20:20 Series
A Hudson initiative to help businesses compete and succeed in the future
Breaking the Cultural Mould:
The Key to Women's Career Success
GLOBAL RESOURCES &
H U M A N C A P I TA L S O L U T I O N S
The Hudson 20:20 Series
The Hudson 20:20 Series addresses timely, relevant topics and issues surrounding human capital
management and workplace performance. Published periodically, these papers are intended to help
organisations evaluate and address these issues and their potential consequences.
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This Paper
This paper “Breaking the Cultural Mould: The Key to Women’s Career Success” has been commissioned
by Hudson and authored by Josephine Palermo (B.A. Grad. Dip. App. Psych.), Research Fellow, Faculty of
Health and Behavioural Sciences, Deakin University, Australia.
November 2004
* Hudson Global Resources & Human Capital Solutions
Table of Contents
Introduction
3
The Facts about Women and Work
5
The Business Case for Gender Diversity
8
Why Culture is the Missing Link
13
Overcoming or Resolving the Gender Conflict
29
Summary of Recommendations
31
Appendices
33
1
Section One:
Introduction
This paper presents a brief background to the facts about women's participation in workforce
management and why this is an important issue for employers. The latest research findings elucidating
why women are not leading are contrasted to the benefits of productive diversity for organisations as
a whole. The paper states that addressing the issues in relation to 'gendered' culture is key to
progressing women's career success. Structural workplace and policy changes to increase the
representation of women without cultural and attitudinal change are likely to be ineffective. The paper
concludes with recommendations for actions to alleviate gender bias in order to promote
organisational cultures that sustain and support women.
The Facts about Women in Australia
As at January 2004, women comprised 44 percent of total employment, in contrast to 28 percent
in 1964. Women are more likely than men to work part-time - they make up 70.5 percent of the
part-time workforce and 33.7 percent of the full-time workforce.
Women occupy 10.2 percent of Executive Management positions in the top 200 companies listed
on the Australian Stock Exchange1.
The ratio of female to male total average weekly earnings (including overtime and taking into
account both part-time and full-time employment) is currently 65.1 percent2.
Women are two and a half times more likely to live in poverty during retirement than men, and by
2019 are expected to have half the superannuation accumulated by men.
Women with high levels of education (a degree or diploma) forego AUD $239,000 in lifetime
earnings from having one child. A woman with average education (completed Year 12) foregoes
AUD $201,000 and a woman with a low level of education (not completed Year 12) foregoes
AUD $157,000.
Women with dependent children are less likely to be employed than men with dependent children.
In August 2002, 19 percent of male employees received paid paternity leave and 30 percent of
females received paid maternity leave.
Equity Statistics Australia 20043
3
The Facts about Women in New Zealand
Women comprise 45 percent of total employment. They are staying longer in education and delay
childbearing longer than ever before. Mothers today are now less likely to delay or modify their
participation in the labour force to care for their children than in previous years.
Females were more likely than males to have spells of lower earnings (defined as being less than
60 percent of median weekly employee earnings, i.e. less than NZD $345 per week).
The ratio of female to male average hourly earnings in June 2004 was 87.3 percent, however this
has been an 83 percent rise since 1997 figures.
Maori women continue to have the lowest median earnings from employment. European/Pakeha
females have the largest gender pay gap within an ethnic group.
According to the EEO Trust Diversity Survey, 27 percent of New Zealand companies provide paid
parental leave beyond the 1 July 2002 statutory requirement, and public sector organisations are
almost twice as likely to be providing extra paid leave (44 percent compared with 23 percent in the
private sector)4.
Females are more likely than males to leave school with a higher-level qualification. Just over 30
percent of females compared with 23 percent of males left school with Entrance to University or a
higher qualification. Fifty-eight percent of students in higher education are female.
Equal Employment Opportunity Trust 20035
4
Section Two:
The Facts About Women and Work
Women remain
underrepresented
at management
levels
This year, 2004, marks the twentieth anniversary of the Australian Federal Sex
Discrimination Act (1984). This landmark legislation aimed to promote equality
between women and men, eliminate discrimination on the basis of sex, and
eliminate sexual harassment. Yet the facts about women and work tell another
story. Persistent occupational segregation means that a narrow range of
occupations and management positions tend to be available to women
compared with men, resulting in women remaining underrepresented at
managerial levels. While New Zealand women fare better in relation to the gap
between men's and women's weekly average earnings than Australian women,
both countries still segregate men into managerial jobs by almost three to one,
whilst women remain clustered in clerical and service areas6.
Whilst women's representation in management in the public sector compares
favourably with other similar countries, there has been no improvement in the
private sector, and possibly a decline in representation since 1986, particularly
in Australian companies not covered by the Equal Opportunity for Women in the
Workplace Act (1999)7.
Australian Labour Force Participation (November 2003)
5
Female labour
force participation
and educational
attainment are on
the rise
The labour force participation rate for women, and traditional family structures,
dramatically changed in the late part of last century8. Decisions not to have
children for approximately 20 percent of the Australian female population of
childbearing age were more likely to be determined by career and job-related
factors than ever before. Declining birth rates have also seen an increase of
women's participation in education. Women comprise nearly 50 percent of the
graduates in business and law fields of study9. Female students in higher
education in Australia tend to perform better, with greater success rates, passing
a greater proportion of their units than males in almost all subjects. This is true
even for those subjects in which there are low levels of female participation10. Yet
starting salaries for women graduates are still lower than their male counterparts11.
New Zealand Labour Force Participation (June 2004)
6
Clearly remuneration practices are failing to promote benefits to 'smart' women.
These statistics are difficult to explain in the context of the higher rates of
promotion that women have enjoyed in recent years. Of those employees who
had worked with their current employer for a year or more in November 2002,
approximately 12.5 percent of men and 14.7 percent of women had been
promoted or transferred in the last 12 months12. This is particularly reinforced in
the lack of a correlation between promotion rates and increased status and
salary for women. Research in Australia has shown that although women
receive more management promotions than their male counterparts, even when
women are higher in merit (as measured by an increase of percentage of base
salary), and have a faster promotion rate, they are still lower in the organisational
hierarchy13. Although women are given promotions, those promotions are
essentially hollow and create a misleading appearance of increasing opportunity
and responsibility for women in organisations. Therefore, promotions 'up' the
hierarchy for women do not appear to ensure entrée into the upper echelons of
organisational hierarchies.
