Running head: THE USE OF CULTURAL PROMOTION FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH IN SARASOTA COUNTY
The Use of Cultural Promotion
for Economic Growth in Sarasota County
CAROLYN C. ZAPUT
University of South Florida
Sarasota-Manatee
15 April 2011
Sarasota is a county in Florida which presents itself as a sophisticated metropolis renowned for
its artistic culture. This paper investigates the history of the area and examines the choice of
cultural reputation as a vehicle to promote growth. Insights from urban sociology and sociology
of the arts support a theory of conspicuous development of an arts-oriented environment as a
strategy to attract people and businesses. Theories of the urban growth machine and the creative
economic model are considered. The paper will examine theories of urban sociology and their
manifestations in Sarasota.
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2
The Use of Cultural Promotion for Economic Growth in Sarasota County
This paper explores the function(s) served by Sarasota‟s choice to present an image of
itself as an area with diverse artistic and cultural opportunities. The focus herein is the imagery
of an urban area and its function, not the aesthetic value of arts in their own right. This paper
draws from historical as well as cultural and urban sociological literature to address the questions
examined herein: Why does Sarasota present an image of itself as an arts-oriented region? Is this
an accurate representation of the area? What evidence exists to substantiate Sarasota‟s cultural
foundation? Conversely, might this artistic imagery be contrived to project an unrealistic aura of
artistic sensibilities as an abstract value for ulterior motives? What might such motives be?
Finally, can Sarasota sustain its arts institutions and economy using this strategy? Using the
image of a cultural mecca as a tool for promoting economic growth will be considered. It is
proposed that in Sarasota a symbiotic relationship be nurtured between the arts and other
businesses to facilitate mutual growth. The paper documents the artistic beginnings of the area
and explores possible reasons for the cultivation of its cultural image. This paper concludes with
a discussion of how efficiently Sarasota has been able to sustain its cultural institutions and
economy.
Cultural History
Historical records attest to early settlement of Sarasota by affluent members of society
who brought with them artistic sensibilities and sophisticated cultural tastes. What drew the first
financial magnates to Florida? Post-industrial affluence and the expansion of transportation
systems afforded the wealthy new opportunities for leisure, travel and investment. This
combination of wealth and technology increased interest in affordable land in Florida and
resulted in a land boom for the state. “Undeveloped areas there experienced a wild land boom
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3
prior to and immediately after World War I. As the state was to become a tourist destination in
the 1920s, the need for roads, railroads and hotels grew” (De Groft, 2000, p.32). These trends
would lead investors including Bertha Potter Palmer and John Ringling to Florida.
Mrs. Potter Palmer, a Chicago socialite, first became interested in Sarasota through
“Joseph Lord, a Chicago-based . . . large-scale investor in Sarasota since the 1880s” (Matthews,
2007, p. 91). Lord had businesses in Sarasota and Chicago and in January 1910 he ran
advertising in the Chicago Tribune offering some of his Sarasota properties for sale. Mrs. Palmer
bought significant tracts of land in 1910 (Weeks, 1993, p. 39) which she developed
conscientiously, demanding that the railroad build track to afford access to her land (Palmer &
Dwight, 2005, p. 69). Mrs. Potter Palmer‟s social prestige and efforts brought attention to
Sarasota and consequently “Sarasota had suddenly become fashionable” (Weeks, 1993, p. 40).
Weeks (1993) notes her philanthropic propensities: “She contributed generously to all appeals
and charities” (p. 39).
Others investors followed Mrs. Palmer to Sarasota, including “oil tycoon William G.
Selby; Ralph C. Caples of the New York Central Railroad . . . and circus owners John and
Charles Ringling” (Buck, 2003, p. 2). These investors bestowed major legacies to Sarasota,
including Historic Spanish Point at The Oaks and Myakka State Park (Palmer & Dwight, 2005,
p. 115), the Selby Foundation, Selby Library and Selby Botanical Gardens, the Caples Campus at
New College, and the state museum of Florida, The Ringling Museum of Art, along with its art
and design school (Buck, 2003, p.2).
The last quarter of the 19th century was known as the Gilded Age. During this period
many wealthy investors first came to settle in Sarasota. The term Gilded Age is from the title of a
book in 1873 by Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner in which the authors satirize the
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behaviors of the newly wealthy. These were the so-called Robber Barons, infamous for their
ostentation and “conspicuous consumption”, a term coined by Thorstein Veblen in his work, The
Theory of the Leisure Class, in 1899 (Tindall & Shi,1999, p. 977). Aaron De Groft (2000)
associates Ringling with the money men of the age: “Like many robber barons of the Gilded
Age, John Ringling created a fortune and then tried to recreate himself” (p. 22).
