SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROOT CAUSES OF THE LOSS OF BIODIVERSITY IN
THE RUAHA CATCHMENT AREA
By
H. Sosovele
&
J.J. Ngwale
With contributions from
C. Malima
and
D. Mvella
Report submitted to WWF- Tanzania
March 2002
i
TABLE OF CONTENT
Page
Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………… .iv
Acknowledgement………...…………………………………………………………. v
1. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1
1.2
Objective of the Root Causes Analysis ............................................................... 1
2.0 BASELINE CONDITION …………………………………………….2
2.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the RCA ............................................................ 2
2.1.1 Population Changes ........................................................................................... 2
2.1.2 Economic Activities ........................................................................................... 3
2.1.2.1 Agriculture .................................................................................................. 3
2.1.2.2 Livestock keeping ....................................................................................... 3
2.1.2.3 Mining ......................................................................................................... 3
2.1.2.4 Timber/Logging .......................................................................................... 4
2.1.2.5 Plantations ................................................................................................... 4
2.1.2.6 Tourism ....................................................................................................... 6
2.1.2.7 Fishing......................................................................................................... 6
2.2 Environmental and Physical Features ....................................................................... 7
2.2.1 Physical Features ............................................................................................... 7
2.2.2 Vegetation .......................................................................................................... 9
2.2.3 Wildlife ............................................................................................................ 10
2.2.4 Forest Reserves ................................................................................................ 11
3.1.
The Conceptual Model ...................................................................................... 11
3.2 The Analytical Approach ........................................................................................ 11
3.3.
Data Collection and Sources ............................................................................. 12
4.0 MAIN FINDINGS ...................................................................................................... 13
4.1 Local context ........................................................................................................... 13
4.1.1 Population and Settlements .............................................................................. 13
4.1.2. Resource use and management ........................................................................... 15
4.1.2.1 Deforestation ............................................................................................. 16
4.1.2.2 Protected Areas – Usangu Game Reserve ................................................ 16
4.1.2.3 Agriculture production and irrigation practices ........................................ 19
4.1.2.4 Fishing....................................................................................................... 22
4.1.2.5 Fish Processing ......................................................................................... 24
4.1.2.6 Livestock Keeping in the RCA ................................................................. 25
4.2 Implication of Resource Uses on the Flow of water in the GRR............................ 26
4.2.1 Declining rains and water levels ...................................................................... 27
4.2.2 Livestock in the RCA: Too Many or Too Few? .............................................. 29
ii
4.2.3 Implications of Prolonged Dryness in the RCA .............................................. 29
4.3 Driving forces at the local level .............................................................................. 31
5.0
National Context ................................................................................................... 33
5.1 Policy Issues............................................................................................................ 33
5.1.1
Economic and Social Development Policies ............................................ 34
5.2 Inadequate Capacity to enforce Rules and Regulations .......................................... 36
5.3 Institutional Co-ordination ...................................................................................... 38
5.4 Poverty .................................................................................................................... 38
5.4 Current Conservation Initiatives ............................................................................. 39
6.0 International Context .................................................................................................. 40
6.1 Foreign Markets and International Trade Conditions ............................................. 40
6.2 International Financial Institutions ......................................................................... 40
6.3 International NGOs and Aid Agencies ................................................................... 41
7.0
CONCLUSIONS................................................................................................... 42
8.0 Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 43
9.0
LIST OF KEY ISSUE THAT NEED FURTHER ATTENTION. ....................... 45
10. INITIAL RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ADDRESSING THE ROOT CAUSES 46
11. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................. 47
12. APPENDIX 1: Conceptual Framework Explaining Loss of Biodiversity in the
RCA/RN.............................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
13. APPENDIX 11: MATRIX OF ISSUES ......................Error! Bookmark not defined.
List of Tables
Table 1. Population density and distribution by regions in RCA ..................................... 13
Table 2. Volume of Fish Catch, Number of Vessels and Fishermen at Mtera Dam. ....... 23
List of Figures
Figure 1. Drainage Pattern of the Ruaha Catchment Area.................................................. 8
Figure 2. Rainfall Trends from Mbarali Rain Station: 1980- 2000 .................................. 28
Figure 3. Trends in the Production of Tea from Brook Bond Tea Company, Mufindi
District:1987 - 2001. Output in Kgs. ........................................................................ 40
List of Photos
Photo I. A Sukuma Kraal in the Ihefu, Usangu Plains, see the amount of wood used ..... 15
Photo II. Kibidula farm close to the Ihefu Swamp, the source of Little Ruaha in Mufindi
District....................................................................................................................... 19
Photo 3. Brooke Bond Tea Estate overhead irrigation -Mufindi District ........................ 20
Photo IV. Tail Enders search for domestic water ............................................................. 21
iii
Photo V. Vinyungu Farming at Kalenga towards RNP .................................................... 21
Photo VI. Livestock Grazing in the Ihefu, Usangu Plain ................................................. 25
Photo VII. Hippo grazing in the dry riverbed at RNP ...................................................... 30
iv
Acknowledgements
The Great Ruaha River, the lifeline for the power, agriculture, and livestock keeping and
fishing for a large population in the Rufiji Basin has dried several times within the last
fifteen years. This dryness has had implications on the livelihood of the people, the
economy and significant biodiversity in the Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA).
Realizing the need to address this problem from comprehensive and holistic approach,
the World Wide Fund for Nature, Tanzania Programme Office initiated a study to
identify the Socio Economic Root Causes driving the loss of biodiversity in this area. The
Root Cause Analysis is based on the assumption that the conservation of biological
diversity needed to be premised on a clear understanding of the factors (driving forces
and proximate causes) and dynamics that drive the loss of biodiversity. This approach has
now become useful in providing further insight in what may be regarded as forces that
lead to the loss of biodiversity by linking processes (policies, programmes, institutional
and regulations) at the local, national and international levels.
This study was about the understanding of the Socio-Economic Root Causes defining the
loss of biodiversity in the Ruaha Catchment Area. In conducting this study too many
individuals and institutions were involved. The authors wish to thank first and foremost
WWF-TPO for funding and facilitating this study; in particular, the authors thank Dr.
Herman Mwageni, the TPO – Representative for showing great interest and enthusiasm
in this study. Also, the authors wish to thank WWF Staff who participated in data
collection; Mr. C. Malima and D. Mvella. We also owe special thanks to all the District
and Regional officers who set aside their valuable time to answer questions to an
inquisitive team and to all programmes and initiatives on the ground in the RCA that
provided valuable information. We would like to mention here the valuable contribution
fro SMUWC, HIMA, MEMA, MBOMIPA, Usangu Game Reserve, Ruaha National Park
and Mbarali and Madibira Rice Schemes.
Despite all this help, the responsibilities for any errors or omissions are the authors alone.
H. Sosovele
J.J.Ngwale
March 2002, Dar es Salaam
v
ABBREVIATIONS
EAC
EIA
ERP
ESAP
GRR
HIMA
LGRP
MEMA
MBOMIPA
NAFCO
NEMC
NESP
PAs
PSRP
RBWO
RCA
RNP
SAP
SMUWC
TANAPA
TAZARA
URT
UGR
WCST
WMA
WWF
East African Community
Environmental Impact Assessment
Economic Recovery Programme
Economic and Social Action Programme
Great Ruaha River
Hifadhi Mazingira
Local Government Reform Programme
Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga
National Agriculture and Food Company
National Environment Management Council
National Economic Survival Program
Protected Areas
Poverty Strategy Reduction Paper
Rufiji Basin Water Office
Ruaha Catchment Area
Ruaha National Park
Structural Adjustment Programme
Sustainable Management of the Usangu Wetland and its
Catchment
Tanzania National Parks Authority
Tanzania Zambia Railway Authority
United Republic of Tanzania
Usangu Game Reserve
Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania
Wildlife Management Area
World Wide Fund for Nature
vi
SOCIO - ECONOMIC ROOT CAUSES OF THE LOSS OF BIODIVERSITY IN
THE RUAHA CATCHMENT AREA
1. BACKGROUND
1.1 Introduction
The Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA) covers about 83,970km2 or 47% of the Rufiji Basin.
The RCA is home to 9 districts i.e. Mbeya Rural, Mbarali, Iringa Rural, Chunya,
Mufindi, Makete, Njombe, Manyoni and Mpwapwa Districts. The Ruaha Catchment
Area is important for supplying water to the Great Ruaha River and to downstream users
including water for the Ruaha National Park and the two major hydropower station i.e.
Mtera and Kidatu dams. The RCA is also important for agriculture, livestock keeping
forestry, fishing, mining and tourism/wildlife activities that are important for the welfare
of the people in the region and in Tanzania in general. The Great Ruaha River, which for
a long time has been a perennial river, had since the mid 90’s become seasonal. The
amount of water has been declining increasingly during the dry season leading to low or
no flows at all during the dry season. The declining and drying of the river during the dry
season has had major impacts on the biodiversity and other resource users within the
Ruaha River Catchment Area and to down-stream users. Within the RCA, water use
conflicts arising from increased demand for the scarce resource have been reported.
People’s livelihoods and wildlife sustenance have also been greatly affected. The
declining levels of water during the dry season is closely linked to rainfall patterns, the
use of water during the wet season, the status of the catchment and global climatic
changes.
A socio-economic root causes analysis was undertaken to identify the critical proximate
and driving forces at local, national and international levels that explain the declining
levels of water and its implication on biodiversity within the RCA.
1.2
Objective of the Root Causes Analysis
The main objective of this Socio-economic root cause analysis for the loss of biodiversity
was to form a clear and complete picture of the socio-economic drivers influencing the
loss biodiversity in the RCA. The Root Causes analysis intended to answer the questions:
 What are the underlying policies, institutional dynamics, market forces and human
actions driving biodiversity loss?
 How are these root causes interlinked?
 Which factors are key at local levels and which are crucial at national or international
level?
1
The results of the analysis will allow the identification and development of strategic
actions for addressing the critical problem of drying up of the river and in achieving the
Ruaha Catchment Area Conservation goals.
