Leadership, Charisma and Exterminatory Movements:
Case Studies of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680
and the Great Rebellion of 1780-1782
Nicholas A. Robins
The 1680 Pueblo Revolt of New Mexico
On the night of August 10, 1680, the Pueblo Indians rose up in a well-planned
and coordinated plan to eliminate the Hispanic presence in present day New
Mexico. Since their initial contacts with Spanish arms and missionaries in 1539,
they had seen their population collapse under the progressive weight of disease
and famine. With conquest and colonization, Indian surpluses were forcefully
appropriated by Hispanic overlords, both civil and Franciscan, native religious
beliefs had been suppressed, and curanderos, or medicine men, rounded up and
flogged or executed. The Pueblo population, which stood at about 130,000 in
1581, had plummeted to about 60,000 in 1600. By 1638 it had declined further to
approximately 40,000, and two years before the rebellion it had diminished to
about 15,000.1 As elsewhere in the Americas, diseases brought by the Spanish
to which the Indians had no immunity were the cause of most of the deaths,
followed by overwork and suicide.2
Most of the pueblos were under the direct control of a Franciscan friar, often
backed up by armed guards, although administratively the region was under the
control of a governor and his alcaldes mayores, or district commanders. As
native surpluses increasingly went to the Hispanics, the Pueblo Indians had less
to trade with nomadic Indian groups such as the Apaches and Navajos. This, in
addition to frequent Hispanic slaving expeditions among the nomadic groups, led
to the latter increasingly attacking the Pueblos. The rapid acquisition and spread
of horses among these groups also meant that they could attack faster, carry
more loot, and withdraw father than previously. 3
Prior to the 1680 revolt there had been several regional conspiracies to
exterminate the Hispanics and achieve independence. All had either been
uncovered and prevented or had been quickly suppressed.4 Like those that
preceded it, that of 1680 was regional and also discovered by the Hispanics on
August 9, 1680, when they learned of the native “desire to kill the ecclesiastical
ministers and all the Spaniards, women and children, destroying the whole
population of the kingdom.5 Due to the level of organization and communication
among the rebels, however, the natives were able to advance the date of the
uprising and avoid being preempted by the Spanish authorities. During the
overnight hours of August 10, the natives of Taos, Picurís, San Ildefonso, Santa
Clara, San Juan, Tesuque, Pojoaque and Nambé stormed the Hispanic missions,
homes and ranches in their respective regions, executing almost all non-Indians
they encountered, looting properties and burning the missions. In the region of
Taos, the rebels killed sixty-eight of the seventy Hispanic settlers.6 As dawn
came on the 10th, Indians in numerous other pueblos, such as those of Santo
Domingo, Jemez, and San Lorenzo and Santa Clara, joined the rebellion.7
Having quickly established their control over most of the region around Santa Fe,
the insurgents moved on the Hispanic capital, seeking not only to kill their
enemies but to seize their seat of power. Some Hispanics, such as those from La
Cañada and Los Cerillos, had fled to Santa Fe, and soon found themselves
besieged with others in the governor’s fortified compound.8 On August 14th,
about 500 Indians from Pecos, San Cristóbal, San Lázaro, San Marcos, Galisteo
and La Ciénega arrived at the town, “armed and giving war whoops,” while
waiting for those of Taos, Picurís and elsewhere to storm the Hispanic capital.9
By the 17th, 2,500 rebels had taken up positions in the town, besieged the 1,000
or so Hispanics, and cut off their water supply. 10
Increasingly bold, the rebels looted and burned numerous buildings, and
thwarted the efforts of the defenders to regain their water supply. By the night of
the 17th the rebels were so confident that they “began a chant of victory, and
raised war-whoops, burning all the houses of the villa…[such that the] whole villa
was a torch and everywhere were war chants and shouts.”11 Although there were
about 1,000 people holed up with Governor Otermín, at most 100 had weapons,
and they were “surrounded by …a wailing of women and children, with confusion
everywhere.”12 The Governor, seeing the dire thirst of those around him and
realizing that no help was coming from the colonists to the south in the Rio Abajo
region, decided that their only hope was to try to break out and head south
towards the Rio Grande. After confessing on the morning of August 20 th, they
launched a surprise attack on the insurgents, killing over 300, capturing and soon
executing forty-seven, and causing the reminder to retreat after losing five of their
own.13 Knowing that it was only a matter of brief time until their enemy
regrouped, he led the “routed, robbed and starving” Hispanics south towards
Isleta on August 21.14 Shadowed by their enemies who hoped to ambush and
finish them off, they arrived in San Marcos on August 23rd, and made it to Isleta
on August 27th.15
The Hispanics in the Rio Abajo region had learned of the plot from the Governor,
and as a result many were able to escape southwards prior to the outbreak of
hostilities. Many, however, in the areas of the pueblos of Puaray, Sandía and
Alameda did not flee in time and fell victim to the rebels.16 In Rio Abajo about 120
people were killed in the rebellion, while the 1,500 survivors led by Lieutenant
Governor Alonso García were “on foot, without clothing or shoes.”17 After briefly
taking refuge in Isleta, where they found the natives increasingly hostile, García
continued the march south on August 14th with the goal of finding the triennial
wagon train that was moving northward from Mexico City and approaching the
Rio Grande.18 By August 24th, García’s group were in Socorro, but distrustful of
the natives there, they soon continued on. By September 13 they and Governor
Otermín’s group had gathered in a place called Fray Cristóbal, which lay 180
2
miles north of El Paso.19 Together they marched on to La Salineta, twelve miles
north of El Paso, which they had reached by September 29 th. Although this area
had two missions and a few Hispanic colonists, the arrival of the refugees and
their subsequent settlement to the south was the beginning of El Paso as a major
settlement.20
On September 29th, Governor Otermín began a muster of the survivors present.
Of the 1,946 people counted, only 155 could use firearms and only thirty-six had
them, the “remainder being totally disabled, naked, afoot, unarmed.21 Of those
counted, 954 were Hispanic women and children and 837 were natives. Of these
337 were loyal Piro Indians whom had never been invited to join the uprising and
the rest were Hispanic servants.22 About 1,000 more people had survived but
missed the count, having already violated the Governor’s orders and fled to the
relative security of the province of Nueva Vizcaya to the south.23 Nineteen
Franciscan friars, two lay brothers and 380 other Hispanics had died in the
uprising, and thirty-four villages had been consumed by flames along with
numerous rural estates. Of the victims, all but 95 of the dead were women and
children.24 Prior to 1680, the non-Indian population in the Pueblo region never
topped 2,500, and as a result about sixteen per cent of that group fell victim to
the insurgency.25
Apart from several entradas, or military expeditions, the Hispanics did not
effectively reinsert themselves in the Pueblo region until 1692, under the
leadership of Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon.26 In the meantime,
the natives were ruled by the rebellion’s mastermind, Popé, and subsequently by
Luís Tupatu.27
The 1780-1782 Great Rebellion of Peru and Upper Peru
Almost 100 years to the day after the outbreak of the Pueblo Revolt, the
Great Rebellion of 1780-1782 erupted in Peru and Upper Peru (present day
Bolivia). While it encompassed a larger area than that of the Pueblos and
resulted in the death of upwards of 100,000 people, it did not bring
independence from Spanish dominion.28 The natives of Peru and Upper Peru
were subject to many of the same abuses as the Indians of New Mexico,
though often in an even more severe form. Apart from having to pay
numerous civil and ecclesiastical taxes, the Peruvian natives were also
subject to the repartimiento de mercancías, or reparto, a scheme in which
they were compelled to purchase goods for which they often had no use at
highly inflated prices. In addition, under the mita system, many Indians were
forced to work in the silver mines of Potosi or the mercury mines of
Huancavelica, the latter of which people were often sent in lieu of a death
sentence. While the reparto had long been practiced, in the mid-1750s it was
legalized and subsequently expanded considerably. This led to an artificially
expanded internal market, more demand for Indian labor and surplus, and
greater exploitation of the natives. New taxes were also introduced on native
3
staples such as chuño, or freeze dried potato, and other taxes increased,
further immiserating the Indians and delegitimizing Spanish rule.29
Another trend during this time was the appointment of curacas, or local
village headmen, to Indian communities who were not only Mestizos, but also
often lacked any natural connection with the communities which they ruled
and were especially harsh. Many people who would have assumed the post
on the basis of tradition and heredity were passed over, and among them
was an illiterate Aymara Indian named Tomás Catari. His efforts to assert his
claim to the curacaship of the village of Macha would lead to repeated
jailings and escapes, and a journey to Buenos Aires where he arrived
“without poncho, hat, shirt or shoes” to appeal directly to the viceroy. 30
Although the viceroy did not affirm Catari’s claim, upon his return to Macha
he nevertheless claimed he had done so, and then Catari reduced tribute
demands by about a third. This only led to him being imprisoned again, and
in an effort to secure his release, his supporters kidnapped Blas Bernal, the
official curaca, and executed him on August 6, 1780, thus beginning the
Great Rebellion.31 The rebels soon kidnapped the local Hispanic governor,
Corregidor Joaquín Alós, and, in exchange for his freedom, on August 30,
1780, not only gained Catari’s release but also had him officially confirmed
as curaca of Macha.32 Catari was greeted as a “messiah” in Macha, and his
confirmation as curaca spawned rumors in the provinces of Chayanta, Paria
and Yamparáez that in addition to a reduction of tribute, he had ordered, with
royal approval, the end of the hated reparto, the mita and several taxes and
religious fees. The rebellion spread quickly in the region as Indians began to
depose, and often kill, their curacas and “the Spaniards, Mestizos and the
very Indians" who opposed them.33
As the rebellion spread in Upper Peru, another rebellion erupted in the area
surrounding Cuzco, Peru. As in Upper Peru, its leader, the curaca of the
village of Tungasuca, José Gabriel Condorcanqui y Túpac Amaru, had in
1777 unsuccessfully attempted to reduce the exactions to which his people
were subject. In difference to Tomás Catari, however, Túpac Amaru was a
Mestizo and also a descendent Túpac Amaru I, the last Inca who was
executed in Cuzco in 1572.34 Seeing the futility of the legal route, Túpac
Amaru planned his rebellion in his hometown of Tungasuca, in Tinta
province. Although there is no evidence of collaboration between he and
Tomás Catari, Túpac Amaru may have heard of the rebellion in Upper Peru
and moved up the date of his own conspiracy in an effort to avoid having his
own plans discovered by royal authorities. On November 4, 1780, he
captured Corregidor Antonio Arriaga, to whom he was subject, and asserting
that he was acting under Spanish royal orders, presided over his execution
on November 10.35 He then declared the abolition of the mita, taxes and
corregidors, and attracting thousands of followers, looted and burned
Hispanic interests and killed Hispanics and opponents in the provinces of
Tinta, Quispicanchis, Cotabambas, Calca and Chumbivilcas.36 Seeing the
4
native response to his call to rebel, and that Creole support was not
materializing, he increasingly gave orders in his name as Inca king as
opposed to that of Charles III.37 He soon began a march on Cuzco, the
ancient Inca capital, and on December 28, 1780, placed it under siege,
despite the urging of his wife and fellow rebel Micaela Bastidas to attack it.38
Over the coming days, Spanish royalist reinforcements would arrive, and by
January 3, 1781, had caused the rebels to withdraw.39
In the meantime, the cousin of the Inca, Diego Túpac Amaru, had overrun
the provinces of Calca, Paucartambo and Urubamba before Hispanic forces
defeated him in Huaran, Yucay and Paucartambo. By January 18, he and
Túpac Amaru were reunited in Tungasuca and by April 4 were effectively
surrounded by their enemies.40 The increasing Hispanic momentum undercut
his support, and one of his colonels, Ventura Landaeta, captured the rebel
and much of his command. Instead of taking Cuzco, Túpac Amaru was taken
there, in chains, on April 14 and subsequently executed.41 Diego Túpac
Amaru managed to avoid capture, however, and continued the insurgency in
the Cuzco and Puno regions, and the nineteen-year old nephew of the Inca,
Andrés Mendagure Túpac Amaru, besieged and took Sorata in August, 1781
before joining in the siege of La Paz.42
Back in Upper Peru, not long after the Hispanics had broken the lackluster
siege of Cuzco, the royalists had again captured Tomás Catari, near the
town of Aullagas. As he was being marched under escort to La Plata on
January 15, he was killed by his captors as his supporters tried to free him.43
Just as in Peru, rather than slowing the spread of rebellion, the death Catari
led to kin filling the leadership void and radicalized the insurgency. The
cousins of Tomás, the half-brothers Dámaso and Nicolás, continued to
dominate the countryside, and Dámaso briefly placed La Plata under siege
before he and Nicolás were betrayed, captured and executed in April and
May 1781.44 Despite the prominence of leaders of the Amaru and Catari
clans, the insurgency was a quite decentralized affair. In the mining town of
Oruro a Creole-Indian alliance against Spaniards in February, 1781 quickly
fell apart as the natives began to attack Creoles and their interests and
subsequently besieged the town. Even the village of Tupiza to the south was
caught up in the insurgency, although the Mestizo-led rebellion there was
quickly suppressed by Hispanic forces headed north from Argentina to
succor towns in Upper Peru.45
The sieges of Cuzco, La Plata and Oruro paled in comparison to that suffered by
La Paz and led by Túpac Catari. Catari was born around 1750 in the village of
Ayoayo in Sicasica province. His given name was Julián Apasa, and he was
reared by the sacristan in his hometown after being orphaned at a young age.
Prior to becoming a rebel, he had traveled the region, working in a sugar mill, as
a miner, and later as a baker and itinerant seller of textiles and coca leaves. 46
5
When he became a rebel, he took the nom de guerre of Túpac Catari in an
attempt to gain support from both Túpac Amaru and Tomás Catari.47
He initially gathered his forces in Sicasica and Pacajes provinces in January and
February of 1781, and on March 14 he began a siege of La Paz. In the coming
weeks, his forces would grow to about 40,000 as insurgents from the areas of La
Paz and Lake Titicaca joined others whom had rebelled earlier in the provinces
of Paucarcolla, Cochabamba, Chayanta, Oruro, Paria, Carangas, Pacajes and
Porco. Despite a two and a half month siege and numerous engagements, the
insurgents were unable to take the town prior to the siege being broken, albeit
temporarily, on June 30, 1781 by forces under Commandant Ignacio Flores.48
Although the rebels did not take La Paz, about 10,000 people, or a third of its
population, had already perished.49 One witness stated that “there was not one”
who was uninjured, and the victims ate "not only the horses, mules, and donkeys
but also (after having run out of dogs and cats) leather and trunks served as the
best subsistence.”50 A priest there wrote that the besieged ate the “meat,
perhaps or perhaps not of people, of which there is no shortage of people who
assure me of this.”51 Despite breaking the siege, Commandant Flores was so
beset with desertion of his troops that he was obliged to retreat to Oruro in late
July. Túpac Catari soon resumed his siege, on August 5th, and later that month
was joined by Amarista forces under Andrés Túpac Amaru. In mid-September,
Miguel Bastidas Túpac Amaru, a cousin of the Inca, replaced Andrés, before
forces under Josef Reseguín definitively broke the siege on October 17, 1781.52
Túpac Catari was soon captured and executed on November 13, while Diego
Cristóbal Túpac Amaru was captured on March 15, 1782.53 In January, 1782,
most of the major remaining rebels signed the Peace of Sicuani, largely ending
the rebellion.54 Approximately 40,000 Indians and 60,000 Hispanics, or about
eight percent of the population in the affected area, had perished in the
insurgency.55 The victors soon reinvigorated an ethnocidal campaign to eliminate
reminders of the pre-Hispanic culture by prohibiting the use Quechua as well as
Incaic clothing, paintings, flags and dramas.56
Extermination and Leadership
This essay defines as exterminatory movements such undertakings that had or
have as their object, or result in, the total or practical elimination of a people,
ethnically or racially defined, class, group, culture, belief system or language. It is
based on the common demoninator of most prevailing definitions of genocide,
extermination, and views genocide as that form of exterminatory movement
directed at human beings based on certain characteristics.57 It also reflects the
fact that although ethnocide, or cultural elimination, can assume genocidal
characteristics, such is not inherent to ethnocide. This addresses the problematic
definitional issue of the ability to have a genocide in which no one dies. Finally, it
does not limit such movements to a time period, or being state-perpetrated, and
6
recognizes that genocide can be an unintended result of resistance
movements.58
Although these insurrections differed in time, scope and place, they were both
exterminatory, nativist endeavors, in that they were “conscious, organized
attempt on the part of a society’s members to revive or perpetuate selected
aspects of its culture,” led by charismatic leaders who claimed divine guidance
and protection.59 The leaders both reflected and further imbued the rebellions
with millennial qualities, and, with varying success, also helped to soften the
divisions which riddled the movements. While the extermination of Hispanics in
New Mexico was central to leadership objectives, this was less the case in Peru
and Upper Peru. There, the exterminatory dimension was no less prevalent
among the masses, and while Túpac Catari shared such goals, Túpac Amaru
sought to limit it to the elimination of Spaniards, and Tomás Catari's objectives
were of a much more reformist nature.