Promotions do not
appear to ensure
women’s entrée
into the upper
echelons of
organisations
At the social policy level, the last three decades have seen the development of
strategies to tackle the issue of women's employment status including a range
of initiatives at both the national policy and the workplace level across most
OECD countries14. At the workplace level women's support and lobby groups
have targeted professional development opportunity programs for women and
campaigned for family-friendly policies such as paid maternity leave (in
Australia). However, the effects of such programs have been mixed. While there
have been some positive outcomes for women, many continue to experience
marginal positions in organisational power hierarchies, while others deliberately
'de-promote' themselves once they have experienced the nuances of
organisational life 'at the top'15.
7
Section Three:
The Business Case for Gender Diversity
"Women are 50 percent of the equation. Choosing not to work with women
is like trying to progress with one hand tied behind your back."
Ernst & Young Australia CEO, Brian Schwartz16
Diversity is
fundamental
to addressing
changing
workforce
and customer
demographics
So why is the under-representation of women in senior levels of business
and political hierarchies a problem? This paper contends that understanding and
addressing women's marginality in Australasian business is far from marginal
to business concerns. Employers are increasingly recognising that achieving
a more inclusive workforce is good for business17. It is fundamental to
achieving a workforce representative of a globalised customer base, and
addressing changing workforce demographics. It is advantageous to
corporate profile with employer of choice status becoming more salient to
customers and shareholders.
A study of the Standard & Poors 500 found that businesses committed to
promoting minority and women workers had an average annualised return
on investment of 18.3 percent over a five year period, compared with only
7.9 percent for those without such policies18.
Diversity should be part of an overall plan that includes building sustainability
principles in corporate missions to reinforce ethical values, good corporate
citizenship, increased customer value and improved competitiveness.
Competitive
markets demand
increased
effectiveness and
efficiency and
avoidance of lost
productivity
A focus on diversity is critical for addressing the growing challenges of
globalisation and the proliferation of borderless organisations. Flatter structures
within organisations are more reliant on functional teams. They require a
diversity of people to avoid problems of group-think. Competitive markets
demand increases in effectiveness and efficiency and avoidance of loss of
productivity due to conflict, high turnover and absenteeism19. Lowering turnover
can be a significant saving for any organisation.
8
The Ford Motor Company of New Zealand Ltd saved approximately
NZ $420,000 over a two-year period when six people who would not have
previously returned from parental leave did so, after the company introduced
the right to return part-time20.
The Productive Diversity policy, an initiative of the Australian Federal
Government, is a response to the richly diverse population within Australia
contrasted with the white Anglo-Saxon male population that still predominantly
manages the Australian workforce21. It advocates the more productive use of
diversity through strategies to tap into culture, knowledge and networks to assist
business interactions in the diverse marketplace22. Case studies that exemplify
the benefits of productive diversity are available in both Australia23 and New
Zealand24 via their respective Equal Opportunity Agency / Trust websites.
Work-life balance
initiatives can also
have a noticeable
impact on the
workplace
In a recent study conducted for The Department of Labour in New Zealand25,
there was a strong belief amongst employers and employees that the
implementation of work-life balance initiatives would have a positive and
noticeable impact on the workplace. Overall, employers indicated reasonably
strong support for initiatives that helped employees manage work and life
commitments. Employers viewed that the key benefits of implementation of
work-life balance initiatives were retention of quality staff and being able to
attract quality staff, both issues of concern in the current buoyant labour market.
Other perceived benefits were higher productivity, happier workplaces, more
motivated staff, a closer relationship between staff and management, and a
trickle down effect that would lead to happier communities.
9
The Equal Employment for Women in the Workplace Agency of Australia
(EOWA) 'Employer of Choice for Women' in 200326, IBM, describes how the
corporation held a women's conference; developed a 13-part course
focused on personal and career development, for high-potential middle level
women who are nominated by IBM's Business Unit leaders; organises
annual networking events, provides programs for Women in IT to engage the
female technology community within IBM; and implemented flexible
workplace practices that support the advancement of women, including
flexible working arrangements such as:
• Part-time and job share
• Access to single days annual leave
• Flexible work week, time off in lieu
• Flexible start and finish times
• Flexible leave including exam and study leave
• Religious observance leave
• Leave of absence, personal work-life leave
• Paid maternity, paternity and adoption leave
• Parenting rooms (for expressing milk and breast feeding)
• Preparing to Return to Work from Parental Leave seminars
• Blue Horizons - life style program
• Get Balanced program
• Employee Assistance program
10
The masculine
ethos of current
Australian
business culture
is no longer
sustainable
Best practice in business requires that diverse and global differences are
reflected in values in the workplace. This requires moving away from treating
everyone equally to treating all differences equally. These challenges highlight
the need to better understand processes that ameliorate marginality and
instead foster tolerant and inclusive organisational cultures. In other words, the
masculine ethos of current Australian business culture is no longer sustainable.
The adverse consequences for many women in unsustainable organisational
cultures are evident in exit trends. In Australia and New Zealand a growing number
of women are opting out of positions in corporations to start their own businesses.
National figures suggest that while women still comprise a small proportion of
total number of employers and self employed, the gap between men and women
has decreased substantially since 1996. In Australia, women have gone from
comprising 11 percent of total self-employed to 31 percent in 200327.
11
Case Study: Shell New Zealand Ltd and Shell
Services International (NZ) Ltd
(1999 EEO Trust Work & Family Large Organisations Award Winner)28.
With 250 employees, Shell New Zealand Ltd (Shell) is the second largest oil
company in New Zealand. Shell Services International (NZ) Ltd (SSI) is an
independent company of 80 staff that contracts support services to Shell.
In late 1997 the prospect of increased competition in the oil industry led to a new
focus on "unleashing talent at all levels of the organisation". A basic approach
was used to achieve this - the introduction of seven Shared Values. One of the
seven Shared Values is "Balance of Work and Personal Life: We provide a flexible
environment, which allows for family and personal interests and commitments".
Shell and SSI's commitment to the Shared Values are demonstrated in:
• Employment criteria. Applicants are required to demonstrate competence
in balancing work and personal life
• Company scorecard and team reporting. Teams report monthly on key
indicators, including balance of work and personal life. Each team's
Shared Values performance contributes to the overall company scorecard
• Individual staff appraisals. Staff are appraised not only on specific job targets
but also on how they demonstrated the Shared Values in their working
practices. This accounts for 50 percent of their annual salary review.