2.0 BASELINE CONDITION
2.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the RCA
The study on socio-economic root causes of biodiversity loss in the RCA focused on the
impact of the drying up of the Great Ruaha River and its implication on biodiversity,
human livelihood and resource management in general in the RCA. What follows below
is a description of the socio-economic baseline condition. The analysis in this section is
however, limited by the paucity of up-to-date and reliable socio-economic and
environmental data.
2.1.1 Population Changes
The last relatively reliable census was done in 1988. Attempt to estimate current
population figures have proved futile due to constant changes in the population trends in
the area as a result of migration. Overall however, population pressure is increasing in all
the 9 districts within the catchment due to birth and migration. Population pressure is
reflected in the pressure exerted on the natural resources in the RCA. The productive age
category in the population is the most mobile one leading to changes in the trends and
composition of population in the RCA. Livestock keepers from Hanang, Shinyanga,
Mwanza, Tabora and Arusha pass through or settle in the RCA for longer periods before
moving to Kilombero valley. This situation constantly changes the dynamics of the
population in the RCA by bringing in new migrants with new demands on natural
resources. Tea, paddy, tobacco and tree plantations also attract many people either on
temporary or permanent basis as wage labours or customers thus changing also the
population characteristic of the RCA. The population growth affects resource base within
the subcatchment leading to increase demand in natural resources use, arable land, food,
water and other essential materials from the natural resources pool. Coupled with
institutional and managerial problems to manage natural resources in the RCA,
population growth in this area may lead to environmental degradation.
The population is unevenly distributed. Most people settle in areas where water, pasture
and fertile soils are available. Others have settled in urban areas taking advantage of the
available social services. Also, good climate and availability of resources attracts several
migration e.g. areas surrounding the Mtera Dam for fishing and in the Usangu and
Pawaga plains for paddy farming.
2
2.1.2 Economic Activities
2.1.2.1 Agriculture
The main economic activities in the Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA) are agriculture,
fishing, livestock keeping, bee keeping and tourism. Agriculture employs about 90% of
the population in the catchment. Food crops include paddy, maize, vegetables, millet and
irish potatoes. Cash crops are paddy, tomatoes, vegetables, maize, irish potatoes,
groundnuts, tea, pyrethrum, coffee, tobacco, onions. There are three large-scale paddy
irrigation farms: Mbarali State Farm, Kapunga State Farm and Madibira Small Holder
Scheme and over 60 traditional canals in Mbarali district. Tea, coffee and tree plantations
are found in the upland areas.
Agriculture in the catchment is both rain fed and irrigated. Valley bottom cultivation is
widely practices during dry season. Farms re relatively small mainly for subsistence
purposes. Shifting cultivation is widely practiced. Agriculture markets are obtained
locally for most of the crops but also, shipment is done to distant places such as Dar es
Salaam, Zanzibar, and likely to the neighbouring countries of Zambia and Malawi.
Tobacco is sold in the auction in Harare, Zimbabwe and tea is auctioned in Mombasa.
Chemicals and fertilizers are used in paddy farms. Pesticides are used in tomato farms in
the bottom valley farming.
2.1.2.2 Livestock keeping
Livestock is common in the RCA involving local and migrant livestock keepers. Cattle,
goats, donkeys and sheep are common and grazing is freely done in the plains and close
to the rivers and the Mtera Dam. Cattle and donkeys are also used in transport and for
farming (animal traction). Livestock numbers are considered to be over a million in the in
the entire RCA but heavy concentrations are found in the Usangu Plains (the numbers
here are disputable as discussed below) in the Pawaga Plains north – eastern of the Ruaha
National Park, and in areas close to the Mtera Dam on either side of the river. Livestock
keepers from Arusha, Singida, Tabora, Shinyanga also migrate into these areas and
concentrate close to the river during dry season. Although, no comprehensive assessment
of limits of acceptable use have been done, concerns from local authorities in the RCA
suggest that this has been surpassed by the excessive number of livestock found in the
area and is much so during the dry season, when water and pasture are scarce during this
time.
2.1.2.3 Mining
Large-scale mining is not taking place in the RCA despite the existence of several
gemstones. The only large-scale mining is of building material that takes place at the
Tanzania Zambia Railway Authority (TAZARA) quarry in Inyala, Mbeya. The Inyala
quarry supplies stone aggregates to TAZARA and to other customers in Mbeya and
3
outside the region. The other relatively large-scale mining is a quarry outside Iringa that
also supplies stone aggregates to construction companies.
There are however small-scale mining activities or construction materials in all the 9
districts in the RCA. Common among them is the mining of stone aggregates, sand and
soil (the latter for preparing burnt bricks) and murram. Mining of sand for brick making
is taking place closer to the rivers and utilizes fuel wood obtained from the forest and
woodlands.
Prospecting for large scale mining is taking place in Malangali, Mufindi District, Iringa
and it is likely that if the minerals are available and are economically viable, mining in
this areas will stimulate changes in population and increase pressure on natural resources
within and in nearby areas.
2.1.2.4 Timber/Logging
Timber and logging is one of the important economic activities in the area. The numerous
tree plantations and several individual plots of trees constitute the main source of timber
and logs, and revenue generated from this source. Most of the timber and logs are from
soft wood (Cyprus wood) and eucalyptus (that are mainly used as poles) obtained from
the highland areas. Timber and logs are also obtained from the few indigenous species
that are found in the lowland areas. The expanding construction industry in the RCA and
nearby region is stimulating and increasing the demand for timber and logs. Most of the
privately owned tree plantations in Makete, Njombe and Mufindi districts were
established in relation to this demand for building materials. Timber is exported to
regions outside the RCA and also to the neighbouring countries and as far as the Gulf
States. According to local views and perceptions in Makete District, tree plantations
(especially various species of Cyprus and eucalyptus) are associated with the
environmental degradation that is taking place in this areas in that such trees, prevent
undergrowth of other species and that due to excessive tree felling for timber, some of the
areas have been cleared and exposed to erosion agents. Tree felling for timber and logs
has also contributed to wide spread deforestation in the area leading to soil erosion and
siltation in the rivers.
2.1.2.5 Plantations
There are several plantations in the RCA. Some of the major ones are the Sao Hill
Forestry Plantations (about 40,000ha), Forest Escarpment and HIMA in Iringa region.
Other plantations are for tea and coffee in Mufindi and Njombe, paddy in the Usangu
Plains and relatively large tobacco farms in Iringa rural. Most of the tree plantations are
under specific projects funded by donors and the government. Apart from state owned
plantations, there are also plantations under District Council and religious organizations.
For example, Mufindi District has plantations for eucalyptus and pines. Other plantations
are under private tobacco farmers, who planted the trees to get firewood for curing
tobacco. For example, about 70% of the firewood for tobacco farmers in Iringa comes
from exotic trees (eucalyptus and pines) that are obtained in various plantations in Iringa
4
rural and Mufindi Districts. Both, farmers and the District Council in Mufindi are earning
revenue from the sale of the trees to tobacco farmers.
Plantations have attracted labour from all places and ages. The phenomenon of child
labour in tea and tobacco farms is rampant in the RCA. Child labour in Makete, Njombe
and Mufindi districts has already caused major concern to authorities and in Makete
district, about 47 of the 80 students selected to join secondary schools in 2001 did not
report to the schools but instead went to the tea estates for wage labour. The lure to go for
wage labour, particularly for children is partly caused by the poverty that is prevalent in
the households such that, some parents find it easy to push their children to wage labour.
Also, some get involved because they need money to pay for school costs. This lure
however, puts the children at the risky of getting infected from diseases and sexual
harassment.
Numerous efforts are in place to encourage local communities to plant trees. Although,
most of the trees planted by individuals do not constitute tree plantations due to small
sizes of the plots (often it is just few tree seedlings), these efforts have stimulated and
raised awareness on the importance of tree farms. The government has set aside January
1 as the national tree-planting day, a day now used to stimulate tree planting across the
country by involving communities. Several million seedlings of trees for shade, fruits and
timber have been planted since this campaign started in 1999 although, no information is
available regarding the overall impact of this campaign. Also, information about survival
rate is lacking, although anecdotal evidence suggests that between 20-30% of the trees
planted do not actually survive their second rain season due to drought, lack of care, fires
and animals and human tramping (the latter is common in urban areas).
There are some donor-supported programmes in the RCA in relation to environmental
conservation with focus on tree planting. These include the HIMA project that is
implemented in Iringa, Njombe, Mufindi, Makete Districts; MEMA and CONCERN (in
Iringa District). Programmes are implemented in selected villages in each of these
districts. One of the biggest conservation programmes in the RCA is the Hifadhi
Mazingira, Iringa (HIMA).
HIMA’s main focus is on conservation and sustainable use of natural resources including
agro forestry/forestry and conservation of catchment areas. Previously, HIMA’s focus
was on tree planting but now the programme is expanded to include preparations of
village plans for sustainable land use and empowering local communities to manage local
resources. However, the shift to donor-funded programme was prompted by the failure of
the central government to meet supply of tree seedlings. For example nurseries
established by forest division in different districts in Iringa region could not produce
enough seedlings to meet the need of the villagers. In order to meet the needs, at the
beginning of 1989-92, HIMA (Iringa) distributed over 90% of the total target of seedlings
required for annual planting. All are raised from the central nurseries mainly managed by
HIMA staff. Centrally based nurseries normally raise different type of species like
Eucalyptus saligna, Eucalyptus maidenii, Grevillea robusta, Pinus patula Laecaena
leucocephala, Jacaranda mimosi, folia syzygium cuminii. However, indigenous species
5
have been introduced in Iringa rural district for the purposes of enrichment planting in
water catchment areas such are Erythrina abysinica, Syzygium cordatum, Cordia
Africana Croton macrostrachys and Hekea abysinica. These species have been raised
according to the demands from the local communities.