The Exterminatory Dimension of the Uprisings
The Pueblo Revolt
Unlike many genocides, both sides, Hispanic and native, recognized the
exterminatory aspect of these insurgencies.60 Genocide was central to Popé’s
plan as the means to achieve the utopia he envisioned, and save for a few
Hispanic slaves, there was no room for Hispanics in the promised land. A few
days prior to the rebellion, Juan Ye, the loyalist chief of Pecos, reported to the
Spanish authorities that there was a well-advanced plot “to kill all the Spaniards
and religious.”61 At the outbreak of the rebellion on August 10, 1680 in the pueblo
of San Diego de Jemez, an Indian rebel from Tesuque arrived and called upon
the Indians there to “kill the Spaniards and friars who are here,” promising them
that “none of the Spaniards will remain alive” anywhere in the Pueblo region.62
The rebel Pedro Naranjo confessed that in San Felipe pueblo the rebel Alonso
Catiti had called upon the Indians there “to assemble in order to go to the Villa to
kill the governor and all who were with him.”63 The elderly Indian Pedro Ganboa
stated to his Hispanic captors that he “has heard…that the Indians do not want
religious or Spaniards” and in the attack on Santa Fe they sought to “destroy the
governor…and all the people who were with him.”64 The day the rebels began to
mass on Santa Fe, two Indian messengers dispatched by the Governor to
reconnoiter the Tano and Keres pueblos reported that rebels from Pecos, San
Cristóbal, San Lorenzo, San Marcos, Galisteo and La Cienega were “on the way
to attack it and destroy the governor and all the Spaniards,” adding that they
planned to “sack the said villa all together and kill within it the señor governor and
captain-general, the religious, and all the citizens.”65 Concerning the siege of
Santa Fe, the cabildo of Santa Fe recalled “that many times…the revolting
Indians …declared that not one [Hispanic] in the entire kingdom should escape
with his life.”66
7
During the interrogations of rebel prisoners taken after the Hispanics rallied and
dispersed the Indians besieging Santa Fe, several confessed that Popé had
commanded that they execute “the priests and the Spaniards, so that only the
women and children would be left. They said that all the remaining men must be
killed, even to the male child at the breast, as they have done in other parts
where they have been.”67 During a Hispanic entrada, or military foray, in 1681, a
Tano Indian stated that Popé had “given them to understand that the father of all
the Indians, their great captain, who had been such since the world had been
inundated, had ordered the said Popé to tell all the pueblos to rebel and to swear
that they would do so; that no religious or no Spanish person must remain.”68
Another rebel testified that the inhabitants of San Felipe had marched to Santo
Domingo “to kill the friars, the alcalde mayor and the other persons who were
there.”69 Another Indian, a Tiwa named Jerónimo, also stated that Popé had
ordered the Indians to kill all priests and Spaniards.70
The Tewa Indian Antonio, a servant of the Hispanics who had endured the siege
in the governor’s compound and subsequently fled, was later recaptured by the
Hispanics. In response to being asked why he had escaped, he stated that it was
“because he thought that the Spaniards would all be killed,” and that the rebels
had decided that “the Spaniards must perish ”71 Given that many Hispanics had
escaped, he also told them that insurgents were planning an ambush “at the
junction of the hills and the Rio del Norte near the house of Cristóbal Anaya, and
[would] there attack the Spaniards when they attempted to cross over, and
annihilate them.”72
Another Indian captured during the southward journey of the refugees under
Governor Otermín stated that Indians from Tesuque had inspired those in San
Cristóbal by telling them that should “kill the Custodian, the Fathers and the
Spaniards, and have said that whoever kills a Spaniard shall have an Indian
woman as wife, and who ever kills four shall have as many wives, and those
killing ten or more shall have as many wives. They have said that they will kill all
the servants of the Spaniards and those who talk Castilian, and have ordered
everyone to burn their rosaries.”73 In Jemez, another rebel called on the residents
to execute any Hispanics they found, promising that of those who had already
fled “not one of them will escape.”74 When Lieutenant Governor García led his
group through Santa Ana, he found only women there who told him that the men
“had left to kill the Spaniards.”75
During Vargas’ reconquest twelve years later, as he approached Santa Fe in
September, 1692 the Indians from the pueblo of Galisteo who lived in the town
told him that “they were ready to fight for five days, [and that] they had to kill us
all, we must not flee as we had the first time, and they had to take everybody’s
life.”76 The next year, as Vargas sought to pacify the Indians from Ciéneguilla,
they promised him that they “would fight…until they left us all dead, once and for
all.”77 In December, 1693, just before Vargas expelled the Indians from Santa Fe,
the Indians had promised that they would “fight until all of the Spaniards die,” and
8
promised that “not one will escape us. The friars will for a short time be our
servants, we will make them carry firewood and bring it from the woods, and after
they have served us we will kill all of them just like when we threw out the
Spaniards the other time” in 1680.78 They further asserted that “that they were
going to kill them and make slaves of their women and children.”79
The Great Rebellion
In the Great Rebellion, among those who willingly joined the insurgency, many
sought the extermination of non-Indians. In Upper Peru one Hispanic official
believed, incorrectly, that Túpac Amaru had demanded the execution of all
Hispanics and that his followers wanted the “extermination” of non-Indians.80
Another observed that “they killed with more cruelty all those that had white
faces,” and in the province of Chayanta another Hispanic wrote that the
insurgents killed “as many Spaniards as they could find.”81 In Chocaya, the
Spaniard Florentín Alfaro was convinced that the rebels sought to “finish off all of
the Spaniards and Mestizos.”82 Reflecting upon the rebellion, the Cabildo of
Cochabamba reported to the king that the rebels wanted that “there not remain in
this vast kingdom any other kind of people than that of their own caste.”83
The commander of La Paz’ defenses during its siege, Sebastían de Segurola,
wrote that Túpac Catari sought “not just to kill the corregidors and Europeans, as
I thought at the beginning, but rather all those who were not legitimately
Indians.”84 Following his escape from rebel captivity, the priest Matías de la
Borda wrote that Túpac Catari was directing his efforts towards the “total
extermination of the Spanish people, both patrician and European, and of the[ir]
life, customs and Religion.”85 Similarly, father Josef de Uriate, who was held
captive by the insurgents in the region of Sicasica, concluded that his captors
intended to “pass under the knife the Spaniards and Mestizos without sparing the
priests, women nor children, and [to] extinguish the cattle and seeds of Spain.”
Such was their hatred for things Hispanic that they had issued their own currency
so as “not to see the royal face.”86
Indian statements largely mirror those of Hispanics concerning the objectives of
the rebellion. As he prosecuted the siege of La Paz, Túpac Catari urged the
defenders to give up “all of the corregidors...Europeans ...priests and their
assistants, the royal officials, the customs tax collectors, hacendados and
firearms.”87 In one communication he decreed “that all the Creoles die,” and
stated that he was going to “finish off everyone with the objective that there will
not be Mestizos.”88 Gregoria Apasa, his sister and fellow rebel, confessed that
the rebels would “take the lives of the whites whenever they had the
opportunity.”89 Likewise, the rebel Augustina Zerna, testified that the rebels
intended to “finish with all the Spaniards or white faces”, while Josefa Anaya
stated that the insurgents sought to “kill the corregidores, the Europeans and bad
Creoles, although in reality they always killed everyone they found.”90 While
Spaniards and Creoles were quite sensitive to their differences in status and
9
opportunity, the rebels did not care for such differentiation. Indicative of this was
the statement of the rebel Diego Quispe that the insurgents wanted to “kill
absolutely all the whites without distinction” between Spaniard and Creole, and
that of Diego Estaca who confessed that “the principal objective of the uprising
was to get rid of all of the white people.”91 Many of the insurgents who
participated in the siege of La Paz had arrived there from the south, and as a
result their testimony gives insights into the objectives of rebels from many
areas.92
In Tiquina, not far from La Paz and on the shore of Lake Titicaca, the rebel
Tomás Callisaya decreed “that all corregidores, their ministers, caciques,
collectors, and other dependents be passed by the knife, as well as all the
chapetones, Creoles, women and children, without exception of sex or age, and
all persons who is or looks Spanish, or at the least is dressed in the imitation of
such Spanish.”93 Like Túpac Catari whom he supported, he further commanded
that the natives not “eat bread nor drink water from fountains but rather totally
separate themselves from all of the customs of the Spanish.”94
One of the rebels who was active in the killing of Hispanics in San Pedro de
Buenavista testified that “the express desire of taking the lives of the Spaniards,”
inspired him to join the rebellion, while another near Cochabamba confessed that
the rebels sought to kill “white people” and steal their property.95 Such was his
hatred for Hispanics that in Carasi the rebel Andrés Gonzales wanted to kill them
“from the priest on,” while in Poroma, the insurgent Sebastían Morochi testified
that the insurgents wanted to kill “everyone [there] including the priest.” 96
Similarly, the rebel Sencio Chamsi confessed that the rebels were intent to
“destroy” all of the Hispanics there.97 In the area around Sillota and Oruro, the
rebels Diego Calsina, Juan Solis, Cruz Tomás and Manuel Mamani also
confessed to having as a goal the death of all non-Indians.98 In Sillota, the
insurgent Casimiro Ramos confessed to trying to “exterminate” the Hispanics of
the town, as did his fellow rebel Eusebio Padilla confess to trying to kill
“Spaniards, Mestizos, blacks and all except the tributary Indians” there.99 In the
village of Challacollo, the rebel Ascensio Taquichiro, testified that among his
goals was to “burn the town and kill the inhabitants without leaving one alive who
was not an Indian.”100
Native Leadership and Charisma
Popé and the Pueblos
Unlike many charismatic leaders, and also Pueblo leaders, Popé in New Mexico
remained largely outside of the alien culture which dominated his people.101
Generally the “native leader who had risen highest in the Spaniard’s eyes, who
had learned most about the dominant culture and its flaws, and who seemingly
had profited to the greatest extent from the colonial system, often sought to
overthrow it.”102 Reflecting upon the rebellion in 1680, Fray Antonio de la Sierra
10
concluded that “the Indians who have done the greatest harm are those who
have been most favored by the religious and who are the most intelligent.” 103
One rebel who met with Governor Otermín just as the siege of Santa Fe was
getting under way had earlier been entrusted by the governor to carry a message
to other Indians. Governor Otermín regretted that the rebel “who spoke our
language, was so intelligent, and had lived all his life in the villa among the
Spaniards, where I had placed so much confidence in him…was now coming as
a leader of the Indian rebels.”104
Popé’s lack of integration into the Hispanic world may have added to his appeal
to his followers, but his charisma rested on his success in convincing his them
that he communicated directly with, and received guidance from, native gods
who assured him of the success of the movement. In so doing, he created a link
between native origin myths, the elimination of the Hispanics from the region,
and nativism. Popé claimed that his revelations came from three native gods,
Caudi, Tilini and Theume,
“who emitted fire from their extremities at the said estufa105 of Taos, and that
thereby they remained as of old, the same as when they came out of the laguna
de Cópala; that that was the best mode of living and the one they desired,
because the God of the Spaniards was worthless and theirs was very powerful,
and that of the Spaniard was nothing but rotten pieces of wood, and this was
heeded and obeyed by all, save some, who, moved by Christian zeal, repudiated
it. And these were immediately put to death by order of the said Popé.”106
In addition, Popé had “given them to understand that the father of all the Indians,
their great captain, who had been such since the world had been inundated, had
ordered the said Popé to tell all the pueblos to rebel and to swear that they would
do so….and that after this they would live as in ancient times.” 107
The purported supernatural support for the rebellion would not only guarantee
the success of the insurgency, but would result in the establishment of a native
utopia. In the new world, the Indians would be “regaled like the religious and
Spaniards, and would gather a great many provisions and everything they
needed.”108 One rebel, Pedro Naranjo, also asserted that many Indians believed
that “by living under the laws of their ancients they would raise a great quantity of
corn and beans, large bolls of cotton, pumpkins and watermelons of a great size
and musk melons, and that their houses would be filled, and they would have
good health and plenty of rest; and…the people…[would be] overjoyed, living in
pleasure.”109 The Tiwa rebel Jerónimo corroborated this with his testimony that
Popé promised “large crops of grain, maize with large and thick ears, many
bundles of cotton, many calabashes and watermelons, and everything else in
proportion.”110 Another rebel stated that Popé promised that those who followed
and obeyed him “would thereby be assured of harvesting much maize, cotton,
and an abundance of all crops, and better ones that ever, and that they would
live in great ease.”111
11
Not only would divine forces create a utopia, they would sustain it by preventing
the return of their former oppressors. The gods “of the estufa of Taos had given
them to understand that as soon as the Spaniards moved upon this kingdom they
would warn them of it, so they could assemble and prevent their getting any of
them.”112 Hubert Bancroft also notes that Popé claimed “supernatural powers
[and that ]…The Castillos were not to be feared, for he had built walls up to the
skies to keep them away.”113
In the aftermath of the 1680 rebellion, and having rid the region of the Hispanics,
Popé rapidly consolidated his power and sought to excise the vestiges of their
rule. Often joined by fellow-rebels Luís Tupatu of Pecurís, El Jaca of Taos,
Alonso Catiti of Santo Domingo and “a large retuine of people,” Popé soon began
a victory tour of the pueblos that had joined the revolt.114 In each he ordered that
baptized Indians wash and scrub themselves, thereby symbolically eliminating
their contamination by the waters of baptism. Because great numbers of Indians
had been wed in marriages arranged by the friars, Popé allowed them to dissolve
such unions and marry one of their own choosing.115 Seeking to further remove
Catholic and Hispanic reminders, Popé banned Catholicism, forbade the
speaking of Spanish, commanded the Indians to abandon their Christian names,
and prohibited the and the use of the words Jesus and María.
In furtherance of these ends, he also demanded the Indians “immediately break
up and burn the images of the Holy Christ and of the Virgin Mary, and those of
the other saints, crosses and all other things touching Christianity, and to burn
the temples, [and] break the bells.”116 In addition, he commanded “that in no
manner should they ever pronounce the name of God, the blessed Sacrament,
the Blessed Virgin, or the Saints, imposing great punishment, particularly that of
the lash, should they do so.”117 The sting of the whip was only one form of
castigation, and individuals who had opposed the rebellion, or him, were also
executed or made slaves.118 Many rebels were eager to see the end of the
Christian god, and this was shown when they besieged Santa Fe and the
Hispanics heard “the ridicule which the …Indian rebels made of the sacred
things, intoning the alabado and the other prayers of the church with jeers.” 119 In
Jemez to the south, as Lieutenant Governor García and his band of refugees “left
the pueblo, the Indians mockingly rang the bells and scoffed at us.”120
The excising of Catholicism and Hispanic culture and the extermination or
removal of Hispanics from the region was the first step in the effort to restore the
unchallenged supremacy of native religion in the Pueblo region and the political
and social organization associated with it. Popé “immediately upon the departure
of the Spaniards…ordered their estufas constructed, these being the houses
where they practice idolatry, and throughout the entire kingdom the Cachina was
danced.”121 Native rituals were now widely and openly practiced, and the Indians
“built their temples on the four sides and in the center of the plaza with small
enclosures of piled rocks, where they offered up flour, plumes and seeds of the
12
maguey, corn and tobacco …giving the children to understand that henceforth
they should all do likewise” and that by doing so the Indians “would have
anything that they wished.”122 These were often “enclosed very carefully” to
prevent their being trod upon by animals. 123
Reflecting the resurgence of native rites, and their perceived efficacy in
dominating the Christian god, the charred remains of Catholic churches were
often used by the Indians. In Sandía, for example, the rebels destroyed almost all
of the mission with the exception of the “guard room….with the two cells that
follow it….in the third cell there is hanging from the whole circumference of the
walls, arranged very carefully,…a large number of masks “ which the Indians had
“left with particular care for their dances.”124 In addition “in the circumference of
the cloister, the private oratory, and the refectory they attempted to make their
dwellings, and in the principal cell of the three that I have mentioned, they have
set up a forge with very good bellows and with a ploughshare as an anvil.” 125
Similarly, in Santo Domingo a good part of the mission had been “destroyed,”
however part of it had “been rebuilt for a fortress and living quarters.” 126
Such was Popés determination to eliminate the vestiges of the Hispanics that he
forbade the cultivation of any crops that had been introduced by them.127
Consequently the planting of watermelon, cabbage, cucumber, turnip, garlic,
radish, onion, wheat, peas, grapes and peppers, along with peach, plum, apricot,
cherry, apple, and citrus trees, was prohibited. The only crops which he allowed
to grow were squash, beans and corn. Other Hispanic imports, such as pigs,
cattle, cats, chickens, and sheep were to be killed, but horses had proven so
useful for warfare and transport that they were exempt.128 Although disavowal of
these orders could result in death, many Indians ignored them. One
contemporary reported that “They had obeyed in everything except with regards
to the seeds.”129 In the context of a famine, such cultivation may have been
tacitly tolerated by the Indian leaders.