Hughes (1997) speaks to the aesthetic impact of Gilded Age society on Americans:
“Between 1870 and 1910 some Americans . . . didn‟t just want to imitate the Renaissance; it was
their obsession . . . to outdo” (p. 210). Despite such negative connotations, however, Hughes
(1997) also notes that “other and more reflective money barons [were] enjoined [by] a sense of
obligation, released in philanthropy” (p. 214). Mrs. Palmer was a wealthy „baron‟ of the age, yet
she epitomized the spirit of charity.
The Gilded Age inspired the City Beautiful Movement and the American Renaissance.
Hughes‟ (1997) insights into the art movements of the time are relevant to the artistic
temperaments emerging in Sarasota as elsewhere.
The superrich of the Gilded Age…were tired of being cultural appendages to Europe….
One must look to the Gilded Age as the point where the Museum began to supplant the
Church as the emblematic focus of great American Cities…. From this sprang America‟s
Aesthetic Movement, its museum age… (p. 215).
Hughes (1997) mentions the Chicago World‟s Columbian Exposition in 1893 as exemplary of
the American Renaissance. Mrs. Palmer was an organizer of this exposition, as well as the Paris
Exposition of 1900 (Buck, 2003), which attests to her aesthetic stature and social standing.
Aaron De Groft (2000) similarly cites the four decades between 1895 & 1935 as “an era
of art collectors . . . . The greatest museums in America benefited from these forty years of art
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collecting more than any other time in the nation‟s history” (p. 19). De Groft‟s comment is
relevant to the efforts of John Ringling, whose museum is described as evocative of the “civicminded City Beautiful Movement” (p. 16).
The Ringlings‟ first trip to Florida was to Tarpon Springs in 1909. Weeks (1993)
mentions that “During the late nineteenth century, a number of rich Europeans and Americans
discovered the thrill of tarpon fishing” (p. 30). The Ringlings, however, were snubbed by locals
there who deemed their circus affiliation as indicative of a lower social class. Ralph Caples
invited the Ringlings to visit Sarasota and with Charles Thompson, another circus manager,
persuaded them to resituate farther south (De Groft, 2000). Caples, “invaluable promoter of
Sarasota . . . facilitated John‟s purchase of [their neighbors] the Thompsons‟ estate. . . . Later that
year (1912), Charles and Edith Ringling bought a large adjoining property” (Buck, 2003, p. 6).
Buck cites both Mrs. Palmer and John Ringling as founding figures of Sarasota‟s artistic
repute. Mrs. Palmer‟s home, “The Oaks” is described as having had “a small treasure trove of art
. . . . paintings by Degas, Monet, Pissarro, Renoir and Cassatt” and Buck calls her home “the first
venue in Sarasota‟s art history” (Buck, 2003, pp.3-4). Buck then says that “in 1927, John
Ringling set the tone for Sarasota as an art center when he began to build the John and Mable
Ringling Museum of Art” (Buck, 2003, p. 8).
Several sources substantiate Sarasota‟s artistic origins. Importantly, significant
community support for the arts in Sarasota‟s early days supplemented the philanthropic efforts of
wealthy citizens. The Sarasota Art Association (SAA) was founded in 1926, before Ringling
began work on his museum (Buck, 2003, p. 20). The Association‟s members included artists of
renown and this attracted others; some taught at the Ringling School, others opened their own
schools and galleries and “by 1940 the Sarasota Art Association . . . was incorporated as a
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private, nonprofit organization” (Buck, 2003, p. 23). Buck‟s (2003) chapter “Art and the City” in
A History of Visual Art in Sarasota includes biographies of Sarasota artists, histories of art
schools and galleries, descriptions of the development of her great-uncle‟s museum, the addition
of the circus museum, acquisition of the Asolo Theatre, and the evolution of Sarasota‟s artistic
heritage. Buck covers an impressive list of artistic organizations including opera, ballet and
theatre.
Marcia Corbino (2003) writes the second chapter of A History of Visual Art in Sarasota
which details the history of the Sarasota Arts Colony and its members and attests to Sarasota‟s
appeal to artists. The book concludes with Kevin Dean‟s chapter, “The Ringling School of Art
and Design” (2003). Dean describes fundraising events and efforts “to increase the enrollment of
the school by attracting public awareness” (p. 104), precursors of contemporary efforts to secure
support for the arts and attract patrons and funding. The book provides extensive evidence which
supports the premise that Sarasota has an established and well-deserved reputation as a culturally
rich city.
Sociology Theory
Sociology of art.