2.1.2.6 Tourism
The RCA has abundant tourist potentials ranging from natural resources to
archaeological, cultural and historical sites. Currently, tourist related activities are taking
place in protected areas of the Ruaha National Park, Udzungwa National Park, Usangu
Game Reserve, and around the Pawaga and Idodi Villages under the “Matumizi Bora ya
Malihai Idodi na Pawaga” (MBOMIPA) project in Iringa. The main activities in these
areas include non-consumptive tourism (photographic and visiting for the purpose of
viewing wildlife resources) in the national parks and, consumptive tourism – i.e., hunting
in the MBOMIPA areas, Usangu Game Reserve. Resident hunting is also allowed in the
Usangu Game Reserve and in the MBOMIPA areas.
Other sites that can attract tourists but are currently not developed include the proposed
Kitulo National Park on the Livingstone Mountains. This area is in both Mbeya and
Iringa regions and it has been proposed to be a national park in order to conserve it as a
catchment for the Ruaha River as well as a tourist destination in the southern highland
areas. Also the proposed Lunda/Mkwambi Game Controlled Area will be developed as a
Wildlife Management Area (WMA) that can be used for tourist activities such hunting or
photographic tourism (depending on the feasibility of each option) when government
formally allows establishment of such areas in Tanzania.
Cultural, archaeological or eco-tourism is not well promoted despite having numerous
potential sites in the region. Similarly, local tourism is still underdeveloped and not
promoted as it is for tourists from outside the country.
2.1.2.7 Fishing
Fish is an important element in the local diet as well as an important source of income to
the local communities and the District Councils. Fishing is an important activity for many
of the villages in the RCA particularly those of Pawaga Division and areas surrounding
the Mtera reservoir. Fishing is most clearly seasonal in the Great Ruaha River, with peak
catches occurring in the early rains and dwindling with the river level. During the peak
seasons men travel considerable distances to prime locations and stay for up to 5 days out
for fishing. The women tend to fish when the water is shallow or when rain water flood
beyond the riverbanks or in seasonal tributaries using cloths or khanga to scoop out the
fish. Most fish are used fore domestic consumptions and are usually fresh. Most the catch
is smoked and a large proportion is sold. Fishing is common in the early rains when the
river is raising and the fish are migrating. The most common fish during this early season
is catfish (Clarias) to be followed by tiger fish (Hydrocynus) and Kitoga (Bagrus
orientalis).
6
More than 38 species have been recorded in the Ruaha basin (Payne et al, 1995). With
respect to biodiversity, a high proportion of the 38 species (that is about 40%) are
endemic and found nowhere in the world, including some of the most commercially
important species (ibid). There are also significant numbers that are the same as, or
closely related to, species from West Africa and the Congo basin. This is unique amongst
the east coast Rivers of Africa and indicates that, before the formation of the Rift Valley,
the Ruaha drained into the Congo basin, but the geological upheaval of rift formation
changed its direction.
The most important species in the river is the endemic tilapia, Oreochromis urolepis.
This sustains the enormous fishery that has developed in the Mtera reservoir as well as
those of Great and Little Ruaha rivers. In addition, owing to its peculiar genetic
properties, it has played a major role in the worldwide development of tilapia farming
through its contribution to the development of monosex culture (ibid).
Small scale fishermen conduct fishing using gillnets as the main fishing gear.
Occasionally, hippos and crocodiles destroy gillnets and attack fishermen. Dugout canoes
are also used and increasingly, large speedboats are being introduced as a means of
transport in areas close to the Mtera dam.
While statistics on annual total catch are scarce, available anecdotal evidence suggests
increased trend in fishing and the number of the fishermen, especially in areas around the
Mtera dam. Fish from this area is transported to Tabora, Iringa, Singida, Mbeya, Songea,
Dar es Salaam, Dodoma, Morogoro, Tunduma, and Njombe and possibly exported to
Zambia and Malawi.
2.2 Environmental and Physical Features
2.2.1 Physical Features
The main rivers that supply the Great Ruaha River include: Jamono, Njombe and Muhesi
Rivers, which all flow into Kisigo River, which flows into the Mtera Dam. Others are
Rivers Kimbi, Mkoji, Gwiri, Umrobo, Mswisi, Liosi, Itamba, Chimala, and Kimani. Also
Great Ruaha River receives waters from Rivers Mlomboji, Mbarali, Kiloga, Hukuni,
Ndembera and Little Ruaha River. Apart from Rivers Kiloga, Kimbi, Ndembera, Little
Ruaha and Kisigo, most of the remaining rivers first flow into the Western wetland in the
Usangu Plains and into the GRR from Nyaluhanga. Rivers Kimbi, Kiloga and Ndembera
feed the Eastern wetland and all these flow into the GRR (see Map 1: Drainage Pattern
of the RCA). Theses Rivers, especially those that flow from the eastern escarpment
(Kipengere, Uporoto and Mbeya mountains) have now become seasonal and are
completely dry for most of the time. Ndembera River has however remained the only
perennial river in this area.
Rainfall distribution varies in the RCA and is influenced by topography. Most rain is
received in the highland areas, where the highest point is about 3,000m.asl. The average
7
rainfall in this area is between 1,000mm to 1,600mm. The lowland areas in the northern
and eastern part of the RCA receive between 700mm to 1,100 mm. The central plains
received about 600mm of rainfall, while the area that lies on the rain-shadow in the
south-eastern highlands receives about 500mm of rainfall. Rainfall in RCA starts in
November in the highlands and December on the plains. Peak rainfall occurs in
December and January and then in March through to April. Rainfall is received in four to
five months in the rain season. Understanding the rainfall and drainage patterns and
factors influencing their changes is important in explaining the phenomena of dry –
season dryness of the Great Ruaha River and its implications on biodiversity.
Figure 1. Drainage Pattern of the Ruaha Catchment Area
The RCA is influenced by a hot and humid climate in the plains and cool temperatures on
the highland and upland areas. Temperature reaches their highest (hot) in December) and
lowest in July (when it is cool in the uplands).
8
Two main features characterize the topography of the RCA: First, the hills and mountains
on the southeastern and south- western and western parts of the catchment, which rise
from 1,100m asl to about 3,000m asl, and where most of the rivers start. In the south and
south-eastern there are the Rungwe Mountains, Uporoto Mountains and Kipengere
Ranges, Kitulo and Gofio Plateau. The Mafinga escarpment lies in the east and extends to
Iringa forming part of the Southern Highlands and the edges of the Rift Valley. In the
western part, there is the Chunya escarpment, including the Mbeya Mountain ranges.
Most of the mountains and hills consist of granite rocks, with the exception of few
volcanic rocks in Rungwe.1 There are also coarse textured acidic soils that have resulted
from the weathering away of the granite rocks. Second, the Plains, which consist of the
Usangu plains and other lowland areas through which the GRR flows southwards to the
Mtera Dam. The plain consists of alluvial soils in some parts and clay soils (vertisols) in
most parts and rises from 1,000 m asl to 1,100m asl in the Usangu plains and drops
gradually as the river flows north-eastern wards to Mtera dam. The Usangu Plains are
divided by two wetlands – western and eastern, which are surrounded by alluvial fans,
where most farming and livestock keeping takes place. The fans were developed by the
depositions from the rivers disgorging from the highlands into the plains.
In the north of wetland there is the Ihefu (Utengule swamp) and another Ihefu in Mafinga
District. The Usangu Plains is the largest wetland in the RCA with approximately
2,000km2. This wetland contains a mixture of seasonally flooded open grassland (mbuga),
seasonally flooded woodland and small perennial flooded swamp (Ihefu).
2.2.2 Vegetation
The RCA is characterized by a variety of vegetation types and land cover. These include
natural forests (Miombo woodlands that extends from Usangu Plains down to Mtera
Dam) and constitute the largest forest species. Other vegetation cover plantations,
woodlands bush land and grassland (both in highlands and lowlands). The RCA is
interfaced with two different vegetation characteristics i.e., a mixture of some of the
typical East Africa semi-arid savannah vegetation and most of northerly Brachystegia of
the Zambezian Miombo woodland of Southern Africa. Species such as acacia,
combretum and Commiphora woodland are common.
The Miombo woodland dominate most of the RCA and throughout the highlands, with
the exception of the higher altitude where pines and eucalyptus (various spp) are
common, as well as isolated indigenous species of tree and bushes. Also, some remains
of the montane humid forests are found, although these are replaced by afro-alpine
vegetation. Open wooded grassland and open areas where extensive cultivation has taken
place dominate the vegetation in the other areas of the RCA. The wetland areas consists
of herbaceous vegetation, floating grasses (e.g., Echinochloa scabra) wild rice and
Vossia. Acacia kirkii bushes are found in the woodland and grassland. Some vegetation
1
For details of the geomorphologic descriptions see SMUWC (2001) talking About Usangu. Annex 1
Baseline 2001, Mbeya
9
in the RCA has restricted distribution and found only in small areas. For example the area
that is close to the Kitulo Mountain in Makete District (where there is also a Government
owned cattle and horses ranch) is popular for migratory birds and a variety of plant
species. About 350 taxa or vascular plants were recorded out of which 20 are of restricted
distributed. Also, this area gets a variety of flowers between March and August.
2.2.3 Wildlife
The RCA has abundant wildlife that is concentrating more in protected areas. These are
Ruaha National Park, Usangu Game Reserve, the proposed Kitulo National Park and the
proposed Mpanga/Kipengere Game Reserve. Other areas are Lunda/Mkwambi Game
Controlled Area and Lihongosa Game Controlled Area. Wildlife is also found in several
open areas. Thus both large and small mammals and amphibians, reptiles and fish are
found in the RCA but distribution is uneven due to human activities in some open areas.
The avian fauna (birds) is significant in the Usangu plain and in most of the RCA. In the
Usangu plains alone, the permanent and seasonal wetlands with the escarpment rising
above 1,000m asl, provide a unique setting for a range of bird habitat not replicable
elsewhere. It is estimated that over 400 bird species have been recorded in the Usangu
Plains alone
Ruaha National Park is the second largest park in Tanzania after Serengeti and has an
area of about 10,300km2. Some of the most important animals in this park include Roan
antelopes, lesser and greater Kudus, African hunting dog (Lycon, pictus – endangered),
elephants (Loxodonta Africana - vulnerable and cheetah (acinonyx jubalus – vulnerable).