Many people practice what they condemn, and Popé was no exception. After the
Hispanics had been either killed, enslaved or put to flight, he began to imitate
many of their habits. In his frequent visits to the towns of the region, he
demanded that the Indians kneel and otherwise receive in the manner of the
former Spanish governor, adding a nativist touch by casting corn flour on them as
a blessing.130 Like his Hispanic predecessors, he also demanded cotton and
other tribute from all of the pueblos under his sway, moved into the former
governor’s compound in Santa Fe, and used his carriage for transport in town. 131
His imitation of his enemies assumed a theatrical quality on at least one
occasion, in the pueblo of Santa Ana. There he held a feast with “the foods that
the religious and governors used to use, and a large table, after the style of the
Spanish,” during which he took the role of the Spanish governor, while his fellow
rebel Alonso Catiti acted as the Franciscan custodian. During the meal, each
addressed, praised and toasted one another as such with looted silver
chalices.132
13
Such imitation of the Hispanics by Popé and Catiti reflected some degree of
assimilation of the alien culture and its accoutrements, despite the highly
nativistic ideology of the rebellion. Despite Popé’s orders to eliminate all things
introduced by they Hispanics, he and other rebel leaders lost no time in seizing
their livestock, and distributing it among themselves.133 In addition, Popé and
other insurgent leaders used looted chalices and other items from the
missions.134 During the Hispanic entrada to the region in 1681, they discovered
considerable amounts of Hispanic property in Santo Domingo, and found that
“most of the things that had been in the church and the offices of the convent”
had been placed in the house of the rebel leader Alonso Catiti and his neighbor
Diego el Zapatero.135 In Alameda the Hispanics also found liturgical items in
homes, while in Puaray they “found many valuable things that they had stolen
from the Spaniards, in two houses in particular.”136
By November, 1681, less than a year and a half after the Indian victory, Popé
was removed from power by fellow rebel Luís Tupatu as a result “the amount
[which] in his frequent visits he made them contribute.”137 That appears to be
only part of the reason, however. Popé failed to deliver, even partly, on the
sweeping and utopian promises he had made to his followers, and his charisma
eroded quickly as a result.138 Part of this had to do with a continuing drought and
poor harvest. One elderly Indian by the name of Juan stated that as a result of
this there followed a famine that undercut Popés support as “everyone is
perishing.”139 To the travails of a drought and famine were added the toll of
disease and increasing raids by Apache and Yuta Indians.
Despite the hardships of famine, disease and internal divisions and attacks by
nomadic Indians, the Hispanics concluded after their 1681 entrada that the
Indians found independence preferable to Hispanic dominion and were “very well
content with the life they are living.”140 One elderly native stated his belief that
“the life the [Indians]…led was better than among the Spaniards.”141
Tupatu was not immune to these forces either, and increasingly the pueblos
reverted to their historic orientation of autonomy as opposed to confederation or
centralized rule.142 Popé would regain power in 1688, only to die soon after and
again be replaced by Tupatu.143 His rule was increasingly constricted as the
Pecos, Keres, Jemez and Tanos pueblos did not recognize him, and this helps to
explain why he allied with Governor Vargas in 1692 as a means to reassert his
control over his adversaries. He may also have harbored some Hispanic
sympathies, or sought to entice them as allies, as when he met Vargas he was
“dressed in the Spanish style.”144
Leadership, Prophesy and the Great Rebellion
Although decentralization characterized the Pueblos before and after the
rebellion, the insurgency itself was quite centralized. In contrast, the great
Rebellion was a loose confederation of largely independent rebellions. While
14
Túpac Amaru provided a rallying point for many Quechua and Aymara
speakers, his leadership was quite nominal outside of the areas of his
immediate command. The fact that his vision and goals were considerably
more conservative than many of his supporters contributed to his ideological
isolation. Tomás Catari was similar in this regard, however the exterminatory
radicalism of Túpac Catari appealed to and reflected the goals of many of his
supporters and helped to compensate for his humble origins.
Despite their differences, however, like Popé in New Mexico, all were charismatic
leaders who found much to work with due to the strong eschatological tradition in
the Andes. The most important of these beliefs was that of Inakrrí, or the return
of an Inca king who would liberate the Indians and restore native rule. 145 The
belief in this “sleeping emperor” was widespread in both Quechua and Aymaraspeaking regions and, while used to differing degrees by all of the Peruvian
leaders under study, provided the “legitimizing linchpin of the movement."146
Resurrection played an important part of this belief, and many Indians believed
that Túpac Amaru I, who was executed in Cuzco in 1572, was regenerating in his
grave and preparing to rescue the natives from Hispanic rule.147 Túpac Amaru (II)
used this very much to his advantage, as did Túpac Catari. In Túpac Amaru’s
case, his Incaic origins and his claim to benefit from “God’s grace” led to popular
perceptions that he was unstoppable, and that many viewed him as a demigod is
suggested by the practice by many followers of kneeling in his presence.148
Inkarrí was not the only being that would resurrect to restore native rule, he
would be helped by the revival of huacas, or minor deities, who would also rise
up with Inkarrí. Another of the eschatological ingredients central to the
insurgency, and one related to the coming of Inkarrí, was the pachacuti, a
cataclysm that would destroy the world. The Spanish conquest was one such
event, and, reflecting the cyclical concept of time of the Indians, the belief was
that inevitably they would be expelled by another such event.149 The nexus of
Inkarrí, the pachacuti and the resurgence of the huacas formed the foundation of
the charismatic appeal of the major rebel leaders. Amaru, in Quechua, and
Catari, in Aymara, both translate as "resplendent serpent," which both reflects
the idea of change and refers to the revival of the huacas.150
Native prophecies were reinforced by those of Catholic origin. There are two
prophecies, respectively attributed to Saint Rose and Saint Francisco Solano, in
which much of Lima would be swept away by tidal waves, which would, however,
spare the native districts and bring about a new era of native, albeit Catholic,
rule.151 Generally, the apocalyptic tendencies found in Catholicism meshed to
some degree with the idea of the pachacuti and appealed to Indians to the
degree that it implied a return to native rule.152 These eschatological elements
were a potent force when combined with the burdens of Hispanic oppression,
and the flame of rebellion itself. By rebelling, the insurgents became an agent of
higher powers and were making the pachacuti itself.
15
Many of those who lived through the rebellion were aware of the role of prophecy
in it. One Hispanic in Oruro noted that the natives believed in their prophecies as
did Judaism “the coming of the Messiah,” and that with the outbreak of the
rebellion, for the natives the “day they were waiting for had arrived,” and the
“Sun…had come out for them.”153 The Franciscan friar Josef Antonio Cervantes,
who spent about four months as a prisoner of the rebels from Poopó, Paria,
Sorasora and Challapata in early 1781, was asked by the regional rebel leader
Santos Mamani if he “did not know that the time had arrived in which the Indians
would be alleviated and the Spaniards and Creoles would be annihilated.” 154 The
statement is telling as it ties together the suggestion of prophecy with Hispanic
extermination.
In Peru, a prisoner held by Túpac Amaru stated that the rebel assured his
followers that “there had come the time of Sta. Rosa’s prophecy when the
kingdom would return to the hand of its previous possessors.”155 Father
Matías de la Borda, held prisoner in El Alto, wrote that Túpac Catari had
stated that “it was already time that they fulfill the prophesies…which he also
explained to the Indians in their language so that they would not dismay in
the business of winning the city.”156 The cleric also heard Catari tell his
followers that ”the time had been completed to fulfill the prophecy that the
kingdom would return to be theirs” further noting that the “Indians [operated]
exactly under the hope which was suggested to them by those leaders.”157 In
one missive, Túpac Catari also claimed that "everything will return to its
owner, as have predicted first Santa Teresa to San Ignacio de Loyola [that]
what belonged to the Inca King would be returned to him.”158 This appears to
refer, wrongly, to the prophesy of Saint Rose of Lima.
Túpac Amaru and Túpac Catari also had elements of “pure” millennial leaders
who hold that, as a result of divine support and spontaneous mass action, the
revolution will "make itself."159 When the Inca laid his brief and ineffectual siege
on Cuzco, there appears to have been minimal emphasis on either strategic or
tactical planning. Despite the urging of his wife and having 40,000 troops under
his command, his failure to attack allowed royalist reinforcements, which he knew
were coming, to arrive and ultimately break the siege.160 Leon Campbell
characterizes Túpac Amaru as a "pure" leader, positing that he “believed that he
"owned" the Cuzco provinces and expected them to fall naturally under his
sway… [and wanted] to be welcomed there as a Liberator rather than a military
conqueror.”161 Similarly, Túpac Catari never launched an all out attack on La
Paz, despite having a comparable number of rebels under his command. Given
the duration of the siege, information coming from Indian defectors, and the
mounting deaths of the besieged, he may have believed that the resistance
would ultimately collapse.162 The strength of Andean eschatology, however, may
have inspired leaders to rely more on the idea of the inevitability of divine
intervention than on military planning.
16
Prior to the rebellion, Tomás Catari’s dogged persistence to seek legal redress
for his people, even more so than Túpac Amaru, clearly established him as a
defender of his people. In addition, his repeated escapes from captivity may have
spawned popular beliefs in his invincibility.163 When he was finally released by
the colonial authorities and confirmed as curaca of Macha, he was jubilantly
received as a “messiah” in Macha, and addressed by his supporters "sometimes
[as] your highness and others [as] your excellency.”164 One observer also noted
that the Indians "look upon him with distinction,” and in his confession Nicolás
Catari testified that the natives "venerated [Tomás Catari] as a superior, but he
would not admit those respects.”165 We do know that his supporters tended to
exaggerate his reforms, and perhaps his assertions. Tomás Coca, a
recruiter/conscripter for Catari reportedly "publicly" claimed that Catari would "sit
on a seat with a red cape calling himself king.”166 Colonial officials also claimed
that Tomás Catari had arrogated to himself the title of king "and other divine
names," that his followers viewed "him as the Redeemer of his people” and the
he served as "the oracle to whom [they] consult their doubts and questions."167
Catari may or may not have made such claims, but it is clear that his adepts
viewed his as an exceptional individual who had super-human qualities. Tomás’
cousin, Dámaso Catari, also may have made similar claims, such as during a
confrontation in Pocoata with corregidor Joaquín Alós, he was said to have
challenged the corregidor to “Kill me now so that I may go to the Sun and give
my orders.”168 The rebel leader Simón Castillo also maintained a charismatic
image. One contemporary noted that "the Indians venerate him [and] there is
nothing that he says which is not the Gospel," and another claimed that he
promised his followers that he would "remedy everything and put it in order as
absolute master of these places.”169 In Lipes and Chichas provinces, the
supporters of the rebel leader Pedro de la Cruz Condori also had “so much
veneration for him that they kneel and prostrate themselves on the ground when
they see him.”170
One aspect of the charisma of leaders such as Túpac Amaru and Tomás
Catari was popular perceptions of their immortality. Not long after Tomás
Catari had been executed during his march to La Plata, Corregidor Bodega
went to collect tribute in Challapata and found that many Indians there did
not believe that Catari had actually died. Such were the rumors that Dámaso
went to Quilaquila to investigate if the rumors of his resurrection were true.171
In Peru, Visitador General José Antonio Areche noted that many Indians
“believed the rebel [Túpac Amaru] to be immortal,” and among the reasons
that he had him beheaded publicly was to dispel such beliefs.172
It was not only rebel leaders who were often seen as benefiting from
resurrection, and such beliefs were also found among the insurgents. In
Cochabamba province, one Hispanic observed that many Indians whom had
been condemned to death arrived at the gallows “with the same presence of
spirit that [they bring] to one of their feasts.”173 Another wrote that “if in other
17
circumstances it was a sad spectacle to see such a rigorous execution, here it
was reduced to fun and pastime.” He also noted that “there were those who at
the foot of the gallows were eating...this was the effect of the persuasion which
the rebel Tupa Amaro gave them that they would always resuscitate.”174 While
Leon Campbell asserts that Túpac Amaru promised his followers resurrection
three days after his planned coronation in Cuzco, Jan Szeminski states that
Túpac Catari claimed that Túpac Amaru would resurrect rebels five days their
death.175
Túpac Amaru’s charismatic appeal, and the rebel’s sense that the pachacuti was
finally occurring, was reinforced by the belief among many of his followers that he
was enjoying a continuous string of victories. In Upper Peru, many insurgents in
Oruro, Cochabamba and elsewhere held “as articles of faith” that he had taken
Lima.176 Other rebels believed that he had been cornonated as Inca king in
Cuzco, while others in Upper Peru believed that he was making his way south
from La Paz to assist the rebellion in that region.177 Some were of this opinion as
early as January 15, 1781, when the insurgents of Challapata expressed their
intent to send the head of Corregidor Bodega “to their Inca King whom they know
has already entered La Paz.”178 A Creole who was held as a captive scribe for
the rebels in Chayanta, Bernardo Franco, testified that the rebels believed that
their “King Don Josef Gabriel Tupacamaru Ynga” would soon arrive in the
region.179 Rebels in Chocaya believed that the Inca was “about to enter” the
town.180
Rebels in Oruro likewise “were expecting [and] had as their king” Túpac Amaru
and were planning to kill all of the residents of Oruro and send their heads to the
Inca.181 In his confession, Dámaso Catari stated that he believed that Túpac
Amaru was on his way to Oruro, as did Nicolás Catari understand that the Inca
was "was very far advanced in his conquests and was making haste towards
Oruro.”182 One Hispanic contemporary recognized the Inca’s popularity in Upper
Peru when he wrote that if “Túpac Amaro flees from Cuzco…he could in our
viceroyalty accomplish…what he appears to not have accomplished in that of
Lima.”183 In addition to inspiring rebels, the sense of imminence in the region
caused others to become rebels. The insurgent Pedro Choque confessed that he
joined the rebellion “because they were expecting the curaca Túpac Amaro
whom they had as their king,” and the rebel Ventura Pinto said that he joined the
insurgency as a result of his belief that Charles III was dead and that Túpac
Amaru was now king.184
Of the major rebel leaders, Túpac Catari was not only perhaps the most
charismatic, but also one of the most volatile. He went to considerable
lengths both to create and exclusively maintain the perception that he held a
monopoly over supernatural powers, be they of the Christian god, native
gods or natural forces. His charismatic appeal was also reinforced by rumors
that when he called upon the Indians to rebel he had a halo around his
head.185 His relationship with Catholicism was complex, and to some extent
18
probably influenced by his being reared by the sacristan of Ayoayo. In
addition, there was a widespread belief that the rebellion was also a contest
between supernatural forces. Many Indians believed that the Christian god
did have power, even if it was being overrun by the inexorable forces of the
pachacuti. To harness whatever power remained of the Christian god, Túpac
Catari routinely held priests captive to hold daily mass in a chapel which he
had furnished with liturgical articles and an organ which had been looted
from churches. 186Although he forbade his followers from removing their hats
when in the chapel and issued other "orders equally scandalous,” mass
became a vehicle to demonstrate his supernatural powers.187
As “he would enter churches...he was regularly received with great pomp
under a canopy [and] persuaded his followers that an Image of Our Lady
spoke...[and] whose consultation resulted in the death or pardon of
prisoners.”188 During mass, Catari would derive divine guidance by looking
into a mirror and making expressions “which appeared laughable” or look into
or listen to a silver box which he always carried and from which “God himself
spoke into his ear,” and as a result he “was not capable of error in the
prosecution of the war.”189 The captive clerics found it was to their benefit to
not oppose the messiah of the Altiplano. When one priest, Father Sebastían
Limanchi, refused to absolve him after confession, Catari had him killed,
demonstrating not only his power over the priest, but by extension, the
Christian god.190 After mass, a trumpet would sound and his subjects would
kneel and kiss his hand before leaving.191
Catari left no doubt as to his divine powers, claiming that “everything I say is
the word of the Holy Spirit” and that “I am sent by God and no one has the
power to do anything” against him.192 Other times he asserted that "I already
have the favor of God" and that "God will help us.”193 The endeavor to which
these celestial forces were directed was clearly exterminatory. He promised
that “it is from above that we must finish all, it is the will of God in all and for
all, because as they say the bad fruit one must cut from the roots and that
way we will finish all.”194 In addition to receiving guidance and revelation from
the Christian god, Catari also called upon native deities to assist him. One
observer stated that he “would go to the ancient sepulchers of the Pagans,
whose ruins exist in all of Peru, and in a loud voice say ‘It is now time for you
to come back to the world and help me.’”195
Catari furthered his charismatic image by claiming to be able to control the
elements, and, as in other areas, sought a monopoly in this regard. One
contemporary noted that “to prove it he would take out his saber and attack
the whirlwinds which regularly form in the Puna, and would make the Indians
see that he made them go away with ease stabbing them without being
hurt.”196 Such actions also may have been important on another level,
because many natives saw dust devils as a connection to the netherworld
from which the Hispanics were believed to have originated, and to destroy
19
them Catari could stop the Christian god from helping the interlopers. 197
Catari vigorously sought to maintain a monopoly on such powers. At one
point during the rebellion, he was told that there was an Indian named
Guarachi in Sicasica province who claimed that he could make the "sun
come down in the sky" and had ordered Catari to come and pay his
respects.198 Catari arrived with an armed entourage, and when they found
the sorcerer who "shouted like a child" and operated from behind a curtain,
Catari and his guard lost no time in shooting and stabbing him to death.199
Catari’s claims were believed by many of his adepts. One contemporary
noted that he possessed "a particular ability to subjugate his followers,” while
another observed that "the Indians have a blind and loyal obedience" to
him.”200 A priest who was forced to minister to Catari wrote that his followers
"practiced blindly his orders….and attended to him as if he was in fact a
God,” adding that "his commissioners exceeded in fulfilling his orders.”201
This highlights the fact that although his exterminatory objectives were more
closely aligned with popular desires than Tomás Catari or Túpac Amaru, he
was in some cases more conservative than his followers, especially
concerning Catholicism. While Catari sought to control the Christian god by
controlling his priests, other insurgents preferred to kill them outright, as
evidenced by their executing the clerics Matías de Aresenaga in Chucuito,
Félix Gisbert in Songo and Sebastían Limanchi in Guaqui. In La Paz, when
Father Juan de la Buena Muerte was captured by the rebels when he
ventured past the battle lines, instead of bringing him to Catari, he was "killed
on the spot."202 Similarly, they killed the captive Franciscan Antonio Barriga
without Catari’s permission as they believed he had cast a curse on them
which resulted in a defeat in an engagement with the defenders of La Paz. 203
The god of the Hispanics may have been down, but it was not out, and while
Túpac Catari wanted to add it to his panoply of power, many of his followers
wanted to destroy it.