Two further objectives are to lead the recruitment market and seek cost
efficiencies throughout the business through a new employment contract
and paid parental leave policy.
Analysis showed an approximate saving of NZD $50,000 for every
NZD $16,000 spent. Shell then multiplied this figure by the expected
number of births in the company, using Statistics New Zealand data, and an
estimated return rate, to project annual savings of over NZD $200,000.
12
Section Four:
Why Culture is the Missing Link
Combating gender
discrimination
requires policy
change combined
with cultural and
attitudinal change
Organisations and workplaces are important sites for the production and
reproduction of the social world. They are also major sites for the social
construction of gender29. However, gender discrimination is so deeply
embedded in organisational life that it is virtually indiscernible30. The social rules
and value systems operating in organisations are frequently unstated and often
denied, and yet they are an important indicator of marginality of women. Where
individual and organisational value systems conflict, women will experience
marginality. This value incongruence can have detrimental consequences for
both individuals and their organisations. It will often be felt at the individual level
as internal conflict resulting in likely increases in occupational stress and strain.
At the organisational level it will manifest in increased absenteeism, loss of
productivity and higher turnover rates.
Culture is key to addressing marginality. Structural workplace policy changes to
increase the representation of women without cultural and attitudinal change are
likely to be ineffective. Equal employment opportunity strategies and programs need
to be positioned within a wider program of change management in workplaces.
Therefore, a better understanding of the organisational cultural features that sustain
gender bias is a critical step for progressing the position of women.
This paper will present some of the ways in which organisational cultures
perpetuate gender bias. Firstly some clarification of terms is required. Debates
about women's experiences at work have been plagued by flawed conceptions
of sex and the nature of gender. These misconceptions have resulted in a
propensity to blame the individual for their own demise rather than considering
their environment. Much of the discrimination and exclusion that women
experience in the workplace is likely to occur due to issues related to gender
rather than sex. Sex is descriptive of the biological aspects that differentiate
males and females, whereas gender identity is descriptive of self-expressions of
being 'male' or 'female', that is, how we 'feel' about being male and being
female31. This broad definition of gender identity is also useful in its application
to wider organisational cultural processes.
13
The Gendered Culture
To say that an organisation is gendered means that advantage and
disadvantage, expectation and control, action and emotion, meaning and
identity are patterned through and in terms of a distinction between male
and female, masculine and feminine.
Adler & Izraeli, 1994, p.12
The gendering
of culture is an
unconscious
process
The gendering of culture occurs when cultural lenses are constructed and
internalised, motivated by a need to construct self-perceptions that are
congruent with the lenses32. This process is unconscious and therefore can lead
to perspectives on gender such as biological essentialism. Prescriptions (or
stereotypes) for men and women are developed, with beliefs that moving away
from these prescriptions are problematic33. Therefore, what is constructed is a
seemingly natural link between sex of the body and personality, social roles and
sexuality.
The exclusion of women and non-conforming men (i.e. men who affiliate with
less dominant forms of masculinity or femininity) in organisations parallels the
experience of marginality of individuals in other types of groups. However,
gender is the marker of difference, and different expressions of what it is to be
male (i.e. masculinities) and what it is to be female (i.e. femininities) define group
affiliation. A question of importance then is: how do individuals in organisations
understand this complex gendered environment?
14
Cultural Competence
Exclusion and marginality may be linked to, (what is commonly known as),
cultural competence (LaFromboise et al, 1995). Theorists believe that human
behaviour is not just the product of cultural structure, individual cognitions and
affective processes, biology and social processes, but is in fact a result of the
continuous interaction among all of these factors. Therefore, in order to be
competent across cultures and feel a sense of efficacy across cultural contexts,
an individual would need to:
• possess a strong sense of personal identity;
• have knowledge of the beliefs and values of the culture;
• communicate clearly in the language of the given group;
• perform socially sanctioned behaviour;
• maintain active social relations within the cultural group; and
• negotiate the institutional structures of that culture.
Organisational
culture in
Australia is
described as
predominantly
masculine
Many commentators have described organisational cultures in Australia as
predominantly gendered towards favouring masculinity34. This is not surprising
given that little has changed at the level of social policy in Australia since the
1950's35. While the notion of working mothers is now strongly endorsed, the
care of children is still primarily the sole responsibility of women. Ideas about
organisational commitment are still intrinsically linked to numbers of hours
worked, and work and family remain separate mutually exclusive domains of an
employee's life. Many of the social mores in workplaces are constructed around
activities that men are in the majority involved in.
Within a particularly Australian dominant masculine workplace hierarchy, cultural
competence may include: 'being a good bloke'; having a few drinks at the pub after
work; displaying sporting prowess or knowledge, ideally at a game like football
rather than chess; being aggressive, competitive and ambitious; and knowing who
to go to in order to 'get things done' (that is, negotiate the formal hierarchy).
15
For women in masculine organisational environments, a determinant for success
may require being culturally competent in both feminine and masculine modes of
behaviour. This in itself should not present a problem for most women. At the
individual level, sex-role researchers have shown that individuals can know,
understand and behave according to masculine and feminine prescriptions
simultaneously (Sandra Bem coined this phenomena Androgyny)36. At an
organisational level one would imagine that modern business practices enable a
more fluid movement between masculine and feminine modalities of behaviour.
Some sectors
of business are
revisiting ideas
about masculinity
in organisations
Commentators suggest that ideas about masculinity in organisations are being
revisited, particularly in contexts where organisational contingencies do not
facilitate its success. Exemplary cases of this are found not only in female
dominated occupations but also in certain modern sectors of business, such as
knowledge intensive or innovative sectors, including education and information
technology. New discourses advocated by corporate practitioners include terms
like creativity, intuition, flexibility, flattened hierarchy and team building37. This
signals a move away from traditional ideas of masculinity. Some have suggested
that this is further exemplified by the enormous success and popularisation of
Goleman's, (1996) Emotional Intelligence in the management development
industry, which appears to address the more expressive and communal aspects
of the management role, that is, the more feminine aspects38.
