depictions
of Hatshepsut, which must have been the ones
attacked;
at the
others,
were preserved
were
visible,
presumably protected by overlapping
(see figs. 3,
41)."^
Because the Chapelle was
moment
it
was covered
over, the initial and secondary phases of chiseling
on both her
been decorated by Hatshepsut, and
figure
and certain surrounding
completed
(fig. 88).
At
at the
texts
were under way, but not yet
that time, then, the proscription
been recently enacted; and since Thutmose
Ill's
could not have been inscribed before year 42, that
possible date for the proscription.
date of regnal year 45, which
The barque
may more
time of the alterations undertaken
very
is
the earliest
shrine itself bears a
accurately indicate the
at the heart
late date is also reflected in the
must have
campaign annals
of Karnak. This
decoration of the Eighth
Pylon on the south side of Karnak temple, which was originally
adorned with colossal
reliefs
of Hatshepsut. These scenes were
not in a state to be rededicated as a religious structure, the careful
alterations
made
to other temples
were
in this case unnecessary.
The treatment accorded Hatshepsut 's magnificent temple
uary
at
Deir el-Bahri offers
still
being reinscribed for Thutmose
stat-
another perspective. Rather than
I,
her father, or Thutmose
husband, the sculptures were cast out,
many of them
II,
her
deliberately
broken, and thrown into the quarry as debris. Even the Osiride
uppermost portico were painstakingly cut
pillars that fronted the
away from
made
their square piers
for her funerary
and discarded. Perhaps the statues
monument had such immediate
associations with Hatshepsut or
were so closely
personal
tied to the ritual
ceremonies of her mortuary cult that they could not be attributed
to other rulers.
Whatever the reason,
their desecration
and
destruction present a distinct contrast to the careful reuse of her
wall reliefs elsewhere.
(On Hatshepsut 's
statues, see the essay fol-
lowing, by Dorothea Arnold.)
The
clue to the timing of the proscription can be found at the
very center of the temple
at
Karnak. After erecting a
granite barque shrine in the temple,
Thutmose
new
III clad the
red
sanctu-
ary wall north of it with fresh limestone blocks and there recorded
in relief a continuous account of his military
campaigns from reg-
nal year 22 (1458 B.C.) through year 42 (1438 B.C.),
scholars as the Annals of
268
Thutmose
THE PROSCRIPTION
III.
The
known
to
wall had originally
Fig. 88. Various stages of hacking
of Hatshepsut's image and names on a section
of wall behind the new wall built by Thutmose
Karnak temple, Thebes
III
and carved with
his Annals,
Thutmose
the front of the pylon
added by
his
had no time
have
to
were
Queen Ahmose. The
III
son and successor, Amenhotep
II (r.
been
1427-1400 b.c).
and ruthless
in
its
obliteration of her kingly presence, the
paign was also short-lived and incomplete. In her temple
cam-
interpretation
weakened, however, by the
Deir
to
is
to the
year,
who
which
even
know with any
divine birth, the expedition to Punt,
down
The
in only a preliminary fashion.
original repre-
Such an
seems
fact that there
Ill's fiftieth
Nor do we
can be identified as an Ahmoside contender.
certainty that such relatively fine distinctions
of descent were matters of contention.
The more
and the transportation of her great obelisks to Karnak, were
shaved
II.
be no known candidate, about the time of Thutmose
usual program, but the reliefs of the outer terrace porticoes,
commemorate her mythical
of the rival
Amenhotep
to secure the throne for
at
would then have
initiated in order to discredit the legitimacy
were altered according
el-Bahri, the innermost sanctuaries
belonged through her mother,
directly
proscription of Hatshepsut
Ahmosides and
Although the proscription of Hatshepsut seems both irrevocable
which Hatshepsut
to
recarved before his death; the final scenes
carefully erased, but apparently
invented
may
likely explanation
simply be
phenomenon of a female king had
the recently
this:
created such concep-
and practical complications that the evidence of
was best
sentations and text, though damaged, are quite legible today.