The Ruaha National Park is wonderful place for birds, more than 400 species have been
recorded in the park and from other parts of the world. Most of the birds that migrate into
the RCA are water-loving birds.
Species and animal population distribution is variable. The Usangu Plain has no large
mammals, except in the Miombo areas in the northern hills of the Usangu Plains.
Common species in this area include topi, zebra, impala, ostrich, reedbuck, sable,
warthog, hartebeest and giraffe.
Animal population in this area has declined due to increased human activities such as
farming, poaching, human settlement and livestock keeping. In addition, illegal bird
trapping contributes to the decline of birds and some species that fetch high prices in the
market.
Small mammals, amphibians and reptiles are also found in scattered areas in the RCA.
Similarly, large mammals such as elephants, hippos and also large cats are found mainly
in the protected areas in the RCA.
10
2.2.4 Forest Reserves
There are several forest reserves in the RCA under the management of the central
government, District Councils, private sector and individuals. Some of the notable central
government forest reserves include the Sao Hill Forest Reserve in Mufindi and the
Mbeya Forest. In Makete district there are 6 forest reserves with an area of 23,026ha
however the catchment forest reserve covers an area of 44,495ha at 6 different locations
within the district.
3.0 STUDY METHODOLOGY
3.1.
The Conceptual Model
The conceptual model in this study is based on the root causes analytical approach
developed by WWF-US (see Stedman-Edwards, 1998). This approach begins at the local
level, where biodiversity losses are occurring, and then move outward in its scope of
analysis to understand the regional, national, and international forces at work. The
analysis of the interplay of factors at each of these levels contributes to the creation of a
conceptual model utilising qualitative and quantitative data to produce a descriptive
picture of root causes relevant to specific sites or area (Appendix 1-Conceptual Model).
In this study, a preliminary conceptual model was initially developed after a lengthy
consultation with various stakeholders in the RCA and a preliminary review of available
information, about likely socio-economic causes of declining levels of water from the
GRR and its effect on biodiversity. Water is key resource in the RCA and especially for
biodiversity in the area. A matrix identifying proximate, local, national and international
issues was developed after the preparation of a conceptual model (Appendix II-Matrix
of Issues). This provided the basis for organizing data, defining issues for discussions
and suggesting priority action for way forward.
3.2 The Analytical Approach
The Main Hypothesis:
This study was guided by one basic hypothesis that:
Biodiversity loss is a result of declining levels and availability of water, which is a
result of proximate causes as well as local, national and international root causes,
which are the indirect driving forces working together in complex combinations.
The declining levels and amount of water which leads to loss or changes in the quality
and quantity of biodiversity occurs due to actions and activities triggered by social,
political, institutional and economic factors at the national level. These factors include
11
market failures especially the inability of the market to internalise environmental and
social costs of irrigation for rice production; inadequate implementation of policies (e.g.,
National Environmental Policy) and weak enforcement of legislation. Other factors
include inadequate support to government institutions (e.g., Rufiji Water Basin Office(RWBO) and extensions staff to monitor land and water uses in the RCA.
Also factors such as inadequate coordination between institutions for the management of
water in the RCA and implementation of policies that promote economic growth – albeit
without paying adequate attention to environmental implications all contribute to loss of
water and its effect on biodiversity. The economic reform measures have primarily
focused on how to increase economic growth while other factors are regarded as
secondary.
The national level factors are in turn influenced by external global factors such as the
influence of International Financial Institutions (World Bank and International Monetary
Fund, Bilateral Donors); Macro Economic Policies such as Structural Adjustment
Programmes, International Trade and Foreign Markets – as part of the economic reform
measures and Climate Change all put pressure on local situation economically, socially
and politically. National and International driving forces constitute the more direct root
causes that leads to declining levels of water in the Great Ruaha River (GRR) and its
implication on biodiversity loss/changes.
Proximate (Immediate Causes) causes that lead to declining levels of water and its effect
on biodiversity are those associated with the use of natural resources at the local level.
These include expansion of rice irrigation farming for commercial purposes, destructive
practices of farming, dry season irrigation for vegetables popularly known as
“vinyungu” and irrigation for tea. Others are illegal abstraction of water, which is
rampant in the RCA. Further proximate factors include livestock grazing along the rivers,
dams and in the Ihefu swaps. deforestations for timber, fuel wood, building materials,
cattle kraals and uncontrolled wildfire. In addition, increased competition between
livestock and wildlife over water use, blocking of canals, and rivers and mining (mostly
of building construction materials and for road building) activities all contribute to the
declining levels of water, which then impact negatively on biodiversity in the RCA.
3.3.
Data Collection and Sources
The study made use of both primary and secondary data sources. Primary data were
collected based on the interviews with various government departments, officials from
the projects in the site, local resource users and development programmes (e.g., Mbarali
Rice Farm, Madibira Rice Scheme). Secondary data were obtained from various reports
from Institutions and departments in the RCA such as Local Governments, projects
(SMUWC, HIMA) and programmes (RBWO). Other sources were the University of Dar
es Salaam and the National Environment Management Council (NEMC). The team
visited Dodoma, Mtera, Iringa, Ruaha National Park, Pawaga plains, Njombe, Makete,
Mbeya, Mbarali and Mufindi where talks with various stakeholders were held and site
visits were conducted for on the spot verification of the status of water and land uses.
12
Finally a set of preliminary recommendations was developed to address the complex
inter-relationship of social-economic and environmental factors. These recommendations
seek to outline the possible responses to the forces and circumstances that can reduce the
declining levels of water and hence its effect and pressure on biodiversity in the RCA.
4.0 MAIN FINDINGS
4.1 Local context
4.1.1 Population and Settlements
Resource use in the Ruaha Catchment Area is very much influenced by a combination of
factors; however, local conditions such as economic activities, socio-cultural issues,
population dynamics, poverty as well as land tenure aspects, play important roles at the
local level.
Demographic factors indicate considerable changes in the RCA. By 1988, the population
in the RCA regions (Dodoma, Iringa and Mbeya) was 3,931,390. With a population
growth rate of 2.8 per annum per year the population in the RCA regions is estimated to
be 5,424,350 in 2001. However, some of the districts are not too close to the RCA but
population dynamics in these areas might have implications felt in the RCA, especially
migration to the RCA.
Table 1. Population density and distribution by regions in RCA
S.No.
Region
1.
Dodoma
2.
Iringa
3.
Mbeya
TOTAL
Population
Population
Population
figures by
figures by
density
1988(census)
2000(projection)
1,235,277
1,642,027
40
1,208,914
1,678,302
28.5
1,487,199
1,956,276
31
3,931,390
5,276,605
99.5
Source: URT; Population census; regional profiles 1988, Iringa, Mbeya and Dodoma.
It is interesting to note that Dodoma region with its relative poor resource base has a
higher population density compared to Iringa and Mbeya Regions perhaps due to the
small size of the region. The economically active group aged between 15-64 years
comprised 49% of the total population in the RCA in1988 census whereby, the dependent
group constituted 51% of the regional total population in the RCA. In such a situation and
coupled with other resource management problems, depletion of resources is inevitable.
In other areas in the RCA, where resources are scarce, migration to other areas of the
country or in the RCA in search of employment opportunities, trade and street vendor
activities (machingas) is happening.
13
Population changes are explicit in local areas, especially in district that are relatively
endowed – in terms of land and water, and vegetation. For example population is likely to
increase faster in Mafinga and Makete Districts, given the favourable weather condition
there. Local census in 1988 showed that Makete District had 115,480 people and
estimates for year 2000 showed there were 135,357 with a growth rate of 1.2 (URT,
1988). However, prevalence of HIV/AIDS in all the RCA areas also contributes to the
decrease in the number of people, especially in Makete District.
In Mbarali district, there has been a steady and rapid increase in population in the area
following the establishment of the state rice scheme. Most of the migrants come to take
advantage of the irrigation schemes and settled in the proximity of the scheme and
engaged in irrigation farming. About 20% of the population lived out of the district
before moving to their present location in Mbarali.
Several theories have emerged that explain the impact of population on the use of natural
resources2. These theories suggest that local population growth may directly affect the
use of resources and influence the rate of habitat change. However, Stedman-Edwards
points out “the relationship between population size and growth and biodiversity loss is
complicated.” (1998:31). Using a variety of indicators, it is possible however to explain
the effect of population growth on natural resources. For example, Stedman-Edwards
argues that some “countries with high population densities have converted relatively
more land to agriculture use” (1998:31). Expansion for agriculture is also taking place in
the RCA, as will be discussed late, however, along side this expansion is the increasing
human settlement in the RCA.
The establishment of rice/paddy production projects stimulated expansion in human
settlements in the RCA. These projects acted as pull factors, drawing people from
different places. Migration and natural birth have likely spurred an increase of the
population in the RCA thereby, thus contributing to increasing pressure to the natural
resources. Migration to new rural lands however, is one of the most critical factors that
contribute to biodiversity loss in the RCA. While agricultural production and income
have risen in fertile areas, the stagnation of agricultural productivity in other areas and
the push of agricultural expansion due to agricultural modernisation in agriculture rich
locations have placed more pressure on poor people throughout the RCA to occupy and
exploit more and more marginal lands. Migration and expansion of farmlands have thus
pushed people into marginal areas
Population increase in the RCA results from the demand for resources – land and water
for agriculture, livestock keeping, fishing and other forms of economic activities The
RCA is rich in these resources and is thus attracting people from all over Tanzania.
Population movement to the RCA has resulted in urbanization, which has increased
pressure on natural resources (e.g. land, forest products, water) in order to meet growing
population demands. Human settlement has increased all along the GRR from Mtera to
2
For details of this discussion see Stedman-Edwards, P. (1998) Root causes of Biodiversity Loss: An
Analytical Approach. Macroeconomics for Sustainable Development Program Office (MPO), World Wide
Fund For Nature.