Before proceeding to investigate possible objectives of Sarasota‟s cultural image,
fundamental premises of the meaning of art require examination. In Constructing a Sociology of
the Arts, Vera Zolberg (1990) clarifies the distinction between two approaches to arts study: the
“humanistic, or „insider-based‟ … and sociological, or „outsider‟ approaches” (p.5). The
immediate separation of the field into opposing viewpoints is representative of a deep-seated
conflict in the study of the arts between their material and nonmaterial worth. Zolberg (1990)
exposes the long-standing dialectic between these views, discounting the biased idea of art for
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art‟s sake. She points out that “This is an idea that most people in the West have come to accept
so unquestioningly that it is important to remind ourselves not to take it for granted as „natural.‟”
(p. 11). Avoiding this ingrained assumption is crucial, lest it obstruct research about the
functional aspects of Sarasota‟s cultural profile. If art is for art‟s sake, it cannot serve any other
purpose. It has only an abstract, intangible value, which cannot be used for or applied to any
function. Such a perspective is incompatible with this research. Instead, the sociological stance is
taken as opposed to the humanistic approach.
This paper is thus informed by Zolberg‟s (1990) externalist approach to art, as regards
functionality of art. “When sociologists choose to study the arts, however, they … examine them
from an externalist view, as proxies for societal processes and conditions” (p. x). This
methodology allows the researcher to perceive the functions arts may serve in communities.
Zolberg‟s (1990) statement that she does not exclude any art form is also adopted herein. “My
position is that … understanding is better served when scholars take cognizance of one another‟s
domains. What is certain is that shrinking the arts to the subset known as fine art is of doubtful
validity, whether done by scholars in the arts or the social sciences” (p. x). Howard Becker
(1982), writing about Art Worlds, shares this caution about separating the function of art from its
purely aesthetic value when he notes that “the principle of analysis is social organization, not
aesthetic” (p. xi). The definition of art is not the question in this research, nor is it concerned
with debating the merit of so-called high art versus that of popular culture. At issue is the
purpose behind the strategic branding of Sarasota with a single carefully chosen characteristic.
Art is here defined to include all of its forms and functions.
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Urban sociology theory.
Theories of place.
The next section of this research addresses the idea of “place” and its context and
meaning in urban sociology. As sociology of art literature features an intrinsic debate between
the immaterial aesthetic value of art and its separate functionality, a distinction exists in urban
sociology between place and location. This distinction needs clarification before proceeding. .
According to Hutter (2007), “Location usually refers to a physical position within a
specified space, often with objective specifications such as latitude and longitude. Place refers to
a geographical location as well (italics added) but also includes a subjective meaning . . . . Place,
then, is simultaneously geographic and social” (p. 138). Location is less relevant here because
issues of architecture, geography, or physical landscape are not being assessed. The more
abstract interpretation of place meaning is more useful for this paper..
Sociologist Dolores Hayden (1995) cautions “‟Place‟ is one of the trickiest words . . . .
authors . . . rely on „sense of place‟ as an aesthetic concept but often settle for „the personality of
a location‟ as a way of defining it. . . . but such images can easily become clichés of tourist
advertising” (pp. 15-16). If this clichéd usage is accepted, research might suggest that one
possible answer to the question of why Sarasota is presented as an „artistic place‟ is that this
image may be merely a calculated marketing ploy. The question then becomes whether this
„artistic‟ representation of Sarasota was deliberately chosen to target a specific audience. Might
there be some social bias or market research which indicates that beach advertising will attract a
different class of people than will marketing which touts cultural attraction?
What or whose needs are served by Sarasota‟s strategy of declaiming its artistic prestige?
Sarasotans may simply enjoy a sense of aesthetic civic pride; this goes to the “sense of place”
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noted by Hayden and other sociologists (Florida, 2005, 2008; Hutter, 2007). It is possible,
however, that Sarasota‟s image projection has more dogmatic objectives. Hayden (1995) notes
that it has proven counterproductive to manufacture arbitrary descriptive mechanisms by which
to promote a town or city. “Places also suffer from clumsy attempts to market them for
commercial purposes: when small towns in Iowa that once seemed to embody everyday life in
the Midwest developed „themes‟ to make them more attractive to tourists, the places became
caricatures of themselves” (p. 18). Sarasota does not appear to be such a case. This image of the
city was not chosen at random for commercial purposes, but rather is substantiated by the city‟s
history.
Contemporary sources also corroborate the validity of this cultural orientation. Southern
Living Magazine named Sarasota the “‟Cultural Capital‟ of Florida” and “the nation‟s per capita
arts capital” (Economic Development Corporation, 2011, p. 26). An internet search for
“Sarasota cultural capital” returns over 50,000 sites. De Groft (2000) notes that “Sarasota is
widely viewed by Floridians, especially the cultural cognoscenti, as the cultural capital of
Florida” (p. 239). Other sources cited include “CONVERGE”, an annual publication of SRQ
Magazine, which lists all of the cultural organizations in the area, broken out by type. In 15
categories, a total of 112 institutions are listed. The inside back cover of the publication also lists
72 local businesses or organizations with which it partners to promote the arts (Liang, 2010).