Women are
employing
masculine
characteristics as
well as men, but
they are restricted
in their use of
more feminine
characteristics
While men are 'learning' about emotional intelligence, women have already
adapted masculinity into their self-prescriptions of management roles, while
struggling to promote value in feminine traits. Recent research investigating
gender differences in two medium-sized Australian enterprises39. indicated
that there were no significant differences between men and women on selforganisation fit indices on masculine characteristics but that there were
differences on feminine characteristics. In other words, women were 'doing'
masculinity as well as men, however they were restricted in their use of more
feminine 'ways of working and being' in their workplaces. The following
excerpt identifies the constant negotiation of style and mode that many
senior women have adopted to succeed in their corporations:
16
“I suppose there are two ways to look at it. For a woman to succeed in the
(organisation) she has to be better than the guys. If you're considered
assertive they'll make sure that they put you in your place. If you're
submissive then that's ok, so that's a more subtle thing that happens. I just
think it comes back to the very old thing that women are still a bit fearful of
being too dominant with a man and men are still frightened of very dominant
women, so a woman knows if she is too dominant it can cause problems.”
(Female, senior management, medium-sized Australian software company)
Despite greater
opportunities
for women,
cultural and
social
expectations
operate to
limit these
Attitudinal and behavioural changes affect culture, while culture simultaneously
affects attitudes and behaviours. It follows then that women in non-traditional
roles may have benefited from changing attitudes towards women in general.
However, attitudes towards women in senior positions are influenced by
organisational cultures that perpetuate stereotypes of women in general.
Therefore, while there may be greater opportunities for women to access
positions within the management hierarchy, the cultural and social expectations
placed on women operate to simultaneously limit women's opportunities. These
forces operate in opposition, contributing to marginality for women within
workplaces, limiting career opportunities and success.
Research shows that reasons for under representation of women in
management roles across Australian business and industry include40:
• Organisational power architecture and occupational segregation;
• Stereotypes about women that position them as 'deviant' in organisational
management culture;
• Career aspirations of women themselves;
• Work-life balance;
• Multiple roles;
• Inaccessibility of informal (boys) networks; and
• Unavailability of appropriate mentors.
The following sections outline some of the ways gender polarisation processes
operate in organisational cultures to perpetuate gender bias towards women
and non-conforming men.
17
Organisational Architecture
and Occupational Segregation
Assimilating
women into
a male dominated
culture perpetuates
segregation
Elements of the organisational structure that impede women include processes
such as job recruitment and entry procedures, job assignment, relationships
between formal and informal groups, and training and promotion41. Even though
there has been an increase in the number of women entering the labour force,
occupations remain largely sex segregated42. Once hired, women are often
placed in sex-segregated positions that do not traditionally track to positions in
the upper echelons of the management hierarchy43. It seems that as women have
moved into the workforce, the emphasis has been on assimilating them into a
male dominated work culture44. Assimilation, however, obscures the potential
limitations of the cultural system that underpins these work practices. The status
quo is not disrupted because assimilation seeks to reinforce current mores and
cultural traditions, hence perpetuating them unexamined.
It is not surprising then that women's expectations and aspirations are often
lower than those of their male counterparts because of the lack of opportunity
provided by work structures. The low aspirations of women, in effect, reflect the
adjustments women must make to the reality of having to integrate into
traditionally masculine situations.
Conversely women with superior career aspirations may be reticent to apply for more
senior positions due to the poor job design inexorably linked to positions higher up
the hierarchy. In attempting to strike a balance between their relationships with others
and their personal achievements at work, women seek some level of personal
satisfaction in both realms: career and interpersonal. This is particularly true of
successful women who have high expectations and aspirations in both realms45. They
had high expectations of both home and work and therefore sought occupations that
would accommodate both. Therefore the recruitment and retention of smart women
may require the reconfiguration of senior positions into 'smarter' jobs.
Job redesign
provides a
sustainable
solution to the
desire for a career
and interpersonal
satisfaction
One way to reconfigure would be the incorporation of quality part-time and flexible
arrangements. Quality part-time work that is taken up by men and women provides
sustainable solutions to childcare for families with fathers being able to share some
of the caring responsibility. However, while Australia leads the OECD in its part-time
share of employment, most of these jobs are of poor quality, are associated with
very short hours and poor conditions, and are segregated from full-time jobs46.
18
Women Managers - The 'Other' Sex
Organisational
processes
inevitably
reproduce
gender divisions
A corollary to a 'gendered processes in organisations' model is that organisations
will inevitably reproduce gender divisions. The assumed dichotomies such as
reason-emotion and activity-passivity accorded to males and females
respectively are mirrored in organisational processes that emphasise rationality
and hierarchy while seeking to suppress (feminine) emotions associated with
home and family47. This hierarchy of male dominance is illustrated through beliefs
that privilege the lifestyles of men, such as that successful managers must prove
their worth early in their careers, that breaks in career indicate a lack of
organisational commitment, or that being the last person to leave at night
demonstrates exemplary organisational commitment. Gendered stereotypes
flourish where there is pressure to fit to a particular image and where stereotypes
prescribe how certain groups should feel or behave48.
Pressures for women arise from their being designated as tokens, and therefore
highly visible, as well as being isolated from informal networks and power bases.
A consequence of token status is that women workers, particularly those in
leadership, are often perceived as the minority, and associated with stereotypes
of their group membership49. Attention follows power: people pay attention to
individuals who control their outcomes and therefore attention is directed up the
hierarchy50. Stereotyping is more likely when people are distracted or when their
cognitive capacity is limited. “The powerless are stereotyped because no one
needs to, can, or wants to be detailed and accurate about them”51.
Difficulties
negotiating a
management
approach that
accommodates
women means
they are often
advised to ‘play
the game’
These stereotypes involve perceptions that female managers are in some way
'deviant'. They create difficulties in negotiating a management approach that
accommodates the way women personally 'do' gender52. This is why women are
often advised to 'play the game' to advance in organisations. However,
consequences for women who do 'play the game' may be different from those
of their male counterparts. In addition, this strategy places the burden on the
individual and does not recognise the pervasiveness of gendered processes
inherent in organisational structures, processes and procedures. It also counters
the promotion of diversity within cultures by avoiding an examination of the
gendering of these underlying power relations.
19
These phenomena appear to be ameliorated when there is a critical mass of
women across roles. Ely (1995) compared the perceptions of traits necessary
for career success of women lawyers in sex-integrated firms (defined as 15
percent or more female partners), and male dominated firms (defined as five
percent or fewer female partners). Findings suggested that women in male
dominated firms prescribed to traditional stereotypic dimensions of masculinity
and femininity when describing others, had less positive evaluations of feminine
stereotyped traits, and were less likely to succeed in comparison to their male
counterparts. Her research indicates that 'gendering' within the law (that is, the
masculisation of the law) is less salient in contexts where there are more
women in powerful positions.