Insurgent Divisions and Disintegration
Polarization among the Pueblos
Divisions among the Pueblos, and between them and other groups, preceded the
Pueblo Revolt, and were even mentioned by Coronado as early as 1540. It is
clear that “whether this intramural dissension resulted from competing
generational, occupational or social factions, it evidently was endemic.”204
Despite widespread hatred of Hispanic oppression and the lure of a utopia, some
Indians were reluctant to join the rebellion, fearing death or Hispanic retribution
on their community. As in many exterminatory movements, the leadership utilized
coercion to ensure compliance, and also to mitigate the schisms in native
society. Inter-tribal, as well as intra-tribal divisions between generations, as well
20
as between military leaders and medicine men, were made worse by the
demographic catastrophe, famine and persistent attacks by nomadic Indians.
In planning the rebellion, Popé was said to have ordered that “the pueblo that
failed to obey would be laid waste.”205 Threats did not ensure support for the
rebellion, however, and it was opposed by the leaders of the Tano Indians, as
well as that of the Pecos, San Cristóbal, San Marcos and La Cienega. It was the
chiefs of the Tanos, San Marcos and La Cienega that tipped off Governor
Otermín concerning the plot.206 When the insurgency broke out, some of those
who opposed it were executed. Indicative of this was in the pueblo of San Felipe,
the loyalist Indian Bartolomé Naranjo was asked by a group of rebels ““have you
the courage to help the Indians and take part with them in killing the friars and
Spaniards?” And he refused to accede to it…and having left him for a while they
then secured him and in a perfidious and treacherous manner clubbed and killed
him.”207
During the entrada of 1681, one native reported to the Hispanics that “all of [the
Indians] did not voluntarily revolt” and only participated “on account of the fear”
they had of Popé who “communicates with the devil, and on that account they
were afraid of him.”208 Coercion was not only used to plan and implement the
rebellion, but continued once the Hispanics had been killed or run south. The
rebel Pedro Naranjo testified that “in order to terrorize the people into obedience
…an order came from the three demons, spoken of by the said Popé, to the
effect that any one who still carried in his heart the priests, governors and
Spaniards, would show it in the dirt of his face and clothes worn by him, and that
such should be punished; and that if they observed the commands of the
aforesaid four nothing would be lacking to them.”209 As indicated above, Popé’s
orders concerning cultivating crops introduced by the Hispanics as well as his
tribute demands also became a source of discord.210
Coercion could not stop the inter and intra-tribal conflicts which continued to
afflict the pueblos and these were exacerbated by Popé’s autocratic style and
centralizing tendencies, something which was incompatible with the traditionally
autonomous nature of Pueblo society.211 The Yuta Indians repeatedly attacked
the Jemez, Taos, Picurís and the Tewas, and Alameda, Puaray, Sandía, San
Felipe and Santo Domingo suffered numerous raids by the Apaches. This further
fragmented the Pueblo society as entire communities increasingly abandoned
their pueblos to relocate to places which offered greater security and
sustenance.212 Such attacks eroded Pope’s, and later Tupatu’s, support, as
“every time that the Apache enemy came they blamed the leaders of the revolt,
saying [that after the uprising] they had lived in continual restlessness. 213
Apart from attacks by nomadic Indians, there was no shortage of intra-Pueblo
conflicts. To the extent that there was unity among the Pueblos during their
independent interlude, it at least partially reflected the fact that most Indians
“stood in great fear” of their leaders, and in 1681 the younger warriors were
21
especially opposed to any accommodation with the Hispanics.214 In addition, the
Tiwas and Piros suffered many raids by the Tewas, Keres and Jemez Indians
because they viewed the former as harboring Hispanic sympathies.215 During
Popé’s rule the Keres, Taos and Pecos Indians fought with the Tewas and Tanos
whom were led by Luis Tupatu.216 In December, 1681, Tanos, Tewas, Keres and
Jemez Indians were preparing to attack Isleta and “were in arms to come and kill
the people” there and seize their corn.217 As part of the plot, the rebel Pedro
Naranjo had been sent there to urge the people of Isleta to send their youths to
Taos in order to receive cattle so they could better endure the famine. When they
were in Taos the plotters would assault Isleta and “kill all the old men who
remained and capture the women and children in order to give them to the
Apaches in recompense for their people whom the Spaniards had killed in the
wars, so that they might make friends with them.”218 In addition, the young who
had journeyed to Taos were also to be executed. The plan was in retribution for
the failure of the inhabitants of Isleta to join the rebellion, although it was
thwarted as Pedro Naranjo was captured by the Hispanics during the 1681
entrada.219
By 1689, the residents of Acoma had abandoned their pueblo for the mountains
as a result of recurring battles with the Indians of nearby Laguna.220 As we have
seen, Tupatu ended up replacing Popé, and in 1688 when the latter came back
to power he did so with the support of the Tewa pueblos but was rejected by
many communities, including those of Jemez, Taos and Pecos, Cochiti, Santa
Ana, Zía, San Felipe or Santo Domingo.221 When Popé died soon after and
Tupatu reasserted control, he was unable to dominate or secure the support of
Pecos, Keres, Jemez and Tanos Indians. His desire to punish them was part of
the reason Tupatu was willing to enter into an alliance with Vargas in 1692. 222
Tupatu may have been the most prominent, but was not the only, military leader
willing to side with the Hispanics during Vargas’ reconquest of the region. Others
included Bartolomé de Ojeda of Zia and Cristóbal Yope of San Lorenzo, who
also saw an opportunity to dominate their native enemies.223 In September, 1692,
when Vargas approached Santo Domingo they learned from a captured Indian
that the Tewas and Tanos were “making war against them [and that they]
celebrated the coming of the Spaniards and would help them go and kill
Tewas.”224 In contrast, it appears that the medicine men saw little that they could
gain from the reentry of Hispanics, and hence Catholicism, in the region.225
Generational differences over how to deal with the Hispanic presence were also
apparent in Pecos in the fall of 1692.There Vargas learned from a captive Indian
woman captive that the younger natives “wanted neither to go see [Vargas] nor
allow the older people of the pueblo” to do so, while many of the older Indians
were willing to negotiate.226 Such was the discord that the younger braves were
ready to kill off the elders.227 The Indians of Taos had upset many other
communities due to their efforts to dominate them that in October, 1692, Vargas
noted that the “Tewa, Tano and Picurís…have asked me to destroy these rebels
22
[of Taos] once and for all and burn their pueblo.”228 The following year, in
December of 1693, as Vargas prepared to retake Santa Fe, the Indians of
Galisteo who had taken over the town were, like those of Pecos, divided over
whether to give the town over to them or ”fight until all of the Spaniards are
dead.”229
The fear of Hispanic retribution which caused many communities to withdraw into
the wild also caused discord. In January, 1694, large numbers of natives from
San Ildefonso, Puguaque, Cuyamunque, Jacona, Tesuque, San Cristóbal, San
Lorenzo and Santa Clara had retreated to the Mesilla de San Ildefonso,
anticipating an attack by Vargas’s forces. Learning of the offer of a pardon, many
were eager to take advantage of it given “what they were suffering and what they
could expect of a crude and drawn out war.”230 Their leaders, however, “fearing
what they deserved …threatened them through all means.”231
After Vargas had reestablished the Hispanic presence in the region, plots by the
Indians to rebel continued and caused further division. Among the Pecos there
was an uprising planned for August of 1695, but only “half” of the community
supported it, and the next year the leaders of the plot were executed by others in
the community.232 In 1696 a rebellion erupted, but not on the scale of that of
1680.233 Part of the reason was factionalism. For example, in San Cristóbal “the
leaders of this treachery silenced…and chided” those who opposed it.234 In
Nambé, the rebels killed an Indian “because he was a friend of the Spaniards,
knew how to speak Castilian, and reported what they were dealing with in their
conversations and meetings.”235 Also like the rebellion of 1680, coercion played a
role in 1696. Miguel Saxete, a Tewa captive of the Hispanics, testified that on the
night of the rebellion in San Juan, the insurgent leader Juan Griego, who was
“greatly feared and obeyed” had insisted that “Everyone in all the pueblos was
going to rise up that night and kill all the religious and Spaniards, and they had to
do the same thing.”236
The lure of a utopia promised by a charismatic leader inspired many Indians to
revolt, and the nativistic and genocidal endeavor was successful in eliminating
the Hispanic presence in the Pueblo region. Popé’s inability to deliver on his
promises, and the increasing reliance on coercion led not to the cohesion he and
Tupatu sought but rather to the resurgence of the traditional autonomy of the
Pueblos. Instead of a utopia, the natives found famine, rivalry, attacks, death and
disease, all of which facilitated the reascendance of the Hispanics.
Insurgent Divisions During the Great Rebellion
Like those in New Mexico, the rebel leaders in Peru and Upper Peru
contended with numerous divisions among their forces. This underscores the
role of antinomy, or an apparent contradiction of equally valid principles or
conclusions, in the uprising. While many rebels saw the rebellion as the first
chapter of realizing their eschatological dreams, others were reluctant rebels
23
who joined only as a result of deceit or, if that failed, conscription.
Deception proved to be an important tool in getting the insurgency underway,
and both Túpac Amaru and Tomás Catari claimed to be implementing the
orders of Charles III respective to ending the abuses of royal officials and
clerics. Rebellion thus became an act of loyalism. When Tomás Catari made
it back to Macha after meeting with Viceroy Vertíz in Buenos Aires, he
claimed to benefit from a decree which appointed him curaca of Macha and
also reduced tribute levels. Other natives believed that Catari had journeyed
to Spain where he met with King Charles III, however it is unclear if he made
such assertions.237 What is more important than what Catari claimed is what
people believed, and distance often led to exaggeration. In Chayanta, many
rebels believed that Catari had prevailed upon the king not only to affirm him
as curaca of Macha, but empowered him to appoint other curacas and to
abolish reparto and mita.238 In this context, those who did not obey were
themselves “rebels,” and often were executed. Although Catari had not gone
to Spain, he did write the king in November, 1780, pleading for a pardon for
both himself and his followers, for the abolition of the reparto, and asserting
that the Audiencia, or royal court with executive powers, of La Plata and
"other Spaniard and Mestizo" leaders were the ones who had betrayed the
royal interest.239 In his confession, Dámaso Catari, also stated that he knew
that there had been no royal orders issued concerning the reduction of
tribute.240
Like Tomás Catari, Túpac Amaru began the rebellion claiming that he was
executing Corregidor Arriaga under royal orders and continued to make such
assertions for several weeks, often issuing edicts in the Spanish king’s name.
Likewise, Andrés and Diego Túpac Amaru made similar claims when
ordering the abolition of the mita, reparto and numerous taxes.241 Even
Túpac Catari claimed that he had obtained and was implementing the
supposed royal order issued to Tomás Catari that ended repartos and
taxes.242 While the widespread use of deception suggests that many Indians
did not want to commit treason, for those who would not join the rebellion
voluntarily, through deceit or otherwise, the leadership relied heavily on
coercion.
A recruiter for Tomás Catari in Chayanta, Tomás Coca, routinely pressganged people who were capable of fighting but had not volunteered to do
so.243 Supporters of Tomás Catari in Colcha expressed their readiness to
execute and torch the homes of those who failed to join the rebellion. As one
Hispanic there noted, the insurgents were “killing and sacking the...Indians
who did not join them.”244 Similarly, Carlos Pacaja’s success in gathering
over 1,000 Indians for Nicolás Catari in the area of Pintatora and Ocuri was
at least partially attributable to threatening people with death if they did not
join.245 For the siege of La Plata, Dámaso Catari and Antonio Cruz utilized
forced induction for both Indians and Mestizos.246 Death threats were also
24
employed to secure compliance with other rebel orders. In Chayanta,
Tiburcio Rios, José Roque and Domingo Lope threatened to kill anyone who
paid tribute or ecclesiastical dues.247
Some people refused to be conscripted, and in the regions of Yura, Potolo,
Moromoro, Macha and other places in Upper Peru, many were killed for it.248
In gathering forces in Yura, the insurgent Ramón Paca used a supposed
order from Túpac Amaru commanding that “those that don’t rebel…be
finished off,” while in Tomabe, Dámaso Catari decreed death to those who
were able to fight and did not report to Macha.249 In San Pedro de
Buenavista, Simón Castillo called for the death of those who failed to support
the insurgency, while in Chocaya Pedro de la Cruz Condori promised that
those who did not join "would experience rigorous punishment.”250 Another
rebel in Chocaya, Augustín Vicanio, also promised to kill “all those who
excuse themselves from the rebellion [which was] in the service of their King
Tupamaru.”251 When rebels of Challapata invaded the village of Tinquipaya,
they told the natives there that they too must join, “if not they will be lost.”252
Not surprisingly, Túpac Catari also relied heavily on conscription. In the
region of Sicasica he "ordered with capital punishment [that the residents]
leave to the...city of La Paz to destroy it and devour all of its residents.” 253 In
another edict there he decreed that "plebian Indians and Creoles" between
the age of fourteen and seventy to come to El Alto or be killed.254
Túpac Catari also authorized his subordinates to "behead and hang," or
condemn "to gallows and knife," those who failed to obey them.255 In his
confession, the rebel Nicolás Ramírez stated that Túpac Catari often
employed ”rigor and threats” to augment his forces.256 While conscription
could build forces, it also created resentment. As the priest Matías de la
Borda, who was held captive by the rebels in El Alto, noted, many of the
Indians under Túpac Catari were “truly...exasperated with full knowledge of
the cactus patch in which he had stuck them.”257
An edict attributed to Túpac Amaru in Chayanta promised that to “those who
were rebels [against the Inca] he would show his rigor and those who were
humble he would reward.”258 It is not clear if the Inca actually issued the
order, however it is very similar in phrase and tone to ones he did write.259
Another decree attributed to the Inca, this one in Chichas, promised that
those who opposed the rebellion would "experience their ruin, converting my
gentleness into fury [and] reducing this province into ashes.”260 Andrés and
Diego Túpac Amaru also relied on forced induction. In Pacajes, Sicasica and
other provinces, Andrés commanded that all "Indians from seven years old
and up [be] put...in a body of militia."261 Likewise, Diego ordered that his
followers "punish and behead" those demonstrating "the least resistance or
repugnance" to his edicts.262 Implicit in conscription was active engagement
in the rebellion. In the town of Aymaia, not far from San Pedro de
Buenavista, an Indian who was only watching as other rebels beat the local
25
priest to death was himself clubbed by an insurgent who asked “why don't
you help?”263 Similarly, the insurgent Manuel Espinoza, in the village of
Guanachaca, was also beaten by other rebels because he had not killed any
Hispanics.264
Given that many rebels who were captured by the Hispanics were killed, one
would expect many to claim that they had been forced to join the rebellion.
Some did, such as Lope Fernández and Ubaldo Dávila in Chichas, along
with others who participated in the attacks on Arque and San Pedro de
Buenavista.265 Such claims were sometimes believed by royal authorities.
For example, the Viceroy of Peru, Augustín de Jáuregui, recognized the role
of conscription in the forces of Túpac Amaru, while in the area of La Paz,
Commandant Reseguín also acknowledged that many Indians only obeyed
Túpac Catari because they were “fearful of the fury of his inhumanity.” 266
In many of the confessions examined in this study, however, the prisoners
did not claim to have been conscripted.267
Much like their predecessors in New Mexico, the insurgents in Peru and
Upper Peru were also beset by generational and status differences. When
Corregidor Alós was held captive by rebels seeking the release and
confirmation of Tomás Catari as curaca of Macha, Alós noted that the more
senior Indians, in age and status, had reservations about holding him
responsible for Catari’s troubles and urged that Alós be released.268
Generally, the elder and higher ranking members of the indigenous hierarchy
were more conservative than those who were younger and of lower status.269
Other internal conflicts which plagued the rebels concerned what to do with
curacas who lacked the support of their communities. Exemplary in this
regard was when in September, 1780, insurgents in Macha argued over the
fate of the curaca of Moscari, Florencio Lupa, whom had been brought as a
captive to Macha. With Tomás Catari’s blessing, the village priest Gregorio
Josef de Merlos had requested that Lupa be handed over to him and spared.