Sarasota is one of “The Top 10 Best Art Towns” in the 2007 edition of America's 100 Best
Places To Retire (Armstrong, 2007, p. 6). In Sarasota Magazine‟s “2010-1 Charity Register”, the
Editor‟s letter notes that Sarasota is “home to more than 230 well-established not-for-profits”
(Daniel, p.17). The Florida Statistical Abstract 2009 Table of Income by Industry in Florida
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indicates that 1.9% of the state‟s income was in Arts, the highest of the 22 states listed, and
above the US percentage of 1% (BEBR, 2009, p. 204).
Theories of function.
Having established that Sarasota is presenting itself truthfully as a culturally elite area,
this paper has yet to determine the objective(s) of such promotional positioning. This entails
examination of a city‟s agenda: how it presents itself, theoretically as a means whereby to
achieve its‟ needs. Trying to answer this requires researching theories which examine urban
social issues.
Cities and urban culture are the topics of Mark Hutter‟s book, Experiencing Cities
(2007). Hutter‟s approach to his examination of urban culture on a microsociological level
utilizes his background in symbolic interactionism, which he explains as “a social psychological
perspective” (p. 11) which studies “how people use shared symbols to define and give meaning
to their environment” (p. 10). The symbolic interactionist perspective works for this paper, in
that its focus is people‟s ideas about the place in which they live. Hutter (2007) is also influenced
on a macrosociological level by ideas of “urban political economy” which are interested in the
effects of institutions on city life (p. 10). This perspective is relevant as well, because this paper
will also examine what impact arts and business institutions have on Sarasota‟s image.
Within symbolic interactionism Hutter (2007) refers to three approaches described by
Perry, Abbott and himself in a 1997 article; these are “the place approach…the people
approach…and…the urban imagery approach” (p. 19). The place approach stems from
“refutation of the „community lost‟ theme” (p. 19) which postulates that rapid urbanization after
the Industrial Revolution had social alienation effects. After research in the 1950s and 1960s
countered this theory, however, new place theories looked at “urban place[s]” as those other than
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home or work wherein “people can gather voluntarily and informally, and, if so desired, on a
regular basis” (p. 19) and as “site[s] for meaningful social interactions that are qualitatively
different” from those experienced at home or elsewhere in the community (p. 19). These kinds of
place usages include the type of socialization which occurs at artistic venues and are applicable
to Sarasota.
One of the people perspectives, which focuses on cities‟ potential to evoke positive
feelings, fits Sarasota as it “cite[s] social diversity, openness, tolerance and personal freedom”
(p. 20). These characteristics are mentioned later in connection to Richard Florida‟s (2005, 2008)
theories about prevalent attitudes in creative cities.
The urban imagery approach focuses on the images and meanings with which people
invest their cities (Hutter, 2007, p. 20). This approach investigates the imagery Sarasotans attach
to their city, why certain images are cited, and what they connote to Sarasotans, producing a
better understanding of how residents think about their city and why.
Hutter‟s (2007) other major influence, urban political economy, “also known as the new
urban sociology” (p. 120), criticizes the “ecological model of the Chicago School” (p. 120) for
its lack of attention to “political and economic factors that have guided urban growth” (p. 120).
Hutter (2007) notes the relationship between the political economic perspective of Marxist
geographer David Harvey and the representational concepts of symbolic interactionism (p. 123).
Hutter (2007) states that “Harvey puts forth the idea that … people give a cultural interpretation
to space. Space becomes defined in a social sense” (p. 123). This political economic idea of
space as socially constructed thus also informs Hutter‟s symbolic interactionist perspective.
New urban sociology takes a social-psychological perspective that “goes beyond
ecological and political economic analyses” (Hutter, 2007, p. 133). This paper adopts a new
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urban sociology approach which seeks a broader perspective: the “conceptualization of the
„urban growth machine‟” developed by John Logan and Harvey Molotch in 1987 (Hutter, 2007,
p. 133). The urban growth machine model is interested in how American cities grow. Logan and
Molotch‟s theory is that
cities can be seen as machines for urban growth, machines that are developed and shaped
by a select group of people representing institutions that can best profit from that growth.
The key institutions that develop a consensus on stimulating investment and economic
growth include realtors, local banks, influential politicians, corporate chairs and
chambers of commerce (p. 133).