Traditional
feminine qualities
are contrary
to behavioural
skills deemed
necessary for
managerial roles
Common stereotypes in use are that women have sex role characteristics that
are not compatible with management roles. These incompatibilities and qualities
include passivity, emotionality and dependence, and are informed by traditionally
passive feminine stereotypes. They are in opposition to characteristics or
behavioural skills deemed necessary for fulfilling the managerial role, which is
traditionally informed by masculine stereotypes such as dominance, aggression,
rationality and independence53. Expectations derived from these stereotypes,
such as nurturer and supporter versus achiever, are attributed to women at
work. Therefore, women may be seen to be incapable of a full range of activities,
and instead assigned 'softer', more sex appropriate roles.
It follows that for men who aspire to senior management positions, their
perceptions are that a good manager is equated with being 'masculine'54. This
masculine ethic regards those traits assumed to belong to men as prerequisites
for effective management. This reproduces a 'manufacturing of consent' that
underpins the masculine dominant ethos pervasive in many organisations.
Processes, procedures and beliefs are manipulated to promote the ends that
meet these seemingly universal interests, and sanction the means for achieving
them, while alternative ways of seeing and being are excluded55. For women
then, to deviate from this dominant management style involves risk.
In a recent study of four private sector medium-sized Australian companies56,
male managers' responses to women in management revealed a reticence that
may be associated with perceiving women in deviant position in the context of
managerial roles. Responses to questions about 'women in management' were
met by a variety of nervous reactions from the majority of men, such as
20
coughing or nervous laughter. This suggests that the questioning itself was
linked to confronting the status quo in the workplace, which was later confirmed
by female managers' perceptions.
Interviews with senior managers were littered with attempted humour and
politically correct narratives. The question also provoked accounts about other
oppressed groups, suggesting that the classification 'woman' was generally
related to classifications of 'other'.
Researcher: “What's your view of women in management?”
Manager: “Excellent, doesn't um… it doesn't really worry me this gender
business at all. The gender sexuality, colour, it doesn't concern me at all,
there's good women, bad women, good black people, good white people…”
Both women and men attributed causes for the lack of women in senior roles
to women's lack of experience rather than lack of structural opportunity.
However, women in the same workplaces also explained men's fears as a
reaction to women disrupting the status quo, particularly in relation to attitudes
and behaviours in the workplace.
Juggling Gender in the 'Zone'
To succeed in
business women
often feel
compelled to
adopt masculine
traits and
behaviour
Women in management may feel compelled to adopt traits and behaviours
traditionally associated with males in order to succeed in organisational cultures
(Powell & Butterfield, 1989). Research has shown that women recognise the
pressure to conform to masculine modes of behaviour as stressful and tend to
behave more similarly to men in male-dominated industries than to men in
female-dominated industries57.
When women themselves are questioned about what it takes to succeed in
management, they speak of the need to be 'better' and 'tougher'. Because it is
more difficult for women to enter managerial positions, 'superhuman' resources
are required (that is, better than men). It follows then that 'superhuman' luck is
also required. The following excerpt from a senior woman in a case study of an
education services provider details some of these requirements58:
21
“Besides hard work you've got to be at the right place at the right time.
You've got to push yourself if you're a woman. You've got to be over
confident. You've got to know what you're doing all the time and even if you
don't you've got to make out like you do. And I think it's intelligence, I think
women are far more intelligent than men in getting things done and they can
read people… I think foremost it's what you know, and how experienced you
are, because if you don't know anything you're going to get caught out
sooner or later. Who you know and the network that you've got amongst
people helps you get better as well, and if you get along well with people.
Because if you're in an organisation where you don't get along well with your
colleagues, they soon get rid of you, they make life that hard that you don't
want to stay.” (Female, senior management, medium-sized Australian
education services provider)
Women are often
criticised for
switching between
masculine and
feminine modes
of behaviour
Female managers are often caught between dichotomous modes of behaviour:
feminine and masculine. However, women also tend to face criticism for
diverting from expected role behaviours. They are therefore often caught in the
'contact zone' between gender prescribed categories, often criticised for being
too masculine or too feminine by both men and women.
Being too feminine involves being too sympathetic, too caring, not objective,
frightened and insecure, while being too masculine involves being too
aggressive, and not communicative. However, acting in a professional manner is
still equated to 'being like a man'. It coincides with a fantasy that involves men
moving through every work situation strong, confident and self-sufficient, and
all this with out a hint of emotion, because to be emotional "is the worst kind
of unprofessionalism"59.
22
Work-life Balance - Juggling the Work/Home Nexus
As previously mentioned, work-life balance is an increasingly salient issue for
many countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD). It conveys the links between work and being a member of a broader
community, including a family, and comprises the tensions and conflicts between
these often separate domains of working peoples' lives. Examples of these
initiatives including mentoring, career development feedback, flexible hours for
managers and company-supported childcare are not mainstreamed or perceived
as congruent with the demands of the management or work role60. Work-life
balance issues have particularly come to the fore due to the changing nature of
the family model (that is, away from traditional male breadwinner models) to twoincome families, and new patterns of combining work, education and family
responsibilities. These arrangements often require complex patterns of career,
characterised by temporary withdrawal from and re-entry to employment over a
succession of years. Women who still bear the majority of family / childrearing
responsibilities particularly struggle with tensions resulting from juggling
motherhood and career demands, as well as, systematic discrimination in their
workplaces due to their parenting responsibilities61.
Organisations and
governments must
work together to
develop an
appropriate
response to the
issue of work-life
balance
According to leading commentators62, social policy in Australia lags behind other
OECD countries in developing an appropriate response to life cycle challenges
in employment. At the policy level most governments adopt a mix of regulation
and policy initiatives that aims to resolve demands of employees for more
employee-orientated flexibility and security versus interests of employers in
financially viable and healthy bottom lines. European countries in particular have
developed mandatory measures aimed at minimum labour standards, with
directives related to flexible arrangements, part-time work and parental leave.
In 2000, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) revised the Maternity
Protection Convention (ILO C10363), recommending 14 weeks paid leave, two
weeks longer than the standard set in 1952. The United States, New Zealand,
and Australian governments refused to ratify the Convention. However, in July
2002 parental leave was introduced by the Labour and Alliance Government in
New Zealand, with recent media reports64 heralding the extension of the
eligibility and duration of paid parental leave over the next two years. In
Australian workplaces legislated provision for 12 months unpaid leave provides
a limited solution for many women, while and exacerbating financial demands
and risks for families65.