14
the Usangu Plains. The increasing number of houses that are built and the expansion in
brick making business reflects this trend. Burnt bricks are made all over the RCA,
suggesting an expansion in the construction industry and an increase in the demand for
accommodation. Burnt brick use fuel wood from the same resources that are scarce thus
contributing to deforestation. In Mtera area, mining of sand for burnt brick making is
done close to the riverbank because of the need to be near a source of water. This type of
mining – too close to the river bank is a common practice all along the river, thus
threatening the river banks and contributing to decline of water – by diverting it to other
areas.
Although human settlement is increasing in the RCA, some of the settlements are
temporary. For example, at Mtera dam, an estimated 40% of settlements are of temporary
basis that depend on income and availability of fish. Some settlers have constructed
permanent houses. Some of the people who have settled in these areas come as far as
Ruvuma or Ukerewe Island. They have settled in these areas to take advantage of the
expanding fishing industry. The people from Ukerewe Island have settled in the RCA and
have brought along, boat making technology, which is common in Ukerewe. Few
individuals who are engaged in formal employments have also settled in the area
permanently
Moreover, there has been an influx of pastoralists from the Northern and Central
Tanzania (Arusha, Mwanza, Shinyanga, Dodoma and Mara) to Usangu and other areas
within the RCA because of availability of water, pasture and absence of diseases that
commonly affect livestock. Following the availability of these resources, especially
during the dry season, some pastoralists have settled in the RCA for 1-3 years and some
have constructed permanent settlements e.g. Ikoga - Mbarali District and at Pawaga and
Idodi in Iringa Rural District. In the Usangu Plains, the Sukuma cattle keepers have
settled in and have brought with them their culture of house construction, which
consumes lots of trees for houses and fences.
Photo I. A Sukuma Kraal in the Ihefu, Usangu Plains, see the amount of wood used
4.1.2. Resource use and management
Local resource use and management play an important part in shaping the status of
natural resources in the RCA. There is no comprehensive strategy for the management
and improvement of natural resources in the Ruaha Catchment. What is available are
isolated strategies supported by different programmes e.g. SMUWC (Sustainable
Management of Usangu Wetland Catchment) that covers Usangu plains alone, “Hifadhi
Mazingira – HIMA (Environmental Conservation) (covering Njombe, Iringa and Makete
districts) MBOMIPA (Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga) covering Idodi and
Pawaga Divisions, Iringa. Other are protected areas such as the Usangu Game Reserve,
Mpanga/Kipengere game Reserve and Ruaha National Park and a proposal to declare
Kitulo ranch as a National Park. There is however too little information on initiatives,
which covers northwest part of the catchment i.e. Dodoma, Manyoni and Chunya.
15
Furthermore, there are uncoordinated individual initiatives to improve livelihood at
household level.
4.1.2.1 Deforestation
There is a substantial decline of forest resources in the RCA for the past 25 years. About
200,000ha of forest disappeared due to expansion for agriculture alone (Great Ruaha
River Basin Management report March, 1999). Harvesting of forests products for
firewood, charcoal and building materials are other important direct causes of
deforestation in the RCA. Although most of the forests that are harvested in this area are
planted plantations and woodlots, indigenous tree species also have greatly been
depleted, partly as a result of establishment of plantations (pines and eucalyptus) for
economic reasons but also, due to expansion of farming and the search for fuel wood,
charcoal and timber. Deforestation in both forest plantations and indigenous forests has
occurred in Mufindi, Makete (Chimala escarpment) and Iringa Rural (Nyang’oro, Idodi,
Pawaga and Kitapilimwa). Expansion of farming and settlements into indigenous forests
has contributed to the biodiversity loss at the local level in the RCA. In Makete District,
expansions into traditional tree species have depleted almost all of them, leaving most of
the hills bare. Most of the pine plantations were planted in 1970s following the decline of
local tree species.
Efforts to restrict access to sensitive areas have been put in place. For example, collection
of firewood in areas surrounding the Mtera dam is permitted only to dead trees inundated
in the dam or outside the dam. However, commercial charcoal production and increasing
fish smoking business have led to the felling of trees. It is estimated that Mtera Dam
employs over 10,000 in the fishing industry and that over 30 fish types are obtained in
Mtera. It is estimated that about 3m3 or 2.2 tons of fuel wood is used for fish smoking per
day. In Iringa region, charcoal makers have invaded the forests and settle in the forestry
temporarily to harvest these resources. Loggers stay in the forest cutting and preparing
charcoal and fuel wood until it is ready to be transported to the market by bicycles, pickups, and lorries. Food is supplied to them from the town.
Deforestation is also caused by timber harvesting from the forest plantations and private
owned forest plots. Most of this harvesting is done from soft wood plantations and
transported to markets in Dar es Salaam, Ruvuma, Morogoro and possibly Zambia and
Zanzibar. The expansion of construction industry in urban areas and attractive prices
offered to timber suppliers as well as availability of the markets for charcoal, fuel wood
and also inadequate knowledge about the impact of such resource practices have
contributed to loss of biodiversity at the local level.
4.1.2.2 Protected Areas – Usangu Game Reserve
One of the primary goals of conservation is to enhance the quality of natural resources for
current and future uses. This noble objective has often been achieved at the expense of
social and human costs. The history of conservation all over the world and indeed, in
Tanzania has been shrouded with resource use conflicts where authorities have
16
established areas for conservation purposes, which has resulted into denying local
communities of access to what has always been their source of livelihood. Several
protected areas (PAs) have been established in the RCA but encroachment into these PAs
is common and increasing. In Makete District for example, irish potatoes producers have
encroached close to the Kitulo farm and the Kipengere forests.
In the Usangu Plains, similar encroachments were also noted in areas close to the
Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area. This area is close to the Ruaha National Park
and encompasses large part of the western and eastern wetlands in the Usangu Plains, a
critical area that functions to regulate the flow of water into the GRR and into the Mtera
Dam. Degradation due to increasing human settlement, farming, poaching and livestock
keeping was rampant in the Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area. According to oral
histories, this area had abundant wildlife including large mammals, birds and Miombo
vegetation. Changes in the population of animals began to be noticed in 1930sas human
population in area slowly increased. This led to uncontrolled and unregulated harvesting
has led to depletion of most of these resources while human settlement (particularly the
Balluchi who settled in this areas for generations now and began to do farming and
hunting), farming and hunting as well as poaching have caused the migration of animals
deep into the national park.
Following increasing degradation, in 1993, the government initiated a participatory
process to recategorize the Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area into a Game Reserve
in order to protect resources in the areas and to provide a buffer zone for the Ruaha
National Park. Local communities were involved in discussions about the need to
establish a game reserve and they gave their views thus by 1998, a Government Notice
gazetted the formation of the Usangu Game Reserve under the Wildlife Division and in
1999, the Minister responsible for Natural Resources and Tourism declared the
management of the Usangu Game Reserve under the Ministry of Natural Resource and
Tourism. Since 1999, communities inside the Usangu Plains and the RCA in general,
continued to use and access resources in the area that is now under the UGR. This has
continued to cause problems to the authorities and by 2001; a decision was passed by the
government in the Mbeya region to close unauthorised access for all activities into areas
within the UGR.
Boundary marking putting beacons then started immediately. Local communities whose
houses were within the UGR were told to have moved out by end of December 2001.
Access for resource use (e.g., farming, fishing and livestock keeping as well as search for
fuel wood) was also restricted. The Mbeya regional authorities have continued to
maintain their position that all persons residing in the UGR areas must be out by
December 2001 and that very stern measures will be taken for those who will be found in
the areas by then. In fact, the Regional Commissioner made it clear that “never shall any
of these human activities be allowed in the UGR until the end of the world” as he put it3.
3
The Acting Mbeya Regional Commissioner made such a statement during the opening of stakeholders
workshop on RCA held at VETA Mbeya in December 2001.
17
The Usangu Game Reserve is about 4148 sq.km and borders with the Ruaha National
Park and the communities. The establishment of the UGR has had implications on natural
resource use in the RCA and beyond. For example, the law that establishes Game
Reserves prohibits farming and livestock keeping in the reserve areas. It also restricts
human settlements and all other forms of land use except tourist hunting, resident hunting
and photographic tourism. The establishment of the UGR in the Usangu Plains has led to
restricting activities such fishing, farming and livestock keeping.
Fishing is an important economic activity in the RCA and most of it was conducted
inside the UGR in the Great Ruaha River. With the UGR now in place, all those who
depended on fishing for their livelihood could no longer continue to do so without
contravening the regulations. However, there are still some fishing villages inside the
UGR, who were there “illegally” and waiting to move out by December 2001. Fishing in
the areas within the UGR was a also a source of revenue to the Mbarali District Council,
therefore, restricting it has also meant a reduction of the revenue to the Council. A
reduction of revenue to the District Council will have implications in meeting some of the
costs for the provision of services to the community. Restricting fishing in areas that fall
within UGR has also meant a reduction of fish proteins and an increase of fishing
activities in areas that are allowed (outside the UGR). These are small areas that cannot
sustain the big number of fishing communities and meeting the demand for fish, thereby
causing pressure and over fishing outside the UGR. Increased pressure of fishing in small
areas coupled with inadequate fishing gear (as is common in the RCA) further leads to
loss of fish biodiversity in the RCA.
Similarly, the establishment of the UGR has impacted negatively on livestock keeping
and cause pressure on other areas within the RCA. The UGR takes most of the western
and eastern wetlands and the fans that are a source of grass during dry season. These
areas are now under the UGR and therefore, grazing is restricted to areas outside the
UGR. The establishment of the UGR has pushed livestock keepers further into the fans
and has increased pressure in areas outside the fans and UGR leading to loss of
biodiversity through intensified tramping and overgrazing. The reductions of the grazing
area has indeed affected livestock and may have contributed to changes in the livelihood
– in terms of availability of milk and meat and the associated revenue to the local
communities and the District Council. Livestock, like fishing is also an important source
of revenue to the District Council. However, fishing and livestock grazing in the wetlands
was driven by factors such the need to secure livelihood including revenue for
subsistence purposes (meeting domestic demands for money).