Logan and Molotch‟s urban growth machine theory goes on to posit that despite differing
opinions among influential institutions as to which feature(s) cities choose to emphasize, their
mutual objective is economic growth (Hutter, 2007, p. 133). This description fits with strategic
alliances forged in Sarasota. Affluent citizens and prominent business figures work to promote
an image of the area as artistically and culturally elite for the purpose of furthering economic
growth. The urban growth machine theory explains the objectives of Sarasota‟s use of its artistic
reputation as a vehicle whereby to promote the interests of the city. Sarasota has intuitively
adopted an urban growth machine model which also works to affirm aesthetic and cultural values
important to its residents.
The “key” individuals and institutions Logan and Molotch describe are, in Sarasota, also
those who sponsor many of the area‟s cultural events. This season‟s Asolo Theatre program
acknowledges its gratitude to “individuals, corporations and foundations for their 21st Century
Endowment and Capital Gifts” (Asolo Rep, 2010-2011). Ads in the program are financial firms,
banks, doctors and hospitals, real estate companies, media conglomerates and other philanthropic
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individuals and organizations. Commitments among these individuals and organizations are
pervasive in Sarasota. For example, community patrons „sponsor‟ every student in the FSU
Masters program in Acting at the Asolo. FSU sends its third year directing, playwriting and
technical grad students to intern at the Asolo theatres. The students earn Equity points and
notable credits for their resumes. Sarasota gains talented actors, directors and technicians for its
theatres and Sarasotans pay the students‟ tuition to FSU. It‟s a mutually beneficial arrangement,
exemplary of many such agreements. Many of the same community patrons, along with area
businesses, also produce or co-produce mainstage and conservatory productions. In return,
producers gain recognition for their contributions. At the party after opening night of the season,
January 7, 2011, the producers of La Bête handed out goody packages—imprinted with their
logo. These types of „partnerships‟ are what Howard Millman calls “quid pro quo” (H. Millman,
personal interview, March 21, 2011).
One interesting example of the community‟s creative efforts to sustain its artistic
institutions is Designing Women Boutique, an upscale nonprofit consignment shop which
benefits local arts organizations. It was started by Jean Weidner, founder of the Sarasota Ballet
Company. In a recent article in the Sarasota Herald Tribune, she said “I had always had this idea
of doing a high-end consignment shop, with the money going back in grants to the community.
So far we‟ve helped over 50 organizations and given out more than $1 million” (“Adventurous
Years,” 2011).
Economic Viability
A strategy of cultural self-promotion to attract economic growth is not a new idea nor is it
unique to Sarasota, and data exists to corroborate its potential for profit. Research has been
conducted and published which attests to a definitive correlation between the arts and the
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economy. Arts & Economic Prosperity III (Americans for the Arts, 2009) is a report available at
the offices of the Arts and Cultural Alliance of Sarasota. This is the third publication of the
report, and research has begun for the fourth report. Data is collected nationally, although the
report cited here is specific to Florida. Findings are consistently positive. The reports confirm the
economic benefits of the arts for the economy. “The return on investment number speaks for
itself. . . . 5:1 in Florida in 2008” (Americans for the Arts, 2009, n.p.). A summary of findings is
quoted here from the conclusion.
Nonprofit arts and culture are a $3.1 billion industry in the State of Florida—one that
supports 88,326 full-time equivalent jobs and generates $446.5 million in local and
state government revenue. Nonprofit arts and culture organizations, which spend $1.4
billion annually, leverage . . . $1.7 billion in additional spending by arts and
culture audiences—spending that pumps vital revenue into local restaurants, hotels,
retail stores, parking garages, and other businesses in the State of Florida. By
demonstrating that investing in the arts and culture yields economic benefits, Arts &
Economic Prosperity III lays to rest a common misconception: that communities
support the arts and culture at the expense of local economic development (Americans for
the Arts, 2009, p. 11).
National figures as well as state and community comparison data are available online for
the three reports conducted to date. A link to the most recent Florida report as well as all of the
online data is provided in the References because the amount of data is unmanageable.
Developing Research
One of the most recent shifts in society is from a production based consumer society to an
information-centered and therefore service-oriented society. New theories are being honed based
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on ideas by urban sociologists such as Jane Jacobs by Richard Florida, Sharon Zukin and Miriam
Greenberg. This paper cannot explore each of these insights in depth due to space constraints.
However, some of these key ideas are briefly addressed here as illustrative of mechanisms at
work in Sarasota.
Richard Florida‟s (2005, 2008) ideas are especially pertinent to Sarasota‟s situation.
Florida‟s Cities and the Creative Class ( 2005) reiterates his premise (stated in his 2002 book
The Rise of the Creative Class) that changes which have resulted from society‟s latest paradigm
shift have not been thoroughly realized. Citing Jane Jacobs, he notes that she made the
distinction in 2001between “expansion” and “development”, which differentiation he uses to
explain how he has shifted his focus. Florida (2008) quotes Jacobs‟ idea that expansion refers
merely to horizontal growth--the ability to do more, make more, faster--whereas development
means real innovation, the birth of a new idea of how to do something differently (p. 67). This is
the difference between specialization, as a means of increasing production and efficacy, and
innovation, the ability of human ingenuity to imagine new products or new uses of old products
or make connections between seemingly „un-like-minded‟ ideas. This ability to conceive of new
ideas is the central concept of his creative economy theory.