23
The Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) has recently launched a national
test case before a full bench of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission
in Melbourne. While some commentators feel that provisions sought do not go
far enough in relation to paid maternity leave they do include66:
• A choice for parents to take up to two years unpaid leave after the birth
of a child;
• An option to work part-time for up to five years until children are at school;
• Flexible start and finish times so that parents and carers can pick up or
deliver children to school or childcare; and
• An ability to 'salary sacrifice' and 'buy' up to six weeks a year extra time off
for school holidays.
Policy at a national level is critical for progressing work-life balance resolutions
because devolving responsibilities for implementation at the individual work
places will not ensure the mainstreaming of work-family initiatives67. The
initiatives described here have shown that although organisations have gone
some of the way in implementing work-life friendly policies, in practice, these
policies have not been successfully implemented.
The Problematic Nature of Multiple Roles
Success for
women is defined
by achievements
in multiple roles
Career success for women is linked to experiences of success in multiple
domains. Career decisions for women are therefore influenced by a plethora of
emotional issues, such as 'pride in achievement, love and concern for children,
as well as complexities of the marital (or primary) relationship'68.
The influence of family and procreation is a very powerful, external factor in
contributing to perceptions of success, achievement and life satisfaction. But
how women themselves negotiate and redefine expectations and constraints is
also a very powerful factor in constructing life pathways (Poole & Langan-Fox,
1997, p.197).
24
Despite multiple
roles, career
remains most
prominent
stressor for
women
Research by Comcare (Commonwealth Government's Workers' Compensation
and Occupational Health and Safety Agency, Australia) into incidences of
occupational stress, indicated that women were over-represented as a
population of those lodging claims for occupational stress69. However it is also
likely that career-family dilemmas present as a significant determinant of stress
for women whether or not they currently have children in care70. In an Australian
study71, findings indicated that despite competing demands on women resulting
from home and career conflicts, the most significant determinants of women's
occupational stress and strain came from their aspirations to do well in their
career, coupled with frustration at their perceived lack of promotion and progress.
Therefore, the nature of particular roles occupied by women may be more
predictive of role strain and stress than the actual number of roles occupied.
These findings suggest that conflict between career and family arises from
complex relationships with other occurrences in women's lives.
There may also be broader reasons for the lack of progress for women on
work-life balance issues. Women's life paths act as reflections for society's moral
conscience, its virtues and its core values. These reflections are bounded
by economic situations and underpinned by cultural and social aspirations72.
Therefore, it is not surprising that two opposing ideologies are apparent in current
discourses about women and work: the work mystique, and the feminine mystique.
Women are
facing a reversal
in attitude
regarding the
pursuit of a career
The changing nature of self for ambitious and achieving women is still portrayed
as bound within the social aspirations of a dominant masculine culture.
Therefore, women face a reverse type of bombardment to that espoused during
the sexual revolution of the 1970's: that women are undermining their femininity
by pursuing careers and that the work (that is, in the public sphere rather than
within the home or domestic sphere) is not necessarily good for women or
institutions within societies such as the family unit. Probert (2002) refers to the
Australian 'ideology of domesticity' that demonises 'selfish career women' (p.
14) yet constrains the availability of child care outside the home, for example,
through the lack of real government funding for childcare and education for
children under three years. This constraint is evidenced by OECD figures that
show Australia trailing other countries in relation to expenditure on early
childhood education as a proportion of gross domestic product73.
25
Networking Their Way to The Top
Formal and
informal networks
act as a powerful
determinant of
career success
Informal networks have long been a focus of attention for many feminist
researchers74 as a determinant of women's career success. Women who reach
high status positions in corporations are often isolated in comparison to their
male counterparts. They are less integrated in informal discussion networks and
outside the influential 'central' circle (dominant coalition)75.
Networks can be a powerful social influencer. They encourage serendipitous
events to occur where individuals may maximise opportunities through chance
encounters, and therefore maximise potential opportunities76. Merely being
perceived as having important (or powerful and influential) friends within your
'club' may gain you important advantages77.
Available
networks are
often defined by
sex, thereby
limiting women’s
access to the
dominant coalition
Research has suggested that women are less able to use networks while
men benefit more from the diverse and extensive networks they use in
finding jobs and advancing their careers78. In many organisations networks
operate according to sex groups, comprising the women and the men. One
study showed that while women were more central than men to the
organisational network as a whole, they were less central to men's networks.
They had less contact with the dominant coalition, which comprised men, and
were perceived as being less influential. An interesting finding was that women
who worked in integrated workgroups (men and women) had more access to
the dominant senior group and therefore more influence79.
In contrast, research that has investigated family and friendship networks has in
fact shown that women are superior networkers in these contexts to men80.
Women are generally more disposed to maintaining more expressive ties to
family and friends, and receive more emotional support than men81. Therefore
reasons for women's inability to use networks as instrumental resources are
puzzling. It is perhaps the very nature of the relationships that women prefer to
develop that may be impeding their use of influence networks at work.
26
Women’s
preference for
more intense
relationships
limits network size
Research suggests that because women tend to develop more intense
relationships than men, this affects network size, with women being more likely
to have a lesser number of actual ties than men82. Because men tend to develop
network ties on the basis of activities (such as sports), their networks will be
larger and more divergent in nature, possibly including bosses as well as
subordinates. Due to the disproportionate number of men as compared to
women in positions of power and influence in organisations, it would also be
likely that men's networks are more diverse in relation to hierarchical rank and
range. This could be further compounded by the tendency for networks to be
divided along gendered lines.
These findings suggest that unless organisations target programs to dismantle
the sex bias inherent in network arrangements, these will remain homogeneous,
with power relations accorded due to dominant masculine cultural prescriptions.
As long as men preserve the symbols, values and practices of masculine culture
in senior positions in organisations, one can expect detrimental effects for
women in that hierarchy.
Mentoring the Suitable Protégé
Shortage of
potential female
mentors limits
women’s entree
into influential
social networks
Exclusion experienced by women managers could be improved through greater
accessibility to mentors willing to initiate women into influential social networks
in the workplace. A mentor is a high-ranking influential member of
the organisation who has advanced experience and knowledge and who
is committed to providing upward mobility and support to a particular
junior member's career83. There is strong evidence to suggest that mentoring is
related to career success: individuals with mentors receive more promotions;
advance at a faster rate; and report more career satisfaction84.