This sparked quite some debate among the rebels who had custody of him,
with some rebels willing to accede to the request and others not. In a short
period, Merlos gained custody of Lupa, lost it, then regained it again before
the rebels finally took Lupa away, marched him to a hilltop, and excised his
heart.270 Similar efforts by Merlos to spare curacas, often with the support of
Tomás Catari, brought to the surface divisions between rebels concerning
the scope of the rebellion.271
Previous frictions between Indian groups and individuals also surfaced during
the insurgency, as did conflicts concerning the division of booty. During the
Indian occupation of Oruro, most of the nineteen insurgents who perished did
so at the hands of other rebels as a result of "robberies and resentments.”272
Once they had been ousted from the town, rebels in Paria were about to
"finish off one another due to the differences that have been caused by the
26
distribution of lands and ranches ceded by those of Oruro.”273 The rebellion
also served as an opportunity to settle old scores, and as one contemporary
wrote, insurgents in Chayanta often fought "like dogs and cats” among
themselves.274 After a rebel defeat during the siege of Oruro, many begged
the Hispanics there for pardon, while others from Sorasora sought peace
because they "were afraid of dying at the hands of the Challapata” Indians.275
As the tide of rebellion began to turn against the Indians, royalist amnesties
fell upon increasingly receptive ears. The offer of pardon for rank and file
rebels in Upper Peru was announced as early as September 28, 1780, and
remained in force during the uprising. In addition to swearing allegiance to
crown and cross and returning to their previous occupations, erstwhile rebels
were expected to turn in the ringleaders.276 Many did so, and leaders such as
Túpac Amaru, Dámaso and Nicolás Catari, Túpac Catari, Santos Mamani
and Simón Castillo were all turned in by those whom they had
commanded.277 The widespread use of deceit and conscription by insurgent
leaders had not only led to desertions but also prepared the ground for their
eventual defeat.278 As the royalists regained control of Cochabamba
province, they encountered natives "on bended knees asking pardon for their
excesses.”279 Similar events played out throughout the area engulfed by the
rebellion, as many natives preferred the relative certainty of a pardon to the
relative uncertainty of resurrection.280
The insurgents were also beset by ideological schisms. Throughout the
rebellion, those who willingly joined sought native rule and the end of
Hispanics and most of their culture, tribute, repartos, the mita, church dues,
and to varying degrees, Catholicism. Implicit in this was the regaining by
Indians of lands lost through conquest and encroachment, the reascendance
of native rites and beliefs, and the appropriation of many of the material
goods of their enemies. While rebel actions were clearly and consistently
directed towards these aims, they were not shared by either Tomás Catari or
Túpac Amaru.
Despite their efforts to foment cohesion among the rebels, as the insurgency
spread it quickly took on a life of its own and Túpac Amaru and Túpac Catari
became increasingly nominal to the process.281 After his confirmation as
curaca of Macha, Tomás Catari appeared to be seeking to avoid aggravating
the conflict. While he did order some curacas ousted and others brought to
Macha, to the repeated disappointment of his followers he often supported
the efforts of Father Merlos to spare them from death.282 While he did
unilaterally decree a reduction of tribute levels by about a third, this would not
have been deleterious to receipts in the royal treasury as the amount of the
reduction was what was being taken by corrupt officials. Tomás Catari did
not call upon his followers to cease paying all tribute, and while he did call for
an end to the reparto, he indicated to crown authorities that he would strive to
see that Indians paid taxes and served the mita. Furthermore, he did not call
27
for a redistribution of Hispanic lands, an end to Catholicism, or the
extermination of non-Indians. He was in the end a reformist whose followers
used his name and appeal to further their own more radical, revolutionary
and exterminatory goals.283
Much like Tomás Catari, Túpac Amaru was considerably more conservative
than his supporters. Rather than the extermination of non-Indians, he called
for the death only of Spaniards, and worked to create a multi-ethnic front of
Indians, Negroes, Mestizos and Creoles. His efforts to gather Creole support
included assurances that those who supported him would keep their lands,
and his attempts to stop the looting of Creole interests cost him considerable
support among the rank and file of rebels.284 Although he did seek an end to
the reparto and to corregidores, his vision of native rule, with him as king,
included the continuance of tribute, church dues and even the royal fifth on
mineral extraction.285 His deeply rooted Catholic beliefs also undermined his
support among rebels. Jesuit educated, the Inca routinely attended mass
during the rebellion, while his followers sought the expulsion of priests from
rebel areas.286 The fact that his inner circle lacked Indians and instead was
composed of kin, Mestizos such as himself, and Creoles both reflected and
contributed to his isolation.287 The capture and death of Túpac Amaru and
Tomás Catari led not only to the rise of leaders such as Dámaso and Nicolás
Catari, Miguel Bastidas, and Andrés and Diego Túpac Amaru, but a closer
alignment between leaders and followers.
The rise of Túpac Catari was no doubt facilitated by his exterminatory brand
of millennialism which reflected that of many of his followers. Like most of
them he was of humble origins and sought the wholesale elimination of
Hispanics and much of their culture. His efforts to dominate as opposed to
eliminate Catholicism appear to have caused friction with his followers, who
often refused last rites upon execution and often "exceeded in fulfilling his
orders.”288
Conclusion
Charismatic leadership was vital to the planning, prosecution, and in the case of
New Mexico, success, of the rebellions studied here. In all cases, the leaders
either claimed or had imputed to them, supernatural guidance, support and
protection in their effort to create a heaven on earth free from the oppression that
they knew so well. The rise and appeal of leaders of the Great Rebellion was
also facilitated by the Andean cyclical concept of time and a vibrant prophetic
and eschatological tradition concerning the inevitable and divinely-ordained
return of native rule in the region. In practice both rebellions were exterminatory
in that they had as their object the total or practical elimination of a people,
ethnically or racially defined, class, group, culture, belief system or language. Not
only did rebel actions in the field demonstrate this, but so did their statements.
Furthermore, the continued presence of Hispanics in both regions was
28
antithetical to the nativist objectives of the masses. While leaders such as Popé
and Túpac Catari embraced extermination as a means to the promised land,
Túpac Amaru sought to limit it only to those born in Spain, and Tomás Catari
endeavored to inhibit such tendencies among his supporters.
Leadership not only was critical in spawning the rebellions, but over time it
resulted in divisions among the insurgent forces. Popé’s imitation of Hispanic
practices such as heavy tribute demands and his insistence on being received as
had the Spanish governors, in addition to his efforts to centralize power, served
as a catalyst for the return to the pueblo tradition of autonomy. Tupatu’s
subsequent efforts to consolidate authority were also thwarted by this tradition as
many towns refused to acknowledge him. In Peru and Upper Peru, Túpac
Amaru’s and Tomás Catari’s conservatism resulted in their being nominal leaders
outside of the areas of their immediate command, and the rebellion quickly
escaped their grasp. The use of deceit and conscription by those with
exterminatory objectives also planted the seeds of the destruction of the rebel
enterprise, especially as the Hispanics gained the upper hand. The insurgency
was also weakened as it became a theater for the expression of longstanding
resentments between individuals and communities. In the end it was such
divisions among the natives which enabled the Hispanics to, sooner or later,
return to dominance.
1
Andrew Knault, The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in Seventeenth-Century
New Mexico (Norman: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 153-55.
2 Ibid., 153-54.
3 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo.” Rio del Norte, December 18, 1681. In vol. 2, The Spanish
Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 62;
“Declaration of Diego López Sambrano.” Hacienda of Luís de Carbajal, December 22, 1681. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682.
Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX. Translations of Original Documents by Charmion Clair Shelby.
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 299-300; Knault, 68-70; France Scholes,
“Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659 –1670,” in Historical Society of New Mexico Publications
in History, vol. XI (January 1942), 2, 51; Marc Simmons, “History of Pueblo-Indian Relations to
1821,” in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 9: The Southwest. Alfonso Ortíz, ed.
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1979), 184.
4 Hubert H. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, in vol. XVII, The Works of
Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco: The History Company, 1889), 166, 168, 175; Knault, 101,
166-67; J. Manuel Espinosa, The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in
New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1988), 19, 24; John Kessell, “Esteban Clemente, Precursor of the Pueblo
Revolt,” in El Palacio vol. 86, no. 4 (1980), 16.
5 “Declaration of Diego López Sambrano,” 299-300; Bancroft, 166, 168, 175, 177; Knault, 3-4,
101, 153-55, 166-67; Espinosa, The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696,19, 24; Kessell, “Esteban
Clemente,” 16; Charles W. Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” in
Texas State Historical Association Quarterly XV (Oct. 1911), 103; “Autos drawn up as a result of
the rebellion of the Christian Indians.” Santa Fe, August 9, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians
of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol.
VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 3.
6 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from
New Mexico.” Np., September 8, 1680. In Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva
Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IV (Washington, D.C.:
29
Carnegie Institution, 1937), 329-330; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish
Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press,
1914), 17; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 109, 114, 119;
France Scholes, “Troublous Times,” 7.
7 Bancroft, 177-78; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 113, 124;
Knault, 7-8.
8 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín. Santa Fe, August 10, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942) 11; “Letter from the Governor and CaptainGeneral, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,” 329; Bancroft, 177-78; Hackett, “The
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 106-7, 114, 120, 133, 136-37; Knault, 7-8.
9 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,”
330; “Auto and Judicial Process.” Santa Fe, August 13-20, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians
of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol.
VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 12-13; Bancroft 179; Knault, 9-10;
Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 138.
10 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph
Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 32-33; “Auto and
Judicial Process,” 14-15; “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de
Otermín, from New Mexico,” 332-33; ; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,
escrita en 2 de Abril de 1778.” Santa Fe, April 2, 1778. In Documentos para servir a la
historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962),
309; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 140; Knault, 10-11;
Ralph E. Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, vol. 1, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch
Press, 1914), 464.
11 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from
New Mexico,” 333.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid., 333-34; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 309; Hackett, “The Revolt of
the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 142; Knault, 11-12.
14 Knault, 12.
15 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from
New Mexico,” 334; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New
Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 32;
Knault, 12.
16 Bancroft, 178-79.
17 “Opinion of Luís Granillo,” Near Socorro, August 26, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians
of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett.
Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 82; “Answer presented by
the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf.” Isleta, August 14, 1680. In The
Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa:
Torch Press, 1914), 24, 28-29; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in
1680,” 128-29.
18 “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf,” 26, 30;
“Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 309; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np,
nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar
Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 23; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico in 1680,” 146; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Fray Cristobal, September 13, 1680. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 16801682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1942), 121.
19 Charles W. Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted
Reconquest 1680-1682, Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), lxxi-lxxiii;
lxxiv-lxxviii; Charles W. Hackett, “The Retreat of the Spaniards from New Mexico in 1680,
30
Beginnings of El Paso I,” in Southwestern Historical Quarterly vol. 16, no. 2, (October, 1912),
144.
20 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín,” np, nd. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph
Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 40-41; Ann
Hughes, The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District (Berkeley: np., 1914),
301, 310-11,370.
21 “To the Governor and Captain General.” La Salineta, October 3, 1680. In The Spanish Archives
of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914),
45.
22 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from
New Mexico,” 328, 334; “Auto for passing muster, reviewing arms and horses, and other
things.” Opposite La Salineta, September 29, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 134; “The count continues, on
October 2, 1680, in the said place” La Salineta, October 2, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo
Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson
Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942),157-59; “Auto de
Junta de Guerra.” La Salineta, October 2, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 161; Bancroft, 179; Knault, 14,133;
Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest
1680-1682, vol. viii, cix- cx.
23 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,”
328; “Letter of Antonio de Otermín to Fray Diego de Parraga.” Near Socorro, September 8, 1680.
In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682,
Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 90; “Auto
of Antonio de Otermín.” Place opposite La Salineta, October 1, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo
Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson
Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 153.
24 “The Viceroy of New Spain makes report to your Majesty of the general uprising of the Indians
of the provinces of New Mexico, and of the measures and means which have been adopted for
their restoration.” Mexico City, February 28, 1681. In Historical Documents Relating to New
Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. Vol. 4
(Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1937) 339; “To the Governor and Captain General,” 44;
“List and memorial of the religious whom the Indians of New Mexico have killed.” Np.,nd. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682,
Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 108;
Bancroft, 179; Knault 14; Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,”
129.
25 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico,”
328; France Scholes, “Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century,”
in New Mexico Historical Review vol.10, no.2 (April, 1935), 97.
26 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9-October 15, 1692. In By Force of
Arms: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, 1691-1693. John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and
Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992),51, 365; Manuel J.
Espinosa, First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692 (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1940), 29.
27 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 64; “Testimony of José.” Rio del Norte, December 19, 1681. In
“Interrogatories and Depositions of Three Indians of the Tehua Nation, Taken by the Order of Don
Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico.
Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 57; “Carta del Padre
Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, “Mercurio Volante con la
noticias de la recuperacion de las Provincias del Nuevo Mexico.” 1693. In Documentos para
servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778, na, (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas,
1962), 96; Bancroft, 185; Knault, 175; Simmons 184.
31
28
Steve Stern, "The Age of Andean Insurrection, 1742-1782: A Reappraisal," in Resistance,
Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries,
ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 35.
29 Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions and Revolts Revolts in Eighteenth Century Peru and
Upper Peru (Colonge: Bohlau Verlag, 1985), 1, 11-12, 14, 16, 18, 23, 25, 27, 99- 103, 109, 119,
207, 260; Herbert Klein, Bolivia: The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1982), 41-42, 51-52; Ward Stavig, "Ethnic Conflict, Moral Economy, and
Population in Rural Cuzco on the Eve of the Thupa Amaro II Rebellion," in Hispanic American
Historical Review 64, no. 4 (Nov. 1988), 742-43; Stern, “The Age,” 39, 75; Lillian E. Fisher, The
Last Inca Revolt: 1780-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966),12.
30 "Levantamiento de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas...y lo acaecido en el pueblo de
Pocoata de dha provincia a su corregidor Dn. Joaquín Alós." La Plata, September 29, 1780.
In book 2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel
Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú,
1971), 235; see also "El lisenciado D. Diego Frnz Mariano representa a V.M. como teniente
de cura de la Doctrina de Condocondo, Provincia de Paria." Condocondo, July 12, 1774. In
"Expediente informado de la contaduría y respondiendo del Sor. Fiscal sobre excesos del
corregidor de Paria Dn Manuel de la Bodega." AGI, Charcas 528, 1; “Relación de los hechos
más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el
indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta,
que asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de
1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." Revista de archivos y bibliotecas
nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 143; “Informacion recivida en la Prova de
Chayanta sobre aberiguar quienes han hido los principales caudillos de la sublevcn de
dichos pueblos.” Moromoro, April 30, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.160, 16; Sergio Serulnikov,
“Tomás Catari y la producción de justícia" (Buenos Aires: Centro de Estudios de Estado y
Sociedad, 1988), 20-21; Claudio Andrade Padilla, La Rebelión de Tomás Catari (Sucre,
Bolivia: IPTK/CIPRES, 1994), 69.
31 "Diario y relación prolija jurada que yo el General Don Juan Gelly hago de todos los pasajes y
sucesos acaecidos en varias distritos y lugares." La Plata. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Levantamiento
de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas," 238; ; “Diario trunco de los sucesos desde el 4 febo.
hasta Octr. 16 de 1780 en Chuquisaca.” La Plata, October 16, 1780. ANB, Ruck.1780.96, 2;
"Representación de Domingo Angeles a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, October
17,1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 12.
32 "Diario y relación prolija,” 1, 3; "Levantamiento de la Provincia de Chayanta o Charcas,"
237-41; “Expediente obrado a solicitud de los indios de la Prova. de Chayanta impetrando
perdón sus excesos.” La Plata, March 5, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.50, 1; “Carta a Ignacio
Flores,” Rosario, January 19, 1781. ANB, SGI, 1781.53, 2; “Informacion recibida en la Prova
de Chayanta sobre aberiguar quienes han hido los principales caudillos de la sublevcn de
dichos pueblos,” 14, 17; "Representación del Indio Tomás Catari." Macha, November 12,
1780. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; “Anexo al diario y relación prolija jurada que yo el general Don
Juan Gelly hago de todos los pasajes y sucesos acaecidos en varios distritos y lugares." La
Plata, September 9, 1780. AGI, Charcas, 594, 1; Copia de carta acordada dirijida al
Corregidor de Chayanta.” La Plata, August 22, 1780. ANB, AchLA.11.1780, 952; "Relación
de los hechos más notables," 145, 147; Oficio de Merlos a Vertíz del 14 de Noviembre de
1780." Macha, November 14, 1780. In La rebelión de Túpac Amaru y los origines de la
independencia de Hispanoamérica, Boleslao Lewin (Buenos Aires: Sociedad Editora Latino
Americana, 1967), 734; “Diario trunco, 11, 1-2; Serulnikov, "Tomás Catari," 22-24; L. Fisher,
53, 57-58; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 243; Andrade, 57, 67.
33 "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." La Plata, May 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 5;
"Auto de Tomás Catari." Macha, October 21, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Relación de los hechos
más notables," 159; “Recurso de Lope Limachi, gobernador de Tacabamba sobre haberse
resistido los indios al page de la contribuición de los RR tributos.” La Plata, January 22, 1781.
ANB, SGI.1781.51, 1, 6; “Causa seguida contra Sebastían Aysa y otros por varios delitos en el
pueblo de Condocondo.” La Plata, October 9, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.145; "Confesión de Dámaso
32
Catari." La Plata, April 1, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del
coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de
Odriozola. Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863, 305-6; “Informe del oidores Pedro Antonio
Zernudas y Lorenzo Blanco Ciceron." La Plata, March 14, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 1;
"Representación de Juan de Dios Pinapi," La Plata, October 20, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 18;
“Fragment of Informe.” n.p., n.d. AGI, Charcas, 594, 1; “Confesión de Asensio Pacheco." La
Plata, April 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 20; "Informe del Fiscal Juan Pino del Manrique." La
Plata, March 12, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596, 18; “Exp. seguido contra los indios José Gregorio
Arroyo y demás complices de la sublevación del pueblo de Challapata." La Plata, September 30,
1781. ANB, SGI, 1781.64, 3; “Dn. Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas sobre la sublevación del pueblo
de Tarabuco provincia de la frontera de Tomina.” La Plata, February 2, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.95,
1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas." La Plata, December 1, 1780. AGI,
Charcas 594, 1; Serulnikov, "Tomás Catari," 17; Sergio Serulnikov, "Revindicaciones indigenas y
legalidad colonial. La rebelión de Chayanta (1777-1781)" (Buenos Aires: Centro de Estudios de
Estado y Sociedad, 1989), 7-8; O'Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 118-119, 153.