Livestock keeping was taking place right in the wetlands because these are areas that
have grass and water during dry season. The availability of these two important
resources, together with inadequate grazing land elsewhere as well as inadequate
implementation of regulations at local levels acted as incentive factors that have attracted
many livestock keepers from as far as Shinyanga, Arusha, Dodoma, Singida and Tabora.
18
4.1.2.3 Agriculture production and irrigation practices
The RCA is rich in agricultural resources. Both cash and food crops are cultivated in
various scales and by both large and smallholder farmers. About 90% of the population
consider farming as their main priority. Main crops grown in the area include paddy,
maize, beans, vegetables, groundnuts, fruits, millet and Irish potatoes. About 60% of the
farmers cultivate paddy within the RCA.
At Usangu plains, competition for resources is extremely high by expropriation of land
for large-scale agricultural practices, especially for rice production. Some of the rice
production schemes are of recent but others are old, for example some rice farms began
in the 1950 and 1960s. Indeed, it was the rice cultivation, livestock grazing and hunting
which opened up the Usangu plains to the earlier settlers. The introduction of the
schemes further gave Usangu its current status and by the early 1990s, Mbarali was
elevated to the status of fully-fledged District.
Most of the small holder farming in the RCA is on shifting cultivation involving crops
such as, maize, millet, wheat and Irish potatoes in the upland areas. Shifting cultivation is
also taking place in the Usangu plains especially in the fans, where most of the livestock
keepers are also sending their cattle. Shifting cultivation is also taking place along the
river line, close to the riverbanks across the RCA. Shifting cultivation leads to opening up
of new areas with shorter fallow periods. It also leads to deforestation and soil erosion
into the lower areas, and to the GRR. Initially yields are high in a newly opened farm but
declines after 3 or 4 years and are later on abandoned due to soil infertility. Fertilities and
other intensive methods that can increase yields are hardly used due to high costs.
Shifting cultivation therefore, is a threat to the RCA ecosystem despite the ban on
expansion or opening up of new farms along the rivers. This has caused the authorities to
order pastoralists out of the Usangu Plains or closer to the Game Reserve. Most of them
are now moving to downstream areas and on to Kilombero valley in search of land,
pasture and water.
Farming is also taking place in areas close to protected areas and near the Mtera Dam,
with the implication that any level of soil erosion or siltation will end up in the dam. In
addition, farming is also taking place close to the Ihefu, which is also a source of water
and catchment areas. For example, in Kibidula, Mufindi District (see photo 2), farming is
done very close to the source of the Little Ruaha River, one of the main tributaries of the
GRR.
Photo II. Kibidula farm close to the Ihefu Swamp, the source of Little Ruaha in Mufindi District
It was also claimed that, almost half of this ihefu at Kibidula Mission belongs to the
church that is undertaking farming in that area.
Irrigation agriculture is a major undertaking in the RCA that has also caused changes in
the land use by attracting more people in the area. Three types of irrigation practices are
common in the RCA, namely, large-scale paddy irrigation at Mbarali and Kapunga Farms
both having 3200 ha. and mainly operated by state owned National Agriculture Company
19
Limited – NAFCO); improved small-scale paddy irrigation at Madibira and smallholder
private irrigation for paddy, vegetables and maize popularly known as vinyungu.
At Iringa Rural district, irrigation farming is undertaken in Pawaga, Idodi, Mazombe and
Mahonge where they get water from the Little and Great Ruaha Rivers. The World Bank,
under the Irrigation Scheme Project funds the irrigation schemes at Pawaga, Idodi,
Luganga, Nyamahana, Tungamalenga, Mapogoro, Magubike and Malangali in Iringa
Rural District. The scheme involves construction of water gates/banks as a mechanism to
return water to the normal river flow. In addition, there are also two tea estates that use
water from the tributaries that flow into the GRR for irrigation, especially during dry
season. These are Brooke Bond Tea Estate and Mufindi Tea Estate.
Irrigation farming has expanded since 1970 from 10,000ha to 45,000ha in the Usangu
Plains. This increase is associated with programmes that have been initiated by
government to improve irrigation farming, the need for revenue by both small and largescale farmers as well as the District Councils (in the form of cess). This increase is also
reflected in the increase of families that depend on irrigation farming in the plains. Also,
farming communities have increase in areas close to the state farms and in the
smallholder schemes. Currently, the Mbarali rice scheme, cultivates only 400ha and the
rest (2800 ha) is leased to private farmers who pay about Tshs. 25,000/ha/season, which
is contributed by many factors including poor infrastructure facilities, loss of fertility and
financial constraints to utilize the farms at full capacity. The Mbarali farm has a water use
right that covers all the 3200ha of land under irrigation. This water right is also extended
to private farmers who use Mbarali’s land for farming.
Alongside this change, irrigation farming is also undertaken during dry season. This
happens in two ways, which have implications on the supply of water down stream. First,
by large-scale farms. In the large paddy farms of Mbarali, cultivation was beginning
during the dry season. In order to soften the soil, Mbarali farm starts to irrigate around
October so as to plant seedling in November. Preparation of the farms for the seedling
started around August, when it is dry; therefore, it required water for irrigating the seed
farms. In addition, Mbarali farm wanted water in July in order to prevent the growth of
weeds in the farms. A meeting was held in 2000 with all stakeholders and it was agreed
that planting should now start in November. Early rains also start around the same time.
Although this change has only been in force for one year, already there are indications
that late start in cultivation allows continuous flow of water into the GRR, although this
has had no major effect down stream.
The tea estates at Brooke Bond in Mufindi also practice dry season irrigation (photo III).
This tea company has blocked an outlet of the river that should have been flowing into
the Little Ruaha, and created a man-made lake at Ngwazi. The lake is then used for
irrigation purpose.
Photo 3. Brooke Bond Tea Estate overhead irrigation -Mufindi District
Blocking this river tributary as well as using the water for domestic and irrigation during
dry season contributes to reducing the amount of water down stream in the GRR. Brooke
20
Bond has three such lakes created, namely Lake Kihanga and Lake Nzivi but is currently
using Lake Ngwazi for irrigation purposes and is planning to expand tea farming to other
area where the other lakes will also be used.
Tail Enders and Water Use
Related to the flow of water back into the river is the issue of water users who have
settled outside the Mbarali Rice Farm. When the farm was started with support from
China, there was a decision to ensure that the farm “helps” communities near it, so as to
have an impact in the farming practices. Indeed, in the case of Mbarali, many people
moved in and around the farm in order to take advantage of the facilities offered by the
farm. Thus, smallholder irrigation near Mbarali has increased significantly thereby
exerting pressure on the land and water resources. The irrigation canals in the Mbarali
farm are arranged in such a way that water will circulate the farms and then return to the
main canal that takes it back to the river. However, as Mbarali began to cultivate earlier,
they released water into the return canals that was also being used by smallholder farmers
who have settled close to the farms. These are the tail enders that depended on water
discharged from the farms, and that was meant to be taken back to the river. The tail
enders used this water for irrigation as well as for domestic purposes (photo IV).
This water is, however, not safe for human consumption as it was already contaminated
with chemical from the farms. In addition, chemical were used as a control measure
against quelea-quelea. A decision that was made in 2000 to reduce the farming start up
period to November and to ensure that water was returned to the river has had negative
implications on the tail enders use of water. Currently, water for early irrigation and
domestic use is not adequate and tail enders are walking long distance in search of water.
Plans are also underway to dig wells that could supply water to the communities bear the
Mbarali farm.
Photo IV. Tail Enders search for domestic water
The second type of irrigation, which has also expanded significantly, is the smallholder
irrigation in valley bottoms. This practice commonly known as vinyungu farming is
practiced almost in all the districts in the RCA (photo V). Valley bottom farming has
flourished because of the desire to generate revenue (as part of poverty alleviation
initiatives); availability of ready markets and better prices for green products (green
maize and vegetables) in urban areas, which has also been made possible by improved
transportation in major supply areas. Within the RCA, valley bottom farming takes place
in the rivers and streams that flow into the main tributaries that flow into Little Ruaha and
Great Ruaha Rivers. Farming in vinyungu is for vegetables and maize and takes place
during the dry season and increases demand for water. Water diverted for the vinyungu
farming hardly returns to the streams and back to the rivers.
Photo V. Vinyungu Farming at Kalenga towards RNP
21
As irrigation expands in the RCA, so is the demand for water even by private farmers. In
Mbarali for example, one farmer has been allowed by the authorities to abstract water
from the main canal to his farm. This farmer, apparently is not cultivating the entire farm,
but leases some of it to individuals who pay in kind or cash. Of particular interest to this
study is the fact that this farmer does not return water to the main canal and back to the
river. Most of the water is lost in the farms and evaporates in the air, thereby, increasing
the loss of water in the GRR.
Illegal water abstraction has also expanded alongside the expansion of irrigation in the
RCA. Illegal abstraction is so rampant in the RCA because of the perception common
among local communities that water is the right for everyone and they can take it any
time. Growing illegal abstraction has necessitated the creation of Water User Association
in the villages in order to steep up awareness raising programmes in order to curb this
problem. The Government has also formed the Rufiji Basin Water Office (RBWO) with
mandates to oversee water uses in the Rufiji basin that also includes the RCA. However,
illegal abstraction coupled with poor irrigation techniques and enforcement of water right
regulations further exacerbates the reduction of water in the GRR and down stream.
Another dimension of irrigation farming is evolving in Kalenga; Iringa Rural District
where tobacco farmers are diversifying into coffee cultivation, which will also rely on
irrigation water – apparently this will be overhead irrigation using water sprinklers. This
type of irrigation, similar to the one practiced by the tea estates, also draws a lot of water.
Lack of financial and human resources and infrastructure all promote short-term
management strategies and unsustainable use of natural resources.