Jacobs‟ ideas have been enormously influential, in particular her argument that cities are
“the source of innovative economic change” (Nowlan, 1997, p. 11). Jacobs‟ ideas led economist
Robert Lucas to coin the term “Jane Jacobs‟ externalities” (Florida, 2005, Nowlan, 1997), a
phrase meant to encompass the cumulative, non-measurable benefits of individuals‟ creative
talents which are multiplied by proximity to other creative individuals. “Lucas refers to cities‟
human capital augmenting functions as „Jane Jacobs‟ externalities‟” (Florida, 2005, p. 6).
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Jacobs (1961) argued against urban planning schemes in the 50s and 60s, which she said
were guided by “planning pseudoscience” (p. 223). Jacobs‟ contended that these plans were
unnatural and destructive: ideas included the segregation of communities into separate, classbased regions, misguided plans for gentrification of old neighborhoods, which usually entailed
destruction of extant, mixed-use communities, the essence of urban life. Jacobs‟s “ubiquitous
principal [of] the need of cities for . . . diversity” (p. 14) has inspired economists and
sociologists. Jacobs (1961) stressed that “big cities are natural generators of diversity and prolific
incubators of new enterprises and ideas of all kinds” and emphasized the idea that “the most
important point to remember [is that] city diversity itself permits and stimulates more diversity”
(p. 145). Although Jacobs (1961) wrote about the economic effects of diversity, she also spoke to
the equally important principal of social diversity, an idea which informs Richard Florida‟s
theory of the creative class.
Florida (2005) proposes that the last paradigm shift has changed the face of the most
important source of economic growth. Florida (2005) describes Richard Putnam‟s theory of
social capital as being followed by a human capital perspective, which Florida has ultimately
differentiated into his own theory, that of the Creative Capital. The Creative Capital theory posits
that “creative people power regional economic growth” (p. 34). This is contingent, he says, on
the Creative Class, people “whose function is to create meaningful new forms” (p. 34). It is not a
leap from here to make the association with Sarasota‟s creative persona, theoretically working in
an urban growth machine model.
The leap that Florida (2008) does take is to describe the tendency of creative people to
come together, a behavior attribute he calls “the clustering force” (p. 61). Florida conducted
research which when depicted graphically illustrates concentrations of various phenomena on a
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map of what he refers to as the “spiky world” (p. 17). These spiky maps indicate that despite
Thomas Friedman‟s prediction that The World is Flat, and other declarations of locus irrelevance
in a globally connected world, there are clearly visible loci of talents which confirm the
clustering theory.
These ideas of creativity and clustering are self-evident in Sarasota. The arts community
attracts arts aficionados as well as more artists and artisans and audiences. These require art
supplies and galleries, schools and studios, museums and amenities, and the process is selfsustaining, as demonstrated by Becker‟s (1982) aforementioned Art Worlds. Florida (2008)
references the same idea, although he expands on the potential in creative cities, calling it
“bridging” across “scenes” (p. 120). Florida quotes Andrew Hargadon, Technology Management
program director at UC Irvine: bridging “puts people in the flow of the many different thoughts
and actions in any one world. . . . Bridging activities provide the conditions for creativity, for the
Eureka moment when new possibilities suddenly become apparent” (pp. 120-121). This is a fact
of life in Sarasota. Asolo Conservatory students teach at a local arts magnet school; actors model
for Ringling art students; Brian Johnson of the rock band AC/DC, who lives on Bird Key,
collaborated with the Sarasota Ballet to produce a balletic version of the story of Helen of Troy
(it never came to fruition); local AIDS organizations regularly recruit actors to produce theatrical
evenings as fundraisers.
Other elements of Florida‟s creative class city clustering theory are equally true of
Sarasota. In Who’s Your City, Florida (2008) notes that this clustering force means that the
distribution of talent is not evenly distributed from place to place, and proposes a reason,
attributing Jane Jacobs again: “The city, Jacobs argued, is a complex, self-organizing ecology
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whose form cannot be predetermined or controlled from the outside. Its diversity is the true
source of innovation and economic growth” (p. 68).
Florida‟s special contribution to this observation is his hypothesis that in order for
diversity to behave naturally and be allowed to flourish, there must exist very specific
circumstances. Florida (2005) asks “What accounts for the ability of some places to secure a
greater quantity or quality of these flows [of creative energies]? The answer . . . lies in openness,
diversity, and tolerance. Our work finds a strong connection between successful . . . talentharvesting places and places that are open to immigrants, artists, gays, and racial integration” (p.