34 L. Fisher, 4, 23, 25, 30, 33, 35; Jan Szeminski, “Why Kill The Spaniard? New Perspectives
on Andean Insurrectionary Ideology in the 18th Century." In Resistance, Rebellion, and
Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth centuries, ed. Steve
Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 173-174; O´Phelan, Rebellions
and Revolts, 253.
35 “Certificación de actos cometidos por Antonio Oblitas.” Cuzco, 1781. In vol. 3, Colección
documental del bicentenario de la revolución emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, ed. Luís Durand
Florez (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac
Amaru, 1980), 555; “Testimonio de los autos formados por el alsamiento del indio José Gabriel
Tupa Amaro Cacique del pueblo de Tungasuca provincia de Tinta.” N.P., January 30, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.242, 3; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 209; L. Fisher, 45-46, 59, 95; Leon
Campbell, "Ideology and Factionalism during the Great Rebellion, 1780-1782," in Resistance,
Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries,
ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 119; Although there were
efforts to communicate between the supporters of Túpac Amaru and Tomás Catari, the rebellions
do not appear to be the result of joint planning or coordination.
36 L. Fisher, 95-96, 98, 101.
37 “Testimonio de la sentencia dada contra el vil traidor Joseph Gabriel Túpac Amaru cazique del
pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta.” Cuzco, May 20, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2;
“Testimonio de los autos formados por el alsamiento del indio José Gabriel Tupa Amaro Cacique
del pueblo de Tungasuca provincia de Tinta,” 16, 24; Jan Szeminski, La utopía Tupamarista
(Lima: Pontífica Universidad Católica del Perú, 1984), 246; Campbell, “Ideology and
Factionalism;” 125-126; Boleslao Lewin, Túpac Amaru el Rebelde: Su época, sus luchas y su
influencia en el continente (Buenos Aires: Editorial Claridad, 1943), 201.
38 Eulogio Zudaire Huarte, “Análisis de la rebelión de Túpac Amaru en su bicentenario (17801980),” Revista de Indios no. 159 (1980), 59; L. Fisher, 103, 106, 109, 112, 117, 120-22.
39 L. Fisher, 123; 119, 120-121, 123-124, 125, 127.
40 Ibid., 120-121,127; 123, 129, 131-132, 212-213, 216-218.
41 Zudaire, 63; L. Fisher, 218-219,222-23, 237-38.
42 “Testimonio de Pedro Gonzalez Santalla,” in “Expediente seguido sobre el lamentable estado
del pueblo de Sorata por haberse citiada por los indios.” Oruro, August 19, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.244, 1; “Testimonio de Da. Liberata de Mariaca,” in “Segundo cuaderno de la sumaria
confesión y otras actuaciones de la causa criminal seguida contra Antonio Molina.” La Paz,
November 4, 1782. ANB, SGI.1782.62, 2;“Testimonio de Gernomio Gutierras,” in “Segundo
cuaderno de la sumaria confesión y otras actuaciones de la causa criminal seguida contra
Antonio Molina.” La Paz, November 4, 1782. ANB, SGI.1782.62, 16; O´Phelan, Rebellions and
Revolts, 212.
43 “Fragment of Informe,” 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." May 13, 1781, 2; "El Rl
Auda dela Plata informa a V.M. de lo reciente ocurrido con el Justa Maor nombrado para la Prova
de Chayanta y con los reos Thomas Catari y su escrivente Ysidro de Serrano." La Plata, January
33
15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Josef Galvez." La
Plata, February 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1; "Carta de Juan José Vertíz a Josef Galvez."
Buenos Aires, February 19, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2; Andrade, 128-129, 130.
44 "Relación de los hechos más notables," 185; "Confesión de Simón Castillo." La Plata,
April 25, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 32; "Dn. Pedro Antonio Cernudas y Dn. Lorenzo Blanco
Ciceron oydores en la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas continuan el informe de los sucesos de las
provincias cuios naturales incurrieron en el delito de rebelión." La Plata, May 15, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 594, 2.
45 “Carta de Dámaso Catari a Dn. Pasqual Llavi." Macha, March 5, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b,
56; Andrade, 57.
46 "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola." La Paz, July 1, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 5; María Eugenia
del Valle de Siles, "Túpac Katari y la rebelión de 1781: Radiografía de un caudillo aymara."
Anuario de Estudios Americanos 34 (1977), 645; 648; "Carta de Fray Matías de la Borda a
Sebastían de Segurola." La Paz, May 30, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 3; "Confesión de Julián
Apasa o Túpac Catari." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, November 11, 1781. AGI,
Buenos Aires 320, 24; "Diario que formo yo Esteban Losa escribano de S. Magd. y de guerra de
la presente expedición a cargo del Señor Dn. Josef Reseguín Theniente Coronel de Dragones, y
Comandante gral della con destino al socorro de la ciudad de La Paz." Oruro, December
22,1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 10; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18. In “Diario del
cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” La Paz, May 30, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.s.n., 25; Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy, “Elementos étnicos y de poder en el movimiento
Tupacamarista, 1780-81" (Torino: Nova Americana, 1982), 86; Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel, La
rebelión de Túpac Amaru (Mexico City: Fondo de la Cultura Económica, 1970), 192; Campbell,
“Ideology and Factionalism,” 131.
47 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola.” La Paz, May 30, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.s.n., 3; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 129; Jorge Hidalgo Lehunde, "Amarus y
Cataris: aspectos mesianicos de la rebelión indígena de 1781 in Cusco, Chayanta, La Paz, y
Arica," in Chungara 10 (Arica: March 1983), 128.
48 "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola," 6, 16-17; ”Relación verdadera de los lástimos sucesos
ocuridos en la villa de Oruro con motivo de haber los Mestizos y cholos de ella, procidido
inicuamente a quitar la vida a los españoles europeos, que la habitaban." 1781. In vol. 2, Noticia
y proceso de la muy noble y muy leal Villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, Adolfo Mier (np.,
1906),” 98; Valle de Siles, "Túpac Katari," 653; María Eugenia del Valle de Siles, Historia de la
rebelión de Túpac Katari, 1781-82 (La Paz: Editorial Don Bosco, 1990), 39; O'Phelan, Rebellions
and Revolts, 243; O’Phelan, "Elementos étnicos," 81, 87.
49 "Carta de Joaquín Salgado a José de Galvez." La Paz, November 10, 1781. AGI, Buenos
Aires 320, 1; “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 2, 16.
50 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 16; “Noticias de la
expedición del Cargo del Tente Coronl dn Ignacio Flores desde del día 24 de Junio hasta el 24
de Julio subministrados por tres desertores del valle de Sacaba Provincia de Cochabamba que
marcharon con la misma expedición y salieron de La Paz el citado 24 de Julio." Sacaba, August
1, 1781. AGI, Charcas, Estado 76, number 46, 2.
51 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 28.
52 “Carta de Joaquín Salgado a Josef de Galvez," 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Josef de Galvez."
La Plata, December 10, 1782. AGI, Charcas 595, 2-3; "Sobre la fuga y ostilidades que hicieron
los de la Prova de Tucuman que hiban al socorro de la ciudad de La Paz y retrocederian de
Oruro." Oruro, August 3, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 1-3: "Carta de Oruro sobre el auxilio
despachado para el socorro de la ciudad de La Paz comandando el ejército Don Josef
Reseguín." Oruro, November 5, 1781. In book 2, vol. 3, Colección Documental de la
independencia del Perú, Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel
Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971),
159; "Noticias de la expedición del cargo del Tente. Coronl. Dn. Ignacio Flores,” 2; “"Carta de
Fray Matías de la Borda a Sebastían de Segurola." La Paz, May 30, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 4;
“Carta de Túpac Catari a Sebastían de Segurola." El Alto, April 23, 1781. In “Relación de los
hechos más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por
34
el indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que
asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en
que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." Revista de archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5
(Lima, September 30, 1900), 273.
53 L. Fisher, 100, 243-44; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión, 6; O´Phelan, Rebellions and
Revolts, 212.
54 “Perdón concedida a los indios del partido de Calamarca y Sicasica.” Calamarca, August 5,
1781. ANB, SGI.1781.60,1, 4; "Carta de Josef de Reseguín a Sebastían de Velasco." La Plata,
February 25, 1782. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; "Testimonio de Domingo Angeles." La Plata, October 9,
1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Bando de Augustín Jáuregui." Lima, September 13, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 595, 1; Campbell, "Ideology and Factionalism," 133; L. Fisher, 348, 351, 375, 378-380.
55 Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 133; José Macedonio Urquidi, Compendio de la historia
de Bolivia (Buenos Aires: Talleres Graficos EGLH, 1944), 82; Stern, "The Age,” 35.
56 “Expediente sobre que se erijan escuelas públicas para los indios y se prohiban los diferentes
idiomas que se usan.” Carangas, September 27, 1777. ANB, ECad.1777.27, 1-2; Campbell,
“Ideology and Factionalism,” 118; Klein, 77; L. Fisher, 223-4; Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn,
“The Conceptual Framework,” in The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case
Studies, eds. Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 9.
57 Chalk and Jonassohn, “The Conceptual Framework,” 9-10; Pieter Drost, The Crime of State
(Leyden, Holland: A.W. Sythoff, 1959), 2:125; Peter Du Preez, Genocide: The Psychology of
Mass Murder (London: Boyars/Bowerdean, 1994), 4, 48; Vahakn Dadrian, “A Typology of
Genocide,” in International Review of Modern Sociology 5 (Fall, 1975), 201, 204; Barbara Harff
and Ted Gurr, “Toward Empirical Theory of Genocides and Politicides: Identification and
Measurement of Cases Since 1945,” in International Studies Quarterly 32 (1988), 363; Leo
Kuper, “Theoretical Issues Relating to Genocide,” in Genocide: Conceptual and Historical
Dimensions, ed. George Andreopoulos (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994),
65-66.
58 Harff and Gurr, 360; Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide, State Power and Mass
Murder (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1980), 17; Chalk and Jonassohn, “The Conceptual
Framework,” 9; Yehuda Bauer, “The Place of the Holocaust in Contemporary History,” in Studies
in Contemporary Jewry, ed. Jonathan Frankel (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1984),
1:213; Kuper, 85.
59 Ralph Linton, "Nativistic Movements," in American Anthropologist 45, no. 2 (April-June,
1943), 230; Len Oakes, Prophetic Charisma: The Psychology of Revolutionary Religious
Personalities (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997), 128-29; Robert C. Tucker, "The
Theory of Charismatic Leadership," in Daedalus 97 (1968), 731, 735, 742-43, 745, 747; H.H.
Gerth, and C. Wright Mills, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1946), 52, 245, 249-50, 295-96.
60 Chalk and Jonassohn, “The Conceptual Framework,” 34, 41.
61 “Tercer cuaderno [of Fray Salvador de San Antonio]” Santa Fe. Dec. 18, 1693. In Documentos
para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778. Na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua
Turanzas, 1962), 350.
62 Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 125.
63 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 63.
64 “Declaration of one of the rebellious Christian Indians who was captured on the road.”
Alamillo, September 6, 1680, 61. In Vol. VIII, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico
and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett (Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 61.
65 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Santa Fe, August 13, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of
New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 13.
66 “To the Governor and Captain General.” La Salineta, October 3, 1680. In The Spanish Archives
of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed. Vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914),
46.
67 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” Santa Fe, August 13, 1680,16.
35
“Declaration of Diego López de Sambrano,” 295.
“Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo.” Paso del Norte, December 20, 1681. In
“Interrogatories and Depositions of Three Indians of the Tehua Nation, Taken by the Order of Don
Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico.
Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 66.
70 “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian.” Opposite La Isleta, January 1, 1682. In Revolt of the
Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson
Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 361.
71 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre.” Antonio de Otermín,
Arroyo de San Marcos, in The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed.
Vol. 2, (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 13; “Declaration of an Indian rebel.” Arroyo de
San Marcos, August 23, 1680. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s
Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. VIII (Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1942), 20.
72 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre,” 13.
73 “Salida para el Paso del Norte, 23 de augusto, hasta 5 de Octubre,” 17.
74 “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf,” 28.
75 Ibid.
76 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9 - October 15, 1692, 389.
77 “Diego de Vargas to the King.” Zacatecas, May 16, 1693. In To The Royal Crown Restored:
The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1692-1694. Kessell, John L., Rick Hendricks
and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995),186.
78 “El Proveido de D. Diego de Vargas Sobre la peticion espresada del Padre Custodio y demas
religiosos misioneros dice:” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico, 15381778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 355.
79 “The Cabildo of Santa Fe to the Conde de Galve.” Santa Fe, January, 1694. In To The Royal
Crown Restored: The Journals of Don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1692-1694. Kessell, John
L., Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1995), 561.
80 “Carta de Gerónimo Manuel de Ruedas a Josef de Galvez,” La Plata, April 19, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 594, 1; "El Regente Presidente de la Rl. Audiencia de Charcas informa del cuidadoso
estado de la rebelión de Indios." La Plata, April 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 594, 1.
81 "Carta que refiere a los estragos hechos por los Yndios alzados en Suches mineral de la
Provincia de Larecaja del Obispado de La Paz; y en los pueblos de Arque, Tapacari, y Colcha en
la Provincia de Cochabamba, perteneciente al Arzobispado de la Plata. Cochabamba, February
26, 1781. In book 2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la independencia del Perú, Carlos Daniel
Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971),
508; “Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de Cochabamba año de 1781." Written by the
cabildo of Cochabamba. Cochabamba, December 17, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 4“Declaración de
Fray Josef Serbantes.” Oruro, April 9, 1781. In "Testimonio del expedientes y diligencias
practicadas para averiguar los tumultos meditadas contra Oruro." AGI, Charcas 601, 18; “Informe
de Andrés del Barco y Urcullo.” Poopó, October 16, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 91.
82 “Testimonio de Florentín Alfaro,” in “Testimonio del expediente seguido contra el Presbitero
José Vasquez de Velasquez por complice en la sublevación en la provincia de Chichas.” La
Plata, November 12, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.12, 13.
83 “Carta del Cabildo de Cochabamba al Rey,” Cochabamba, Jan. 31, 1782. AGI Charcas 595, 2.
84 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 2.
85“Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21.
86 “Declaración de Padre Fr. Josef de Uriarte.” In “Diversas declaraciones hechas por varios
sujectos sobre las disposiciones y sacriligios de los rebeldes de varias provincias ante dr.
Esteban de Loza." El Alto, April 17, 1782. ANB, SGI,1782.97, 1.
87 “Diario del cerco de La Paz en 1781, por Sebastían de Segurola,” 8.
88 “Carta de Túpac Catari a José de Ayarza,” 230; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,”
#10, 19.
68
69
36
“Confesión de Gregoria Apasa." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de Peñas, October 18, 1781.
AGI, Charcas 595, 1.
90 “Confesión de Augstina Zerna.” Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781.
AGI, Charcas 595, 5; "Confesión de Josefa Anaya." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas,
October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 5-6.
91 “Confesión de Diego Quispe." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781.
AGI, Charcas 595, 8; "Confesión de Diego Estaca." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas,
October 18, 1781, 20-21.
92 ”Relación verdadera,” 98; “Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,” 17; “Confesión de Julián Apasa o
Túpac Catari.” Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, November 11, 1781. AGI, Buenos
Aires 320, 24; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Josef de Galvez." La Plata, December 10, 1782. AGI,
Charcas 595, also Charcas 444, 2.
93 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21; "Carta de Borda a Segurola," 1;
"Confesión de Diego Estaca," 20-21; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 252-254.
94 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 21.
95 “Confesión de Alvento Arze.” La Plata, October 3, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 63; Andrade, 231.
96 “Testimonio de Sebastían Morochi.” In “Causa criminal contra Juan Luís y Pascual Condori,
como complices principales en la rebelión de los Cataris.” Poroma, November 8, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.13, 3; Andrade, 200.
97 “Expediente seguido contra various indios del pueblo de Poroma y por complice en la
sublevacio.” La Plata, April 7, 1781. ANB, Ruck.1781.101, 2.
98 “Confesión de Diego Calsina." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781.
AGI, Charcas 595, 16; "Confesión de Diego Estaca," 20; "Confesión de Nicolás Ramírez." Oruro,
1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a
distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 1; "Confesión de Juan Solís."
Oruro, 1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a
distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 2; "Confesión de Manuel
Mamani." Oruro, 1781. In "Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de
Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos." AGI, Charcas 601, 3.
99 Fernando Cajías de la Vega, “Los Objectivos de la revolución indígena de 1781: El Caso de
Oruro” Revista Andina 1, no.2 (Dec. 1983), 418; see also “Expedientes de las confesiones
tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos."
AGI, Charcas 601.
100 Ibid.; see also “Expedientes de las confesiones tomadas por Dn Jacinto Rodríguez de
Herrera a distintas indios reos cómplices en los tumultos."
101 Michael Adas, Prophets of Rebellion: Millenarian Protest Movements Against the European
Colonial Order (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 117-120, 121; Oakes, 13.
102 Kessel, “Esteban Clemente,” 16.
103 Knault, 167.
104 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio Otermín, from New Mexico.”