Overall however, the agricultural sector in the RCA is constrained by several problems
that include economic, social, ecological and institutional. Some of the most crucial
socio-economic problems include unreliable markets, poor and inadequate infrastructure
facilities, vermin and diseases. Agriculture is also affected by institutional problems such
as unavailability of farm equipments, inability of District Councils to support extension
services that has contributed to lack of awareness among farmers on the dangers of
unsustainable utilization of water and its implication on biodiversity. Furthermore,
farmer’s financial inability to buy farm equipments and inputs, further constrain
agricultural production. Natural processes also affect agriculture production and
contribute to the loss of biodiversity. For example, Great Ruaha River changed its course
from 1994 resulting in changed pattern and contributed to prolonged river dryness during
the dry season.
4.1.2.4 Fishing
As alluded in section 2.1.2.7 above, fishing is an important economic activity that has
been expanding significantly as a result of available markets and good prices found in the
urban areas. For example, income from fishing sector for Iringa Rural District has been
increasing from Tsh. 4 million in 1995 to Tsh. 17 million by October 2001 (Iringa
Natural Resources Office, 2001). Increasing revenue has also been taking place alongside
22
the growth of fishing communities along the RCA and increased pressure on these
resources.
Table 2. Volume of Fish Catch, Number of Vessels and Fishermen at Mtera Dam.
Year
Number of
Number of
Weight in
Value in
fishermen
vessels
metric tons
000’Tshs.
1990
970
713
2779.5
186,737.5
1991
822
665
3159.2
210,352.21
1992
722
681
5037.05
511,642.11
1993
789
316
2346.34
489,124.75
1994
660
602
128.21
34,611.10
1995
563
503
98.35
39,056.083
Source: URT (1997) Iringa Socio-Economic Profile. Planning Commission, Dar es
Salaam and Regional Commissioner’s Office, Iringa
Mtera dam acts as a reservoir of migratory species in the Great and Little Ruaha Rivers,
particularly during the dry season. According to the fisheries officer at Mtera, about 90%
of residents there depend on fishing activities for their livelihood. Consequently, there are
a number of fishing settlements along the southern shores of Mtera Dam. As such fishing
activities around the Mtera dam are likely to have an impact upon resources in the area as
well as offering possibilities of social and economic interactions. For example, fishing
has boasted the income of local fishermen significantly. An average Tilapia cost about
Tshs.80- Tsh.100 and an average household income from fish can rise up to Tshs.
800,000/year. During wet season (i.e., January to March) an average day income is
approximately Tshs. 2,000- Ths.3, 000 but incomes declines during the dry season.
Most people actively engaged in fishing along the Mtera dam are from different parts of
the country including Lake Nyasa, Lake Victoria, Lake Rukwa, Ukerewe, Musoma and
some have moved from Nyumba ya Mungu in Kilimanjaro. Some of the newcomers into
Mtera have brought with them technologies for boat making and introduced it to the
communities in the area. This technology utilizes hard wood in the construction of
speedboats that can be used for transport purposes. For example, a 30-ton boat costs
about Tsh. 1.2 million (US$ 1240).
Fishing villages are about 15km apart around the dam. On Dodoma side, there are about
30 fishing camps, some are permanent and others temporary depending on income and
availability of fish. Settlements can be over six (6) years and when the fish stock situation
improves, fishermen return for another round of settlement. Way back in 1986, fishermen
were generating a lot of income from fishing, which attracted many people to the area.
Migration slowed down since 1992 perhaps due to low income following increase of
people.
Over 13 species are found in the dam. Generally tilapia i.e. perege (Oreochromis
urolepis) is the dominant catch, followed by hydrocynus, synodontis and brycinus during
the peak period; which again coincides with the migratory period. Some species were
23
previously available in big quantity but now, these are not so much obtained except for
Tilapia that is still found in big quantities. Accordingly there is loss of species population
in Mtera dam. Availability also depends on the season e.g. “Vitoga” (Bagrus species that
is found in mass during dry season but dies a lot during early rain seasons).
Various fishing gears are being used within the dam and along the GRR. These include
fishnets of various sizes, line and hook and some traditional traps. Poverty and increased
demand for fish as a source of protein have led to the use of unsuitable fishing gear.
Beach seine and gill nets are also used in these areas but are particularly prone to damage
from the Hippos and Crocodiles that are around the dam. Several cases of hippos
attacking people have been reported. The required size of fishing nets is from 3.5 inch
upwards but still some fishermen use less than the required size.
Most fishnets available in the country are imported. Besides being of low quality, they
are extremely expensive such that local fishermen cannot afford to buy them and it
appears that most fishermen are not aware of the best practices in fishing. Thus, one of
the causes of the loss of fish biodiversity at a local level is poor fishing gear and practices
commonly used in Mtera, in the ihefus and Lakes Kihanga and Nzivi. This problem is
compounded by inadequate enforcement of fishing regulations, including lack of
consistent monitoring around the dam and along the RCA. Despite the low level of fish
catches, the RCA’s fish market includes Songea, Mbeya, Tabora, Iringa, Dar es Salaam
and Dodoma; and most likely finds its way to Zambia and Malawi.
Licensing for fishing activities is also a source of revenue to the District Councils
therefore there is no limitation to the number of licences that could be issued. Fishing
licence at Dodoma side is Tsh. 3,900 (i.e. fishing license, fishing vessel licence and
registration) moreover one licence can last for one year. In Iringa, fishing licence is Tshs.
3,250 (that includes fishing licence, registration and fishing vessel licence).
4.1.2.5 Fish Processing
The extent to which fish can be moved to centres of consumption is limited by the poor
communications, which characterise the area. Most of the fish caught in the RCA is either
disposed as fresh fish for immediate consumption or processed by smoking, sun dying,
and deep-frying or salt drying. However, considerable post harvest loses of fish catch do
occur mainly due to poor methods of fish preservation
Most fish in the area is sold smoked. This is, in part a reflection of customer preferencemost people seem to actually prefer smoked fish to fresh. As a result smoking adds
pressure forest resources (fuel wood) and contributes to loss of indigenous tree species.
Fish smoking is also a reflection of local conditions with respect to transport from the
landing sites to the markets. Transport is inadequate and ice is not easily available.
Smoking thus, allows bigger loads of fish to be transported by carriers at more widely
spaced intervals.
24
The methods used for fish preservation include ice, refrigeration, smoking and frying.
With regard to refrigeration there are only two refrigeration centres around Mtera Dam,
namely at an area called Mtera Staff and at Migori village
Frying and smoking are widely used in both sides at Mtera. There are now efforts to
introduce energy serving stoves within the fish camps. Apart the Mtera dam and along
the rivers and tributaries, fishing is also undertaken in man-made dams in various
locations in the RCA. These dams are built in response to policy initiatives to introduce
fish farming in villages in order to generate revenue and increase protein intake.
Overall however, the livelihood of the people who depend on fishing activities is affected
by seasonal variations in the fisheries resource, in the water bodies, on which it depends,
and poor fish marketing and transportation.
4.1.2.6 Livestock Keeping in the RCA
Livestock keeping is common in the RCA and has been associated with the changes in
land use and, to some extent, the decline of water in the GRR. Cattle, goats, donkeys and
sheep are common and grazing is freely done in the fans, plains and close to the rivers
and the Mtera Dam. Cattle and donkeys are also used in transport and for farming (animal
traction). Livestock numbers are considered to be over 1.5 million in the entire RCA but
heavy concentrations are found in the Usangu Plains (the numbers here are disputable as
discussed below) in the Pawaga Plains north – eastern of the Ruaha National Park, and in
areas close to the Mtera Dam on either side of the river. Livestock keeping in the RCA
involves local people and largely, migrant livestock keepers from Arusha, Singida,
Tabora, Shinyanga and Dodoma who frequently migrate into these areas and concentrate
close to the river during dry season.
Livestock keepers flock to this area in big numbers because of the availability of pasture
and water than what is available in areas they come from. In addition, changes in land use
in the supply areas, as reflected by converting pastureland into farmland and for human
settlement, tend to push livestock keepers to other areas. Whilst in the RCA, some
pastoralists are grazing their livestock right in the Ihefu (photo VI) or very close to the
riverbanks because these areas have water almost all year round, although pasture is at
the lowest level during the height of the dry season.
Photo VI. Livestock Grazing in the Ihefu, Usangu Plain
Some livestock keepers camp in the plains only for short durations including several
years (for others) and then they, move on to other areas further south. Increasingly,
livestock keepers have been migrating to the Kilombero valley after their short stay in the
RCA. The Kilombero valley has almost the same characteristics as the RCA and, indeed
they all belong to a larger ecosystem of the Rufiji Basin and its catchment areas.
25
Availability of pasture and water attracts large numbers of cattle keepers in the area.
Most of such cattle keepers migrate to the Kilombero when resources in the RCA have
been depleted of not sufficient to meet their demand. There are also unconfirmed reports
that some livestock keepers have even crossed the boundaries to neighbouring countries,
all in search of pasture and water.
Although, no comprehensive assessment of limits of acceptable use (or carrying capacity)
have been done, concerns from local authorities in the RCA suggest that this has been
surpassed by the excessive number of livestock found in the area and is much so during
the dry season, when water and pasture are at the lowest levels.
The increasing numbers of livestock and the free grazing system that is common in the
RCA further suggest that there is no comprehensive strategy to address livestock and
pasture issues in the RCA, and indeed, in the country as a whole. Overall, there has been
a lot of emphasis and support to the agricultural sector and only very little attention is
paid to livestock keeping as an important economic activity. Lack of such a strategy and
the fact, that the Constitution of Tanzania allows people to move to and live anywhere
within the country; makes it difficult to institute measures to prevent livestock keepers
from entering the RCA, except in protected areas only. In addition, livestock keeping is a
source of revenue for the District Councils in the RCA. For example, each livestock
keeper in Mbarali is paying about Tsh 500/ per cattle per year as livestock tax.
It is not clear what livestock keepers are getting in return (since most of the livestock
services are either provided by private sector or not available at all) however, district are
getting millions of money out of this. Therefore, it is possible that districts lack the
incentives to discourage livestock keepers to keep too many livestock. For example,
Mbarali District Council could be getting about Tsh. 250 million per year (if it is assumed
that there are only about 500,000 herds of cattle at any one time in the district; and this is
a conservative estimate). This is huge amount of revenue, that if well utilized and
ploughed back in the livestock sector, it could have improved livestock keeping and
reduce its impact on other resources.