There are a number of factors that may lead mentors to select particular
protégés over others. Being selected as a protégé is a conscious process, which
may be facilitated through organisational policies. However, ultimately it is a
decision made by the mentor. Due to the shortage of potential female mentors,
women may find it more difficult to initiate mentoring relationships, with cross
sex relationships more difficult to initiate than same sex relationships. People
tend to prefer and associate with others who they appraise as similar to
themselves85. Similarity may be based on characteristics such as social class,
ethnicity, religion, age, as well as gender and sex. This suggests that when
27
selecting a suitable candidate to mentor, senior executives may select on the
basis of similarity, with more men likely to be mentored than women. Of the
men selected, it is more likely that 'masculine' men will be chosen over other
men. In this way, the psychological profile of the senior management team is
self-perpetuated.
Mentors prefer
mentees who
share similar
characteristics age, sex, ethnicity
The dynamic created by sexuality in the workplace may also hinder
opportunities for cross-sex mentor relationships. Women are more likely to
report that male mentors are unwilling to mentor them86. For women there may
be less access to many potential settings for initiating such relationships (such
as networks), or fewer opportunities for mobility (being involved in lead projects
for example). Women initiating cross sex mentor relationships may be
unsuccessful due to the perceived potential threat of sexual involvement, or
unfounded rumours underpinned by a prevalent ethos of affairs between
powerful men and subordinate women (Sinclair, 1998). This may be
compounded by the high visibility women in managerial roles attract due to their
token status87. Women may face additional burdens in relation to negotiating the
use of their sexuality in office politics and career success88. Theorists on power
have connected organisational power with men's sexuality, and contend that
male sexual imagery pervades organisational perspectives, processes and
structures in terms of language, metaphors and work practices89. In an
Australian study of four private enterprises, male managers described their
business processes in contexts more appropriate for a war zone than a healthy
and sustaining work place:
I've simply survived because I've ended up knowing as much about their
department and that puts me on a better footing for the kill… It's not always
like that but the way I've described it… it's like we're at war. And it's
happened in every organisation I've been with. (Male, senior sales manager,
medium-sized Australian metal trades sector)
28
Section Five:
Overcoming or Resolving Gender Conflict
Gender
management
strategies are
employed by
women to survive
rather than to
change the
status quo
Women in management employ a suite of 'gender management strategies' to
address gender bias in organisational cultures90. These comprise strategies for
'blending in', such as overfunctioning: working harder than male colleagues;
underfunctioning: deliberately keeping a low profile; flirtation: using sexuality as
a form of power; the mask: withholding personal information and appearing to
assimilate to dominant models of behaviour; and mothering: adopting a
nurturing role in the organisation. However, these strategies are often enacted
to 'survive' in the organisations rather than as an attempt to 'thrive' by changing
the status quo:
“I see women doing it in a way that I think is the wrong way quite often, I
see them getting… very aggressive, and trying to impose themselves
on the status quo which in my book is a waste of energy…”91 (Female senior
executive, banking sector)
It is the absence and denial of values stereotypically associated with femininity,
and the simultaneously over-valuing of dominant masculine modes inherent in
business practices and processes in organisational cultures that provide the
conditions within which women will not thrive.
Affirming much of the issues raised in this paper, in a study of Australian
organisations across private and public sectors, Chesterman et al (2004) found
that the following characteristics of cultures were more likely to sustain and
support women:
• Strong formal support and encouragement from organisational leaders;
• Critical mass of other women;
• Increased use of networks;
• Flexibility and family friendly work practices; and
• Explicit commitment to values.
29
Organisational
values must
reflect the
fuller range of
employees lives
Efforts are required to facilitate the deployment of a fuller range of values in
cultural symbols and artefacts, such as missions and strategic plans and in
processes such as work-planning, human resources and promotion processes.
What is needed are values articulated through organisational documents and
processes that explicitly represent the fuller range of employees' lives, rather
than favouring those only associated with dominant forms of masculinity.
In a recent Australian study, one workplace believed they had "resolved" the
gender problem. They believed that while people were promoted on the basis of
merit, their organisation had achieved a good gender balance in their
management structure. This had not always been the case however.
Female managers acknowledged that women had increased their
representation in management through the efforts of a sympathetic Director,
and other like-minded staff. The organisation's social justice philosophy had
also aided in changing the culture. The male managers acknowledged that their
organisation provided women with more of a level playing field, with value being
placed on providing opportunities and most importantly encouragement for
women to succeed.
“It's happened a lot through having a woman Director. They (senior
management) obviously thought it was important to have women employed
in key areas, and I think it's just that before that the men never thought of it
in that way.” (Male, senior manager, medium-sized Australian education
services provider)
Change programs
must focus on
both awareness
and support to
enable women to
realise their
career potential
Change models need to include planned changes in dominant as well as
subordinate groups. Therefore programs to increase the proportion of women
in management positions need to address organisation wide gender
awareness issues as well as advise and support women to recognise their own
career potential.
30
Section Six:
Summary of Recommendations
Recommended strategies for employers that have their foundations in international best practice can be
sourced from a variety of research conducted with Australian and New Zealand businesses and include92:
• The CEO and executive team being committed to supporting diversity, particularly gender diversity,
with clear and explicit messages deployed about the benefits to all of an inclusive diverse workforce.
• The CEO and executive team making a public commitment to the appointment of women to senior
decision-making positions, and to the support of women in these positions once they have been
successfully recruited.
• The CEO and executive team providing and acting upon a clear statement of organisational ethics
and values, in order to attract senior executives with a commitment to diversity.
• Developing an actionable strategic plan for integrating diversity into organisational systems
and processes.
• Introducing programs targeted at women that encourage the development of appropriate and clearly
stated career goals through staff and professional development.
• Developing and implementing mentoring and coaching schemes for women and men to assist
middle to senior leaders with career planning and assist the organisation with succession planning.
• Developing coaching and training programs to assist human resource managers and senior leaders
to redesign management roles so they are more balanced and sustainable.
• Developing organisational unit plans that incorporate actions for career planning, sustainable
workplace culture and flexible working arrangements.
• Adopting ILO maternity leave standards (i.e. 14 weeks’ paid maternity leave).
• Incorporating gender awareness training in management development and mentoring programs.
• Raising awareness of the benefits of maintaining a healthy balance between work and life.
• Including targets related to improving the situation for women in managers' performance reviews.