7). This is very much the case in Sarasota. No city is without some ethnic division, but attitudes
of residents with whom the author is acquainted are absolutely without prejudice—against
anyone. Every summer the Asolo hosts a creative seminar for people with severe developmental
disabilities, who write their own play, which they rehearse and finally perform on the mainstage.
The series is called Kaleidoscope and audiences are without exception brought to their feet and
to tears of joy.
Florida (2005) calls Cities and the Creative Class a “prequel” (p. 1) to his earlier work,
The Rise of The Creative Class, in 2002 and says that part of his intention in writing said prequel
was to address the reactionary response to the conditions he specifies in that book as necessary
for unimpeded creative growth. Florida says since publication of his work in 2002 he has “been
accused of eroding traditional family values . . . of promoting a gay agenda . . . and of
undermining the very tenets of Judeo-Christian civilization” (p. 20). Florida (2005) repeats an
associate‟s recounting of what happened when the associate presented Florida‟s ideas to a
meeting of distinguished intellectuals and civic leaders. . . . „I described Florida‟s findings about
the correlation between bohemianism and diversity in the location of high-tech firms. The
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
19
palpable recoil . . . left me in no doubt that these civic leaders would clearly prefer to drift into a
genteel poverty.‟ This need to hold on to a conventional social order, even if it means forfeiting
economic growth . . . is what I see as the principal barrier to the fuller development of the
emerging creative economy” (pp. 20-21).
Jane Jacobs calls this “squelching” behavior (Florida, 2005, p. 21). Sarasota squelches
squelching. Surname notwithstanding, Sarasota, Florida makes a persuasive case for Florida‟s
(2005, 2008) creative economy theories.
Further Study
This paper has not discussed findings within resources consulted which speak to negative
impacts of urban policy perspectives discussed herein. The urban growth machine model, for
example, has obvious flaws due to its direction by select community members who do not
represent all of Sarasota‟s residents. Many of the theories cited herein have integral land-use
applications or other corollary purposes which have not been explained as they do not have any
direct bearing on this subject matter. There is plentiful material in sociological literature which
addresses urban problems, such as spatial inequity, homelessness and other equally critical
issues. This is important work but is not evaluated here.
This paper posed a question about the use of the arts in Sarasota and culled findings from
sociological literature which applied directly to that question. Florida‟s (2005, 2008)
observations about inhibiting attitudes which may still act to constrain the full potential of the
creative economy requires more research, or conversely, more anti-squelching education and
advocacy, to be resolved.
Sarasota’s Outlook
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
20
Despite present economic conditions, the support structure in place for the arts in
Sarasota is remarkably sound. This is primarily due to the fact that it is not reliant on federal or
state appropriations. Although a bed-tax (alternatively known as the tourist development tax, or
TDT) has been in place since 1988, 25% of which is slated to go back into “promoting cultural
arts” (Florida Trend, 2001), between 2009 and 2010 Florida lost 65.1% of its state arts agency
legislative appropriations funding (US Census Bureau, 2011). However, Sarasota demographics
from the Community Survey of Selected Economic Characteristics, 2005-2009 indicate that
49.2% of households have income (including benefits) of $50,000 or more (U.S. Census Bureau,
2009). Sarasota is a wealthy community, and as such, philanthropy is a viable means of funding.
Asked for their opinions about the state of the arts in Sarasota, Carolyn Michel, local
actress and philanthropist, and her husband Howard Millman, President of the Board of Trustees
for West Coast Black Theatre Troupe and twice Artistic Director of the Asolo, both expressed
optimism about Sarasota‟s continued growth and unwittingly confirmed Florida‟s creative
clustering theory:
I think that this is a town that celebrates the arts and people who move here … one of the
reasons why they move here is because the arts are here, because it affords them the
quality of life that they‟ve had in larger cities, so … I think it‟s a huge draw. (C. Michel,
personal interview, March 21, 2011)
Mr. Millman‟s (Howard) and Ms. Michel‟s (Carolyn) insights were invaluable in
providing primary information about how the community works together to sustain its arts
institutions. In response to the question „What if anything can you share about what you know
about how the arts in general in Sarasota are funded‟, Howard replied that “85 to 87%, almost
90% of the funding is from individuals, compared to other communities where you‟ve got at
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
21
least 30% corporate funding.” Carolyn asked him about sponsors when he worked in Rochester,
NY, and Howard said that he had had many major corporate funders there. Carolyn thought it
was because “they wanted the exposure” but Howard said that “they give money because if
they‟re recruiting top-flight people they want to be sure that their community has enough arts to
attract people,” a testament to the ability of arts to attract Florida‟s Creative Class.