September 8, 1680, 330.
105 A underground ceremonial chamber.
106 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 62, 64; Espinosa, The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696 and the
Franciscan Missions in New Mexico, 34.
107 “Declaration of Diego López Sambrano,” 295.
108 Ibid.
109 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 64.
110 “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian,” 361.
111 “Declaration of an Indian.” House of Captain Francisco de Ortega, December 27, 1681. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 16801682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942),
346.
112 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 64.
113 Bancroft, 184.
114 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 64.
89
37
“Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 66; “Testimony of José,” 53, 57;
“Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 311; “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” La
Isleta, December 9, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s
Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1942), 219; “Opinion of fray Francisco de Ayeta.” Hacienda of Luis de
Carbajal, December 23, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s
Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1942), 310; “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian,” 361; “Reply of
the Fiscal, Don Martin de Solís Miranda.” Mexico, June 25, 1682. In Revolt of the Pueblo
Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson
Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 382; Bancroft, 184;
Knault, 174-75.
116 “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 65; “Testimony of Juan of Tesuque.” Rio
del Norte, December 28, 1681. In “Interrogatories and depositions of three Indians of the Tehua
Nation, taken by the order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In The
Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch
Press, 1914), 53; “Testimony of José,” 57;“ “Testimony of Lucas, a Piro Indian.” Rio del Norte,
December 18, 1681. In “Interrogatories and depositions of three Indians of the Tehua nation,
taken by the order of Don Antonio Otermín.” Rio del Norte, December 28, 1681. In The Spanish
Archives of New Mexico. Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press,
1914), 60; “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 311; “Testimony of Pedro
Naranjo,” 63-64; “Declaration of Sargento Mayor Sebastian de Herrera,” Rio del Norte, December
21, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest
1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1942), 269; Bancroft, 184; Knault, 174-75.
117 Testimony of Juan of Tesuque,” 53.
118 Bancroft, 185.
119 “Letter from the Governor and Captain-General, Don Antonio de Otermín, from New Mexico.”
Np., September 8, 1680. In Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and
Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. Vol. IV (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie
Institution, 1937), 333.
120 “Answer presented by the Lieutenant-General, Alonzo García, in his own behalf,” 25.
121 “Testimony of José,” 57; Simmons 184.
122 “Testimony of José,” 57; See also “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” La Isleta, December 9,
1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest
1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1942), 219; “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 67.
123 “Declaration of lieutenant general of cavalry.” Rio del Norte, December 20,
1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 16801682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 260;
“Declaration of Diego López Sambrano,” 292.
124 “Letter of Juan Domínguez de Mendoza to Antonio de Otermín.” Sandía, December 10, 1681,
In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682,
Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 225;
“Declaration of Lieutenant General of Cavalry,” 259; Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico, vol. VIII, clxv-clxvi.
125 “Letter of Juan Domínguez de Mendoza to Antonio de Otermín.” Sandía, December 10, 1681,
225.
126 “Declaration of Lieutenant General of Cavalry,” 260; “Declaration of Sargento Mayor Sebastian
de Herrera,” 269.
127 Bancroft, 184; Knault, 174-75; Robert Silverberg, The Pueblo Revolt (New York: Weybright
and Talley, 1970), 131.
128 Carroll Riley, The Kachina and the Cross: Indians and Spaniards in the Early Southwest (Salt
Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 1999), 210-12; Silverberg, 132.
129 “Reply of the Fiscal, Don Martin de Solís Miranda.” Mexico, June 25, 1682, 382.
115
38
“Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 63; “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,”
65;“Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 312; Bancroft, 184-85.
131 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 312; Bancroft 185; Knault, 175.
132 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 312.
133 Jane Sánchez, “Spanish-Indian Relations during the Otermín Administration, 1677-1683,” in
New Mexico Historical Review vol. 58, no. 2 (April, 1983),145.
134 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 312.
135 “Declaration of Lieutenant General of Cavalry.” Rio del Norte, December 20, 1681, 260.
136 “Ibid., 259, “Letter of Juan Domínguez de Mendoza to Antonio de Otermín.” Alameda,
December 9, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted
Reconquest 1680-1682, Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 1942), 220.
137 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Siguenza y Gongora, 96; Bancroft,
185; Knault, 175.
138 Tucker, 742-43; Gerth, 246, 296.
139 “Declaration of an Indian.” House of Captain Francisco de Ortega. December 27, 1681. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 16801682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942),
344, 346.
140 “Declaration of Sargento Mayor Luís de Quintana.” Rio del Norte, December 22, 1681. In
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682,
Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 291;
“Opinion of fray Francisco de Ayeta.” Hacienda of Luis de Carbajal, December 23, 1681, 309.
141 “Declaration of an Indian,” 344.
142 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Siguenza y Gongora, 96; Bancroft,
185; Knault, 175.
143 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Bancroft 185.
144 Siguenza y Gongora, 95-96; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9October 15, 1692, 398; Bancroft, 199.
145 Rosalind Gow, "Inkarrí and Revolutionary Leadership in the Southern Andes," in Journal of
Latin American Lore 8, no. 2 (1982), 197; Szeminski, La utopía, 198; Campbell, “Ideology and
Factionalism,” 112-13; Michael Barkun, Disaster and the Millennium (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1974), 86.
146 Barkun, 86; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 113.
147 Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,”117; Alberto Flores Galindo, “In Search of an Inca,” in
Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, Eighteenth to
Twentieth Centuries, ed. Steve Stern (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 201; ;
Mercedes López Baralt, El Retorno del Inca Rey: Mito y profecía en el mundo andino (La Paz:
Hisbol, 1989), 40; Nathan Wachtel, The Vision of the Vanquished (New York: Barnes and Noble,
1977), 183.
148 Szeminksi, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 175, 187; Szeminski, La utopía, 198.
149 Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 182; Franklin Pease, "El mito de Inkarríy la visión de los
vencidos," in Ideología mesíanica del mundo andino, ed. Juan Ossio (Lima: I. Prado Pastor,
1973), 448; Juan Ossio, Ideología messíanica del mundo andino (Lima: I. Prado Pastor, 1973),
xx.
150 Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 118; Leon Campbell, "Banditry and the Túpac Amaru
Rebellion in Cuzco, Perú, 1780-84," in Biblioteca Americana 1, no. 2 (Nov. 1982), 139; Valle de
Siles, “Túpac Katari,” 654.
151 Hidalgo Lehunde, 120-121; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 179-180, 202; Norman Cohn,
The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), 35, 136.
152 Hidalgo Lehunde, 119-120; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 179-180, 202; Norman Cohn,
The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), 35, 136; Flores, “In
Search of an Inca,” 203.
153 “Informe de Fr. Alonso Gutíerrez.” Oruro Sept. 9, 1783. AGI, Charcas 597, 1, 4.
154 "Actuaciones anteriores ala formación de esta causa de Oruro." La Plata, February 22,
130
39
1781. AGI, Charcas 599, 91, 95; “Declaración de Fray Josef Servantes,” Oruro, April 9,
1781. In “Testimonio del expedientes y diligencias practicadas para averiguar los tumultos
meditadas contra Oruro,” AGI, Charcas 601, 18.
155 Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 182.
156 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario, #18,” 25.
157 Ibid., 28.
158 “Carta de Túpac Catari a José de Ayarza,” 230.
159 Eric J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th
and 20th Centuries (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1965), 58-59; Campbell,
“Banditry,” 160.
160 Hobsbawm, 58-59; Campbell, “Banditry,” 160; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 127;
Válcarcel, La rebelión de Túpac Amaru, 145.
161 Campbell, “Banditry,” 160; Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 127
162 Valle de Siles, “Túpac Katari,” 636, 637, 640, 642, 650, 655.
163 Hidalgo Lehunde, 123.
164 “Diario trunco,” 2; "Representación de Domingo Angeles a Geronoimo Manuel de Ruedas,"
12.
165 “Representación de Juan de Dios Pinapi," 18; "Declaración de Bernardo Franco." Potosi,
March 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 13; “Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz,” May 13,
1781, 3.
166 "Declaración de Alvento Arze." Oropesa, Cochabamba, October 2, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596,
70.
167 Informe del Corregidor de Paria Manuel de Bodega." La Plata, October 21, 1780. AGI,
Charcas 596, 92-93.
168 Diario y realción prolija,” 2-3; ”Anexo al diario y relación,” 1; “Relación de los hechos más
notables,” 145-147.
169 “Carta de Valeriano Marino a Juan Pino de Manrique." Chayanta, October 11, 1780. AGI,
Charcas 596, 72; Informe de Pedro Yavira Ylario Caguasiri." San Pedro de Buenavista,
December 28, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 52.
170 "Parte de D. José Reseguín al Virey de Buenos Aires, sobre la sublevación de Santiago de
Cotagaita." Cayza, April 15, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del
coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de
Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 345; "Parte de D. José de Reseguín al Virey
de Buenos Aires, sobre la sublevación de la Provincia de Tupiza." Tupiza, March 18, 1781. In vol.
1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la
independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro,
1863), 348.
171 "Oficio de Gregorio Josef de Merlos a Juan José Vertíz, del 15 de febrero de 1781.” La Plata,
February 15, 1781. In La rebelión de Túpac Amaru y los origines de la independencia de
Hispanoamérica, Boleslao Lewin (Buenos Aires: Sociedad Editora Latino Americana, 1967), 739.
172 “Carta de Joseph Antonio de Areche, Visitador de Tribunales y Superintendente de la Real
Hacienda en Perú al Superior Consejo de Indians,” Cuzco, May 23, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 2.
173 “Relación de sucesos de Cochabamba,” 12.
174 Ibid., see also “Diario fabuloso del cura de Oruro Doctor Don Patricio Gabriel Menéndez,” in
Capítulos de la historia colonial de Oruro, Marcos Beltrán Avila (La Paz: La Republica, 1925),
289; “Relación verdadera,” 77; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 176; "Causas de Oruro,”141; ““Informe
del Consejo de Indias al Rey, sublevación de Oruro,” in vol. 2, Noticia y proceso de la muy noble
y muy leal Villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, Adolfo Mier (np., 1906), 106; “Causa de
Augustín Solís," 21; “Relación de los sucesos de Cochabamba,” 12; Campbell, “Ideology and
Factionalism,” 126; Campbell, “Banditry,” 154-155; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 170, 185186.
175 Campbell, “Ideology and Factionalism,” 126; Campbell, “Banditry,” 154-155; Szeminski, “Why
Kill the Spaniard,” 185-186.
176 ; "Oficio de Gregorio Francisco de Campos, Obisbo de La Paz al Rey." La Paz, November 15,
1781. AGI, Charcas 595,1.
40
“Actuaciones anteriores,” 95; “Confesión de Pasqual Tola.” La Plata, April 20, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 603, 27; “Expediente seguido por los vecinos de la Doctrina de Miculpaya sobre que se
les ausilie con armas para la defensa de los indios.” Porco, March 16, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.88,
2.
178 “Carta de Capellán Theodoro Gutíerrez de Seballos a Ramón Urrutía y las Casas."
Poopó, January 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 55.
179 “Declaración de Bernardo Franco.” Potosi, March 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 12.
180 “Confesión de Mariano Quispe.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya
como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10, 43.
181 “Testimonio de Ventura Balencia." Oruro, April 10, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 24; “Carta de
Capellán Theordoro Gutiérrez de Seballos a Ramón de Urrutía y las Casas," 5; "Actuaciones
anteriores," 11,42-43, 45, 48, 62; “Testimonio de Santos Mamani.” Oruro, May 25, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 601, 37; ; “Declaración de Francisco Xavier Condori,” Oruro, April 10, 1781. AGI,
Charcas 601,12; “Testimonio de Martín Lopes.” Oruro, April 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 13.
182 “Confesión de Dámaso Catari,” 305-306; see also “Carta de Dámaso Catari a Dn. Pasqual
Llavi,” 56; “Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz.” La Plata, May 13, 1781, 5.
183 "Carta de Jorge Escobedo a Juan José Vertíz." Potosi, February 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437b, 2.
184 “Actuaciones anteriores,” 123; “Confesión del reo Ventura Pinto,” in “Causa criminal contra
Ramón Paca, Bentura Pinto, Pedro Copa Cava, y de más reos principales, comprehendidos en la
sublevación, muertes y robos perpetrados en este pueblo de Yura y sus ynmediasiones.” Porco,
October 7, 1781. ANB,SGI.1781.61, 27.
185 “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 6.
186 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 26; Valle de Siles, “Túpac Katari y la
rebelión,” 653; “Relación de los hechos más notables," 249; "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,"
6.
187 “Relación de los hechos más notables," 249; "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola," 6;”Confesión
de Julián Apasa o Túpac Catari,” 14
188 “Diario que formo yo, Esteban Losa,” 10.
189 Ibid.; “Carta de Borda a Segurola," 6; "Oficio de Gregorio Francisco de Campos, Obisbo de La
Paz al Consejo Real de Indias," 1; "Carta de Gerónimo de Ruedas a Juan José Vertíz." La Plata,
June 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 596,1.
190 “Carta de Borda a Segurola,” 6.
191 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 26.
192 Valle de Siles, “Túpac Katari y la rebelión,” 652.
193 “Bando de Túpac Catari." El Alto, April 7, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 1; "Carta de Túpac
Catari" La Paz, April 7, 1781. In "Relación de los hechos más notables acaecidos en la
sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el indio José Gabriel Túpac
Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que asociado de otros
sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en que se reprimo
el orgullo de la conjuración," in Revista de archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima,
September 30, 1900), 263.
194 "Carta de Túpac Catari a Gregorio Francisco de Campos." El Alto, April 3, 1781. In
"Relación de los hechos más notables acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los
reynos del Perú, por el indio José Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en
la Provincia de Tinta, que asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el
año 1780, hasta el de 1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración," in Revista de
archivos y bibliotecas nacionales 3, vol. 5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 263.
195 “Diario que formo yo, Esteban Losa," 10; "Relación verdadera," 98; Valle de Siles, "Túpac
Katari," 636, 643; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión, 39; Campbell, "Ideology and
Factionalism,” 126; Szeminski, "Why Kill the Spaniard," 186; L. Fisher, 167; Ossio, xxvi.
196 “Diario que formo yo, Esteban Losa,” 10.
197 Szeminski, Personal Correspondence, 3/4/01.
198 “Confesión de Julián Apasa o Túpac Catari,” 27.
199 Ibid.
177
41
“Diario que formo yo, Esteban Losa,” 10;“Diario de Sebastían de Segurola,” 6.
Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 24-25; see also “Carta de Borda a
Segurola,” 4.
202 "Carta de Oruro," 158; Francisco Tadeo Diez de Medina, Diario del alzamiento del indios
conjurados contra la ciudad de Nuestra Señora de La Paz. Transcribed with an introduction by
María Eugenia del Valle de Siles (La Paz: Banco Boliviano Americano, 1981), 66; "Carta de
Borda a Segurola," 78; “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 24; “Carta de Ramón
de Moya y Villareal a Juan José Vertíz.” Arequipa, May 25, 1781. AGI Charcas 596, 7.
203 "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola," 15; “Carta de Borda a Segurola," 4; "Confesión de
Francisco Mamani." Nuestra Señora de las Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595, 21.
204 J.L. Kessell,“Spaniards and Pueblos: From Crusading Intolerance to Pragmatic
Accomodation.” Columbian Consequences. Vol. 1, D.H. Thomas, ed. (Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), 130; see also Knault, xvi.
205 “Declaration of Diego López Sambranbo,” 295.
206 Hackett, “The Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico in 1680,” 117.
207 “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 66.
208 “Interrogatories and Depositions of Three Indians of the Tehua Nation,” 51.
209 “Testimony of Pedro Naranjo,” 64.
210 “Interrogatories and depositions of three Indians of the Tehua nation,” 53; “Carta del
Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 312, 318; Siguenza y Gongora, 96; “Testimony of
Pedro Naranjo,” 63; “Testimony of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo,” 65; Bancroft, 18485; Knault, 175.
211 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Siguenza y Gongora, 96; Bancroft,
185; Knault, 175.
212 “Declaration of Jerónimo, a Tigua Indian,” 361.
213 Ibid.
214 “Testimony of José,” 58.
215 “Carta del Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante,” 318; Bancroft, 185; Sánchez, 133.
216 Bancroft, 185.
217 “Auto of Antonio de Otermín.” La Isleta, December 9, 1681. In Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of
New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 218.
218 “Declaration of Juan de la Cruz.” Hacienda of Luís de Carbajal. December 24, 1681. In Revolt
of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín’s Attempted Reconquest 1680-1682. Charles
Wilson Hackett. Vol. IX (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), 330.
219 “Declaration of Juan de la Cruz.’ Hacienda of Luís de Carbajal. December 24, 1681, 330.
220 “R. No. B. Pueblo de Acoma.” September 20, 1869. In The Spanish Archives of New Mexico,
Ralph Emerson Twitchell. Vol. 2 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1914), 456.
221 Knault, 180.
222 Siguenza y Gongora, 96; Bancroft, 199.
223 “Tercer cuaderno,” 359; Riley, 219, 238.
224 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9-October 15, 1692, 385.
225 Riley, 219, 238.
226 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” New Mexico, August 9-October 15, 1692, 426, 428.
227 Ibid., 432.
228 Ibid., 449.
229 “Tercer cuaderno,” 354.