31
• Collecting EEO data in line with the principles of the Privacy Act to develop a profile of designated
groups within the organisation. Analysing the data may show higher turnover or absenteeism for
particular groups.
How to collect EEO data:
- staff questionnaire or employee survey;
- interviews when employment ends (exit interviews);
- feedback from networks; and
- organisation / unit reviews.
• Regularly conducting audits to ascertain the extent of gender bias in organisational cultural
processes, to inform a diversity action plan. Incorporate into the organisation's risk-management
strategy.
• Promoting a 'small wins' approach whereby change 'pilots' are targeted at the behaviours, structures
and causes of marginality and discrimination against women. Successful pilots can then be
mainstreamed across the wider organisational landscape.
Contact the following sites for additional good ideas and helpful tools:
The Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Agency, www.eowa.gov.au
Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, www.hreoc.gov.au
The Equal Opportunities Trust, www.eeotrust.org.nz
State Services Commission, www.ssc.govt.nz
Work-Life Balance project, www.dol.govt.nz
32
Section Seven:
Appendices
Endnotes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
Australian Census of Women in Leadership, Equal Opportunity in the Workplace Agency, Australia, October 2004.
The ratio of female to male average weekly ordinary time earnings for fulltime adult employees (excluding overtime) is currently
84.3 percent.
Equal Opportunity in the Workplace Agency, Australia, January 2004
Household Labour Force Survey (June 2004 quarter), Survey of Family Income and Employment Dynamics (September 2003),
http://www.stats.govt.nz
See http://www.eeotrust.org.nz/information/facts
Equity Statistics Australia 2004, Equal Opportunity in the Workplace Agency, November 2003; Equal Employment Opportunity,
http://www.eeotrust.org.nz/information/facts/factsheet14.shtml, New Zealand
Hede, 2000; Still, 2002; See also http://www.eowa.gov.au/About_EOWA/Overview_of_the_Act/The_Act.asp for Australian
statistics; See http://www.eeotrust.org.nz/information/facts/factsheet8.shtml for New Zealand statistics
Sinclair, 1998
Poole & Langan-Fox, 1997
Commonwealth Department of Education Science and Training, 2002
Graduate Careers Council of Australia, December 2003
ABS (2002) Career Experience, Tables 2 & 6, November 2002, Cat. No. 6254.0
Tharenou, 1997
Charlesworth et al, 2002
Hede, 2000; Poiner & Wills ,1991; Burton 1991
http://www.eowa.gov.au/About_Equal_Opportunity/Why_EO_Makes_Business_Sense/Quotable_Quotes.asp
http://www.eowa.gov.au
Case study sourced from Making the most of a diverse workforce: An employer guide to EEO, Whakahaere huarahi whai hua
mö ngä hunga mahi rerenga kë August 2002, New Zealand, Equal Employment Opportunities Trust
Burton, 1991
Case study sourced from Making the most of a diverse workforce: An employer guide to EEO, Whakahaere huarahi whai hua
mö ngä hunga mahi rerenga kë August 2002, New Zealand, Equal Employment Opportunities Trust.
Sinclair, 1998
Bertone, Leahy, & Sinclair, 2000
http://www.eowa.gov.au
http://www.eeotrust.org.nz
UMR Research, Perceptions and Attitudes Towards Work-life balance in New Zealand, A qualitative study, Department of Labour,
Te Tari Mahi, October 2003.
Case study sourced from http://www.eowa.gov.au.
Ministry of Economic Development, Ethnicity Gender and Employment Status, New Zealand, 2003,
http://www.med.gov.nz/irdev/ind_dev/smes/2003/2003-13.html.
Case study sourced from http://eeotrust.org.nz.
Adkins, 1994; Pringle,1998
Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000
Spence & Sawin, 1985
Bem, 1993
ibid, p.81
Still, 2002; Rosenberg, et al, 1993
Probert, 2002
LaFromboise et al, 1995; Bem, 1974
Alvesson, 1998
ibid
Palermo, 2004
Matis 1995; Still, 1997; Powell & Maniero, 1992
Kanter, 1977; Fagenson, 1990
Gutek, 1988
Jackson, 2001
33
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
Sargent, 1981
Adams, 1984
Charlesworth et al, 2002
Mills & Tancred, 1992; Rosenberg et al, 1993
Fiske, 1995
Yoder, 1991
Fiske, 1995
ibid, p.445
Palermo & Jeffries, 2004
Schein, 1973; Brenner et al, 1989
Schein 1973; Heilman et al, 1989; Palermo, 2004
Marshall, 1998
Palermo, 2004
Davidson & Cooper, 1983; Gardiner & Tiggerman, 1999
Palermo, 2004
Stiver, 1999, p.228
Lewis, 2001; Jackson, 2001; Palermo, 2004
Charlesworth et al, 2002
OECD Report 2001; Hancock et al, 2001; Charlesworth et al, 2002.
ILO C183 (2000), Maternity Protection Convention, International Labour Organisation, http://ilolex.ilo.ch:1567, 13 June 2002
http://www.union.org.nz/news/260.html
Charlesworth, 2002
http://www.actu.asn.au/public/news/1094691643_12441.html
Charlesworth et al, 2002
Poole Langan-Fox, 1997, P.175
Bull, 1996
Cooper, 1983; Lewin, 1984; Poole & Langan-Fox, 1991; Still 2002; Palermo, 2004
Langan-Fox, 1996
Poole & Langan-Fox, 1997
OECD, 2003
Kanter, 1977; Moore, 1990; Dreher & Ash, 1990
Moore, 1988; Stackman & Pinder, 1999
Baker, 1994
Kilduff & Krackhardt, 1994
Miller, 1976; Gilligan, 1982; Chodorow 1978, Moore, 1988; Baker, 1994
Brass, 1984
Ibarra & Andrews, 1993; Ibarra, 1993; Krackhardt, 1992
Miller, 1976; Chodorow, 1978; Gilligan, 1982; Stackman & Pinder, 1999; Burda, et al, 1984; Ashton & Frueher, 1993
Stackman & Pinder, 1999
Ragins & Cotton, 1991
Dreher & Ash, 1990; Fagenson, 1989
Kram, 1983; Baker,1994
Ragins & Cotton, 1991
Ragins & Sundstrom, 1989
Davidson & Cooper, 1993
Ragin, 1995
Sheppard, 1992; Cassel & Walsh, 1997
Palermo, 2004
Chesterman et al, 2004; Charlesworth et al, 2002
34
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