Howard did say that one major change was the growth of foundations in the county. As
one example, The National Center for Charitable Statistics lists all of the private foundations in
Sarasota County (NCCS, 2011). There was no number given, but a manual count reached 100
above the halfway mark of the page. The interested reader can find listings by doing a search for
Sarasota Foundations.
Howard dispelled the presumably ubiquitous “myth” that there is constant dissension
between artistic staff and business managers. Asked about another such ingrained assumption,
whether donors or members of Boards of Directors try to leverage their positions to exert control
over institutions, he told a story about a production at the Asolo one season. On opening night a
major donor told Mr. Millman in no uncertain terms that the play was deeply offensive to him.
“Obviously we had struck a chord in his personal life and he was furious, and he ended the
conversation—the one-way conversation—with „But you‟re doing it magnificently‟… and he
walked back to his seat. . . . Because we had trained them…you may not like every play, but
you‟ve got to enjoy the quality of the work, the acting, the design and all the rest of that stuff.”
Carolyn and Howard explained that funding arts is a relationship, like any other, and each party
agrees to abide by specified parameters.
Their recounting of how Sarasota had fought against cutting the arts from education in
the county was especially inspiring as an example of how public policy may be influenced.
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
22
Howard said “They did it brilliantly. They brought business together, they brought the schools
together, they brought everyone together,” another instance of collaborative efforts. Carolyn
added that they had protested effectively, telling the school board that art is not an area in which
cuts can be made in Sarasota (her emphasis) because “it‟s part of the quality of life in Sarasota.”
Carolyn spoke fervently about the integration of the arts into education, saying that
“outreach into the schools is hugely important, and I think all of the arts organizations do it, and I
think that the future of the arts is most definitely in bringing” the arts to youth, citing herself as
an example of someone who appreciated the arts as an adult because she had had “the cultural
history of attending.”
Many aspects of ways in which funding might be accomplished were discussed, and both
Howard and Carolyn acknowledged that local people are all doing what they can to get funding
wherever they can, including the Arts Council and similar organizations who raise awareness of
the need on an ongoing basis. Carolyn brought up the device of reminding politicians and
potential donors of the income which can be realized from a healthy arts environment,
unknowingly confirming the urban growth machine theory in Sarasota.
Conclusion
This research finds that Sarasota‟s position of self-promotion as an artistically
sophisticated area is best understood as a combination of assumptions from the urban growth
machine model for economic growth and Richard Florida‟s theories of the creative clustering
effect.
In conclusion, Sarasota‟s policy of promoting its vibrant arts culture is a viable
methodology for attracting new businesses and income to the area. The arts are well attended,
and attract seasonal visitors as well as frequent festival tourists who contribute significantly to
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
23
the local economy. A new film industry is burgeoning, thanks in part to the same climatic
conditions which initially directed movie makers and moguls to California. Sarasota is actively
expanding its cultural appeal in our increasingly global world, implementing new international
festivals which attract artists and patrons alike from all over the world. Fall 2011 will mark the
third annual Ringling International Arts Festival, which is under the artistic directorship of
Mikhail Baryshnikov, who performed in the festival last year (Ringling International Arts
Festival, 2010). While economic feasibility is still sensitive to market fluctuations, Sarasota is
financially capable of bearing up under the brunt of cultural costs incurred in order that it may
maintain Sarasota‟s image as a cutting edge arts venue.
Ideally, some of the dependence on individual philanthropy could be countered by
pursuing new partnerships between business and arts institutions. Possibilities exist which need
to be explored. These include more aggressive solicitation of collaborations with businesses as
well as educational institutions. Another logical joint venture would involve working with the
rapidly growing medical profession in our area, to explore alternative therapies such as arts and
drama therapy for children and adults with attention or developmental disorders. New
relationships need to be forged to discover if, where and how patrons can work together with
policy makers to design innovative legislative measures which can work to the benefit of all.
One more comment from the taped interview with Howard and Carolyn is relevant. There
was some further discussion about why corporations choose to fund arts and Carolyn summed up
by saying that both “corporations and individuals who donate, donate for many, many different
reasons” (C. Michel & H. Millman, personal interview, March 21, 2011). This multiplicity of
reasons is equally true of those who choose to buy or collect art. There has been an incidental
thread throughout this work about balance: people who use money to get, people who use money
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
24
to give, people who work together to achieve common goals, all for many different reasons. If
people are willing to be creative and compromise and give and take, the arts should be able both
to solicit enough funding to continue to function and also to reciprocate by producing income
and prestige and well-being for Sarasota. Sarasota may well and truly boast of its cultural
sophistication and hopefully reap the fruition of such a reputation for the foreseeable future.
USING CULTURE FOR GROWTH
25
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