230 Ibid., 360-64.
231 Ibid.
232 “Letter of Fray Geronimo Prieto.” San Juan, March 10, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian Revolt of
1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related
Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 179; “Sesto
cuaderno y primero del año de 1695.” In Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo Mexico,
1538-1778, na. (Madrid: Ediciones José Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 413-14.
200
201
42
“Sesto cuaderno,” 398; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 4-5, 1696. In book 2, Blood
on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell,
Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998),
728-29, 732, 734; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 12, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the
Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick
Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 747;
John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. Blood on the Boulders: The Journals
of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,
1998), 723; “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 30-July 2, 1696. In book 2, Blood on the
Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick
Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 786.
234 “Letter of Fray Alfonso Jiménez de Cisneros.” Cochiti, April 21, 1696. In The Pueblo Indian
Revolt of 1696 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and
Related Documents. J. Manuel Espinosa, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988),
245.
235 “Diego de Vargas, campaign journal.” June 12, 1696, 751.
236 “Diego de Vargas, Campaign Journal, August 20-29, 1696.” In book 2, Blood on
the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97, John L. Kessell, Rick
Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998),
1002; “Diego de Vargas, Campaign Journal.” September 6 – October 18, 1696. In
book 2, Blood on the Boulders: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1694-97,
John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith Dodge, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1998), 1,030.
237 “Levantimiento de la provincia de Chayanta o Charcas,” 237; “Anexo al diario,” 1.
238 "Informe de oidores Pedro Antonio Zernudas y Lorenzo Blanco Ciceron." March 14, 1781, 1;
"Representación de Juan de Dios Pinapi," 18; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." May
13, 1781, 5; "Orden de Tomás Catari," 80; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 159.
239 “Representación del indio Tomás Catari,” 1, 2.
240 “Confesión de Dámaso Catari,” 310.
241 “Certificación de actos cometidos por Antonio Oblitas,” 555; “Testimonio de los autos
formados por el alsamiento del indio José Gabriel Tupa Amaro Cacique del pueblo de
Tungasuca provincia de Tinta,” 3; "Edicto de Diego Túpac Amaru." Azángaro, August 20,
1781. In vol.1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la
conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima:
Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 209; O´Phelan, Rebellions and Revolts, 209; L. Fisher,
45-46, 95-6, 98, 101; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 167-168.
242 “Confesión de Gregoria Apasa,” 1.
243 “Declaración de Alvento Arze,” 67.
244 “Declaración de Antonio Solís, Tenente de Milicias.” In “Expediente seguido criminalmente
contra los Yndios de la Provincia de Chayanta, nombrado Antonio, Miguel, Yldefonzo, Bartolomé
Cayari y Bartolomé Ramierez.” Sacaca, November 14, 1781. ANB, Ruck.1781.107, 2;
“Declaración de Juan Josef Teran.” In “Expediente seguido criminalmente contra los Yndios de la
Provincia de Chayanta, nombrado Antonio, Miguel, Yldefonzo, Bartolomé Cayari y Bartolomé
Ramierez.” Sacaca, November 14, 1781. ANB, Ruck.1781.107, 3; “Confesión de Miguel
Ildefonzo.” In “Expediente seguido criminalmente contra los Yndios de la Provincia de Chayanta,
nombrado Antonio, Miguel, Yldefonzo, Bartolomé Cayari y Bartolomé Ramierez.” Sacaca,
November 14, 1781. ANB, Ruck.1781.107, 9; “Confesión de Bartolomé Ramírez.” In “Expediente
seguido criminalmente contra los Yndios de la Provincia de Chayanta, nombrado Antonio,
Miguel, Yldefonzo, Bartolomé Cayari y Bartolomé Ramierez.” Sacaca, November 14, 1781. ANB,
Ruck.1781.107, 9.
245 “Confesión de Cárlos Pacaja.” La Plata, April 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 18-19.
246 “Confesión de Nicolás Catari." La Plata, April 10, 1781. In vol. 1, Documentos históricos del
Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la
presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 327; "Relación de
los hechos más notables," 165-167.
233
43
“Confesión de Simón Castillo.” 32; “Expediente seguido contra el indio cacique José Roque
por complice en la sublevación y muerte del cura de Aymaya Dr. Dionisio Córtes.” Chayanta,
October 9, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.19, 2.
248 “Actuaciones anteriores,” 7; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 163; See also
“Expediente seguido contra el indio Tomás Calli por sublevado en el año 1781.” Chayanta,
August 9, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.11, 11.
249 “Declaración de Fernando Flores.” In “Causa criminal contra Ramón Paca, Bentura Pinto,
Pedro Copa Cava, y de más reos principales, comprehendidos en la sublevación, muertes y
robos perpetrados en este pueblo de Yura y sus ynmediasiones.” Porco, October 7, 1781.
ANB, SGI.1781.61,7; “Auto de Dámaso Catari.” In “Causa criminal contra Ramón Paca,
Bentura Pinto, Pedro Copa Cava, y de más reos principales, comprehendidos en la
sublevación, muertes y robos perpetrados en este pueblo de Yura y sus ynmediasiones.”
Porco, October 7, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.61, 10.
250 “Representación de Juan de Dios Pinapi,” 18; "Informe de Tomás Catari." Macha, October 7,
1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 19; "Carta del rebelde D. Pedro de la Cruz Condori a los principales, asi
Españoles como naturales y Mestizos criollos de la doctrina de Santiago de Cotagaita." Chocalla,
March 19, 1781. In vol.1, Documentos históricos del Perú en las épocas del coloniaje despúes de
la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente, ed. Manuel de Odriozola (Lima: Tipografia
de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 41.
251 “Confesión de Augustín Vicanio.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de
Chocaya como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10,
4.
252 “Expediente sobre los alboratos de los indios de Yocalla.” Porco, April 27, 1781. ANB,
SGI.1781.42, 2; See also “Cartas de esta R.A. a Dn. Nicolás Michel sobre las ocurrencias de la
sublevación pasada.” Oruro, November 2, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.238, 9-10.
253 “Carta de Thomas Quispe a Jorge Escobedo.” Sicasica, April 24, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b,
45.
254 "Auto de Túpac Catari." Sicasica, May 13, 1781. In "Relación de los hechos más notables
acaecidos en la sublevación general fraguada en los reynos del Perú, por el indio José
Gabriel Túpac Amaru, gobr. del pueblo de Tungasuca en la Provincia de Tinta, que
asociado de otros sequaces, causó horrosos estragos desde el año de 1780, hasta el de
1782 en que se reprimo el orgullo de la conjuración." In Revista de archivos y bibliotecas
nacionales 3, vol.5 (Lima, September 30, 1900), 227.
255 "Auto de Túpac Catari." El Alto, April 4, 1781.AGI, Charcas 602, 1; "Orden del "Virrey" Túpac
Catari del 1 de Mayo de 1781, en que manda sea obedecido en todo Francisco Nuno." np, May
1, 1781. In La rebelión de Túpac Amaru y los origines de la independencia de Hispanoamérica.
Boleslao Lewin (Buenos Aires: Sociedad Editora Latino Americana, 1967), 865; "Cedula del
‘Birrey’ Túpac Catari, en que nombra por su segundo para San Francisco de Coroma y su
jurisdicción a Miguel Mamani Gualla.” El Alto, March 20, 1781. In La rebelión de Túpac Amaru y
los origines de la independencia de Hispanoamérica. Boleslao Lewin (Buenos Aires: Sociedad
Editora Latino Americana, 1967), 876.
256 “Confesión de Nicolás Ramírez,” 1.
257 “Copias de documentos citados en el diario,” #18, 25.
258 “Declaración de Bernardo Franco,” 12.
259 “Edicto de Túpac Amaru a los moradores de Cuzco." Tungasuca, November 20, 1781. In
Romulo Cuneo-Vidal, Precursores y mártires de la independencia del Perú (Lima: Editirial
Ignacio Prado Pastor, 1978) 64-65; "Bando de Túpac Amaru. Ayaviri,” December 6, 1780. In
book 2, Vol.1, Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel
Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú,
1971), 328; "Edicto [de Túpac Amaru] a los criollos de la ciudad de Arequipa." Tungasuca,
November 20, 1781. In book 1, Colección documental del bicentenario de la revolución
emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, Luís Durand Florez, ed. (Lima: Comisión Nacional del
Bicentenario de la Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1980), 490; "Edicto de Túpac
Amaru a los moradores de la Provincia de Chumbivilcas." Tungasuca, November 15, 1780.
In book 1, Colección documental del bicentenario de la revolución emancipadora de Túpac
247
44
Amaru, Luís Durand Florez, ed. (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la Rebelión
Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1980), 418; "Edicto [de Túpac Amaru] a los moradores de
la Provincia de Paruro." Tungasuca, November 16, 1780. In book 1, Colección documental
del bicentenario de la revolución emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, Luís Durand Florez, ed.
(Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru,
1980), 489; "Edicto de Túpac Amaru a los moradores de Lampa." Tungasuca, November 25,
1780. In book 1, Colección documental del bicentenario de la revolución emancipadora de
Túpac Amaru, Luís Durand Florez, ed. (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Bicentenario de la
Rebelión Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, 1980), 303; "Disposición de Túpac Amaru contra
los indios que no le sigan." Velille, January 10, 1781. In vol. 3, Colección Documental de la
Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del
Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 95.
260 "Edicto [de Túpac Amaru] para la Provincia de Chichas." Lampa, December 23, 1780. In book
2, vol. 1, Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima:
Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 43.
261 "Bando de Andrés Tupacamaro." Lugar de Quincosera, July 13, 1781.
AGI, Charcas 595, 1.
262 "Edicto de Diego Túpac Amaru." August 20, 1781, 210.
263 “Confesión de Espíritu Alonso.” La Plata, Apr. 25, 1781. AGI, Charcas, 603, 36.
264 “Autos y causa criminal seguida contra los indios Matías Arreola, Diego Tonacio, Nicolás
Capa, Manuel Lerque y Pedro Choque por la muerte que ejecutaron con tumulto en la
persona de Dn. Phelipe Tardio y otros azogueros de Guanachaca.” Guanachaca, Potosi,
June 19, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.4a, 5.
265 “Confesión de Lope Fernández.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de
Chocaya como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10.
5; “Declaración de Ubalado Dávila.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de
Chocaya como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10,
8; “Confesión de Bernarda Benite.” In “Sumaria información recibida de varios indios de Chocaya
como sindicados en la sublevación.” Chichas, November 23, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.10, 3;
"Confesión de Andrés Mamani." La Plata, April 21, 1781. AGI, Charcas 603, 30; “Confesión de
Clemente Vasquez.” La Plata, April 21, 1781. AGI Charcas 603, 36.
266 Augustín Jáuregui y Aldecoa, Relación y documentos de Gobierno del Virrey del Perú,
Augustín de Jaregui y Aldecoa (1780-1784), ed. Remedio Contreras (Madrid: Instituto "Gonzalo
Fernández de Oviedo," 1982), 195; “Perdón concedida a los indios del partido de Calamarca y
Sicasica,” 3.
267 “Carta de Túpac Catari a José de Ayarza,” 230; “Copias de documentos citados en el
diario,” #10,” 19, 21; “Confesión de Gregoria Apasa," 1; “Confesión de Augstina Zerna,” 5;
“Confesión de Josefa Anaya," 5-6; “Confesión de Diego Quispe," 8; “Confesión de Diego
Estaca," 20-21; "Confesión de Alvento Arze," 63; “Testimonio de Sebastían Morochi,” 3;
“Expediente seguido contra varios indios del pueblo de Poroma y por complice en la
sublevacion,” 2; “Declaración de Don Martín Condori.” In “El Corregor. Dela Villa de
Cochabamba sobre los destrozos que executaron los indios en Tapacari.” Oropesa, March
7, 1781. ANB, SGI.1781.62, 1; “Confesión de Diego Calsina," 16; "Confesión de Nicolás
Ramírez," 1; "Confesión de Juan Solís," 2; "Confesión de Manuel Mamani," 3.
268 “Anexo al diario,” 1.
269 Klein, 45.
270 “Oficio de Merlos a Vertíz del 14 de noviembre de 1780,” 735.
271 "Informe de oidores Pedro Antonio Zernudas y Lorenzo Blanco Ciceron," 1; “Representación
de Juan de Dios Pinapi,” 18; “Informe del Fiscal Juan Pino del Manrique,” 18.
272 “Relación traxica de los funestros y ruinosos acaecemientos de la villa de
Oruro." Potosi, April 13, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 2.
273 Ibid., 3.
274 “Declaración de Bernardo Franco,” 13; “Actuaciones anteriores,” 99.
45
“Actuaciones anteriores,” 90; “Expediente de las capitulaciones celebrados para el perdón que
solicitaron los indios de diferentes Provincias. Remitido por Dn. Mariano Vargas y Rodríguez." La
Plata, May 5, 1781. AGI, Charcas 601, 1.
276 “Testimonio de Domingo Angeles." La Plata, October 9, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 1; "Auto de
la Audiencia de Charcas.” La Plata, February 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 437-b, 30.
277 "Relación de los hechos más notables," 170; "El Regente Presidente de Charcas informa
del buen efecto que han producido las providencias tomadas por la R A y Presidencia para
la restablación del sociego." La Plata, May 15, 1781. AGI, Charcas 444, 1; "El Regente
Presidente de la RA de Charcas informa del cuidadoso estado de rebelión," 1; "Carta de
Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz.” May 13, 1781, 1; Relación verdadera,” 98; “Testimonio
de Santos Mamani,” 72; Valle de Siles, Historia de la rebelión, 40; L. Fisher, 218, 318.
278 "El Regente Presidente de Charcas informa del buen efecto que han producido las
providencias,” 1.
279 “Relación de los sucesos de la provincia de Cochabamba,” 12.
280 "Diario que formo yo, Esteban Losa," 2, 5, 11; "Confesión de Diego Calsina," 16; "Confesión
de Marcos Poma." Santuario de Nuestra Señora de Peñas, October 18, 1781. AGI, Charcas 595,
16; "Confesión de Francisco Mamani," 21; "Noticias de la expedición del cargo del Tente. Coronl.
dn. Ignacio Flores," 1-2; see also "Oficio de Sebastían de Segurola a Josef Galvez." Achacacha,
January 3, 1782. AGI, Charcas 595, 1: “Diario fabuloso,” 289; “Relación verdadera,” 77;
“Actuaciones anteriores,” 176; "Causas de Oruro,” 141; “Informe del Consejo,” 106; “Causa de
Augustín Solís,” 21; “Relación de los sucesos de Cochabamba,” 12; Campbell, “Ideology and
Factionalism,” 126; Campbell, “Banditry,” 154-155; Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard,” 170, 185186.
281 Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, "El Mito de la "Independencia Concedida:" Los programas
políticos del siglo XVIII y del temprano XIX en el Perú y Alto Perú (1730-1814)," in
Problemas de la formación del estado y de la nación en Hispano-America, ed. Inge Buisson,
et. al. (Colonge: Bohlau Verlag, 1984), 56.
282 "Informe de Gregorio Josef de Merlos." Macha, October 7, 1780. AGI, Charcas 596, 11;
"Informe de Tomás Catari," 19; Carta de Gregorio Josef de Merlos a Francisco Ramón de
Herbovo y Figueróa." La Plata, January 23, 1781. AGI, Charcas 597, 3; ““Carta de Gregorio Josef
de Merlos al Licenciado Mariano de la Vega.” La Plata, January 27, 1781. AGI, Charcas 597, 4.
283 "Representación del indio Tomás Catari," 1; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan José Vertíz." May
13, 1781,” 5; “Orden de Tomás Catari,” 80; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 159.
284 Campbell, “Banditry,” 153.
285 Szeminksi, La utopía, 246, 277; Flores Galindo, “La nación como utopía,” 278.
286 “"Bando de coronación de Túpac Amaru." np., nd. In Documentos históricos del Perú en
las épocas del coloniaje despúes de la conquista y de la independencia hasta la presente,
ed. Manuel de Odriozola. Lima: Tipografia de Aurelio Alfaro, 1863), 206; "Representación
del indio Tomás Catari," 1; “Orden de Tomás Catari,” 80; "Carta de Ignacio Florez a Juan
José Vertíz." May 13, 1781,” 5; “Relación de los hechos más notables,” 159; Szeminski, La
utopía, 246, 277; Szeminski, "Why Kill the Spaniard" 176, 178; Válcarcel, La rebelión de
Túpac Amaru, 141, 144, 152; Campbell, "Banditry,”152-153; Boleslao Lewin, Túpac Amaru:
su época - su lucha - su hado (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Siglo Veinte, 1973), 31; Flores
Galindo, “Túpac Amaru y la sublevación de 1780,” in Túpac Amaru II: 1780, ed. Alberto
Flores Galindo (Lima: Retablo de Papel Ediciones, 1976), 282; Flores Galindo, “La nación
como utopía,” 278. Campbell, “Banditry,” 153.
287 Campbell, “Banditry,” 156.
288 "Carta de Dn. Juan Bautista de Zavala que relaciona por mayor las calamidades de La Paz en
el segundo sitio." La Paz, November 3, 1781. In book 2, vol. 3, Colección Documental de la
independencia del Perú, ed. Cárlos Daniel Válcarcel (Lima: Comisión Nacional del
Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), 147-148; "Carta de Oruro," 158; Diez de
Medina, 66; "Diario de Sebastían de Segurola," 11, 29; "Carta de Borda a Segurola," 3, 4;
"Confesión de Francisco Mamani," 21; "Relación de los hechos más notables," 249; "Diario que
formo yo, Esteban Losa,” 10-11.
275
46