tual
Indeed, even after the defacement, Hatshepsut 's kingly achieve-
erased.
ments and her claims to a legendary childhood could have been
employed during her regency was God's Wife of Amun, a power-
read by any literate person of ancient times, as they can be by
ful
modern
it
was
scholars.^
The suspension of this work of revision before
fully carried out
can only indicate that at some point the
It is
it
interesting to note that the principal tide Hatshepsut
economic and
political office that
special leverage to act in the
years of his minority. Years
—
may
have given her
initially
name of Thutmose
later,
during the
III
shortly after his reign ended, the
perhaps an intentional downgrading
— and
urgent motivation for the attacks vanished. This abandonment of
title fell
the proscription of Hatshepsut seems to have occurred during the
the great queens of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, such as Tiye and
reign of
Amenhotep
Eighth Pylon in his
renew or
The
II,
who completed
own name
the redecoration of the
but evidently
felt little
necessity to
revise the partly erased scenes at Deir el-Bahri.
Nefertiti,
ship
reason for Hatshepsut 's proscription remains elusive. If it
other possible explanations seem equally unconvincing. After
III,
never adopted
may thus be
sibility
was not a matter of personal vengeance on the part of Thutmose
into disuse
The
it.
obliteration of Hatshepsut 's king-
linked with a determination to eradicate the pos-
of another powerful female 's ever inserting herself, as the
personification of
Horus on
earth, into the long line of
Egyptian
male kings.^
fifty
years on the throne, during which he had secured a long-lasting
sphere of Egyptian political
hegemony
Nubia, Thutmose can have had
to his
own
little
in the
to fear
Levant as well as
in
by way of challenges
kings of Egypt.
The need
remember him
as
for the proscription
Ill's
became
The timing and
co-ruler,
two years before Thutmose
short duration of the attack
image and name suggest that
it
sion,
The
quite young.
toward the end of Thutmose
for the throne,
does not in
It
Ill's life
succes-
has been suggested that
there were
two contenders
one the scion of the Thutmoside dynastic
line
of the
king himself and another representing the "Ahmoside" bloodline,
itself
removed
Siclen 1989.
imply persecution. Older,
to
make way
for
new construc-
Karnak temple, which witnessed
A particularly clear example of this commemoration of Thutmose Ill's ancestors
may be found on the upper terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri,
where a long
text describing her coronation
was replaced by an equally elabo-
rate text purporting to celebrate the coronation of
see Porter
and Moss 1972,
p.
Thutmose
96 (the chronology of the two
I.
For the
text,
texts in question
is
incorrectly noted), and Lacau and Chevrier 1977-79, pp. 93-94.
securely
own
1988, pp. 46—65, and
extensive rebuilding.
3.
related to
Amenhotep was
heir apparent, like his father at his
may have been
this act
obsolete structures were occasionally
on Hatshepsut 's
was driven by concerns
the royal succession and ceased once
enthroned.'^
of her dishonoring, but
seems to have arisen
Amenhotep
II
1966; further clarified in
tion projects, especially at the center of
after
death.
Certain of Hatshepsut 's shrines were apparently dismantled prior to the onset
one of the greatest
toward the end of his reign and to have vanished shortly
Van
Nims
legitimacy or comparison with his former co-regent.
Indeed, posterity would justly
Dorman
1.
2.
4.
Dorman
5.
These
1988, pp. 52-55.
reliefs
bear "restoration" inscriptions of Ramesses
II (r.
1279-1213
B.C.),
who can be credited with very little actual repair of the sadly vandalized walls
but who chose nevertheless to leave his name on them.
6. For the duration of the proscription, see Dorman 1988, pp. 64—66; for an
overview of possible motives, see Meyer 1989 and Bryan 1996,
7.
Suggested by Robins 1993,
p. 34.
p. 152.
THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT
269