4.2 Implication of Resource Uses on the Flow of water in the GRR
Water and land are critical resources in the RCA and that their availability is a
precondition for improved human welfare and social development in the RCA and the
country. Reports indicates that these two resources have been at the centre of numerous
resource use conflicts in the RCA (SMUWC, 2001; Maganga and Juma, 1998). It is the
availability of water, which has generated considerable interests and concerns among
stakeholders within and outside the RCA. Water is important and can influence the use of
other resources, including land Thus, availability of adequate water throughout the year
and especially during the dry season is a critical factor for the survival of plants and
animals in the RCA and also, important for the socio-economic development.
26
4.2.1 Declining rains and water levels
There are divergent views on the amount of rainfall and the reasons for the reduction of
water in the GRR. What many analysts commonly agree is the fact that the amount of
water and the duration it is available in the GRR has changed. What has caused these
changes has remained debatable. Some analysis show that this reduction is associated
with the changes in the rainfall i.e., rain patterns and the quantity of water. In this aspect,
analysts are divided as to whether the amount of rainfall has declined. One school of
thought, (SMUWC, 2001) argues that overall, the amount of rainfall and water in the
RCA has not dropped significantly (especially within the Usangu Plains). However,
SMUWC and other analysts agree that dry season flows in the GRR have dropped
significantly. SMUWC uses data obtained from the various rain stations and compares
the trends for many years. On the basis of this observation, SMUWC points to the
problems in the use of available water and raises questions about how inefficient
irrigation has contributed to the reduction of water in the GRR.
While rainfall data (see SMUWC, 2001) may suggest that the overall amount of rainfall
has not changed significantly, this study argues that both the pattern and duration of
rainfall has changed so much and that in areas that depend on rainfall for production,
these changes have significant implications than just the available amount of water. In
addition, evidence from some rain stations in the Usangu Plains suggests that the amount
of rainfall is declining. For example, readings from the Mbarali Rice Farm Rain Station
shows declining trends in the amount of rainfall in the last 20 years (1980 to 2000)
(Figure 2). This has also been collaborated by evidence from the stakeholders in the
RCA.
Numerous stakeholders consulted in the RCA; including those who have lived in the
RCA for more than five generations have reported that the amount of rainfall has indeed
declined. For example, some elder people in Mbarali cited their experiences when they
were kids playing in the plains that, most of the rivers that crosses the main road (IringaMbeya road) had water and one could not cross them easily. Nowadays, there are only
two rivers (Mbarali and Chimala), which still have water flowing into the GRR, but the
amount of water has declined considerably. Rivers that were perennial about 15 – 20
years ago have now become seasonal or have completely dried up. Most of these rivers
originate from the upper catchments areas.
27
Figure 2. Rainfall Trends from Mbarali Rain Station: 1980- 2000
1000
900
800
700
600
500
Rainfall
400
300
200
100
19
80
19
82
19
84
19
86
19
88
19
90
19
92
19
94
19
96
19
98
20
00
0
Agriculture in the RCA has expanded into marginal areas e.g., the fans – ihefu, valley
bottoms and the catchment thus opening up these areas to erosion and evaporation. These
activities have contributed to a reduction of water that flows in the GRR. Inadequate
knowledge about best practices and poor technology, inadequate extension services (due
to reduced capacity at the district level) further acts as driving forces for people to
practice unsustainable resource use methods.
Similarly, deforestation due to timber, charcoal and building materials (especially, some
traditional building styles) have also contributed to declining levels of forestry
biodiversity. Both farming and deforestation are also taking place in indigenous forests
whose value as gene banks is significant. Although, data on indigenous forests is not
available, it is assumed that these forests have valuable species.
The reduction of the flow of water and rainfall has had implications on the wetlands in
the Usangu Plains. SMUWC (2001) has demonstrated the dynamics of the two wetlands
in the Usangu Plains; namely the relationship between the western and eastern wetlands
and the flow of water in the GRR. Historically, the western wetland was receiving water
from the numerous tributaries and the rain, which was then accumulated, filling the
western wetland before it overflowed to the eastern wetland. This process has enabled a
continuous flow of water to the GRR for as long as water was available in the westerns
wetland. Thus unsustainable land use practices, including encroachment in the fans close
to the wetlands has as well as in the entire catchment areas have contributed to a
reduction of water in the western wetland and hence the flows in the eastern wetland have
similarly declined.
28
Anthropogenic activities associated with dry season irrigation for early cultivation in the
rice farms and poor drainage canals contributes to the reduction of the flow of water in
the western wetland, particularly during the dry season. Indeed, canals many canals in the
Usangu plains are not tendered to remove weeds, and in fact livestock are grazing in the
canals, thus contributing to blocking the flow of water
4.2.2 Livestock in the RCA: Too Many or Too Few?
Furthermore, arguments have been raised about the impact of livestock grazing in the
fans (ihefu) and indeed close to the riverbanks. Some analysts have argued that livestock
grazing in the fans, which takes place during dry season has no major impact on the flow
of water during dry season because these areas regenerate pretty fast during the rain
season. Also, it has been argued that the amount of livestock in the plains has not
superseded the carrying capacity (SMUWC, 2001) however, these arguments should be
qualified by saying that the carrying capacity (which is itself a complex issues and
difficult to precisely establish) will differ during dry and wet seasons and that during dry
season, the number of cattle increases so much. Cattle graze very close to the wetlands
and tramping and grazing exposes these areas to evaporation that leads to reduced flow of
water. This study has observed the growth of weeds and shrubs that are not common in
the wetlands, but their presence is an indicator of the degradation that is unfolding in the
fans.
4.2.3 Implications of Prolonged Dryness in the RCA
Due to changes in the rain pattern and reduced amount of rainfall, as noted above, there
has been prolonged dryness in the Usangu plains and all along the GRR. This dryness has
been experienced in the areas downstream of the Usangu Plains, causing considerable
changes in the status of biodiversity in these areas. For example, although the Ruaha
National Park (RNP) has documented the changes in the level of water since 1994 and
has noted that, in 1994, water in the GRR in the RNP was flowing from July to beginning
of November. In the 1995, this flow stopped in the beginning of October and by 2000, the
flow stopped in June. This means there has been a prolonged dryness in the RNP. It is
also interesting to note that even the El Nino rains did not change so much. There were
floods in 1997 and the river bursted its banks for three months in that year, but the area
was in severe drought by November 1998.
Prolonged dryness in the GRR, in the RNP has impacted negatively on animals there. For
example, RNP officials noted that animal diseases and mortality rates increase during dry
season because most animals are at their weakest position. Animals that cannot migrate to
distant places, suffer a great deal because they have to share small area for water and
grass. During such times animals also die because of contaminations in water, animals
such as hippos cannot splash water and therefore, they risky being exposed to too much
heat. Also, hippos end up fighting too frequently because, by nature, hippos and many
other animals live in schools (groups) that are so protective. The fact that there is
inadequate water, hippos from different groups are forced to live together, something that
29
leads to constant fights. Other hippos are forced to graze outside the ponds in the sun for
too long because the ponds have become too hot, thus also risking being killed by heat
and predators (photo VII).
Photo VII. Hippo grazing in the dry riverbed at RNP
The RNP officials have observed changing behaviours among animals. For example,
some animals give premature birth, apparently due to excessive heat. The newly born
calves are susceptible to attacks from predators. Also, crocodiles move outside the ponds
and hide in the bushes near the dry riverbeds and hunt for monkeys. Leopards and lions
also eat crocodiles. In addition, it has been observed that the population of fish and some
fish species have declined. Also, the population of crocodiles is also declining.
Observations carried out by the Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania (WCST) in
the Usangu Plains further reveals and supports the conclusions observed by RNP that
there are marked changes in the behaviour of animals. For example, WCST has noted that
the Usangu bird life is changing very much. There are fewer birds now than it was some
ten years ago. Also, bird life decreases significantly during dry season.
Declining levels of water in the GRR has had impact in the villages outside the RNP,
where some forms of Community Based Conservation activities are taking place through
the Mpango wa Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga (MBOMIPA). The declining
water levels in GRR has caused changes in the seasonal migration of animals to the
southern part of the RNP where tourism related activities that are important for
MBOMIPA are not taking place. Also, animals congregate close to the rivers ands ponds
during dry season and become easy targets for predators. Some animals, such as
elephants concentrate in specific types of food plants and cause excessive demands of
such food plants. Since this is happening during dry season, the knock-off effect could be
great in associated activities – e.g., tourism and related income generation activities.
The reduction of water levels in the GRR is not wholly a function of anthropogenic
factors. Natural phenomenons such as the changing courses of the river and climate
changes (drought) have also contributed to the reduction of water in the GRR. The Great
Ruaha River shows extreme seasonal variation in its flow pattern: it is flooded from
February to June during the rains and it has minimum flows from August to December
during the dry season. It was observed that, in November the river is completely dry from
the confluence in the Ruaha National Park for a stretch of 30-40km stretches, virtually to
the confluence with the Little Ruaha. The Little Ruaha has much less marked seasonal
fluctuations and is a distinctly perennial river. These changes also trigger new land uses,
some of which then may have domino effect on the environment and biodiversity.
Also the RCA falls within a seismic active area with largest frequency of earthquakes.
Earthquakes have caused opening of faults for instance at Kapunga rice farm, IjombePoroto Mountains, which had in certain instances, lead to development of new water loss
channel to the ground. Tremors could also lead to opening of old faults, which again
could result into new water losses to the ground. Both anthropogenic and natural factors
30
act in a combined ways to cause changes in the resource base and influence changes in
biodiversity.
4.3 Driving forces at the local level
Combinations of proximate factors and driving forces at local level have influenced the
use of resources in the RCA. Some of these uses are not sufficiently sustainable and have
contributed to the changes in the natural resources in the RCA. These driving forces and
factors include market forces for cash crops from the RCA. Cash crops here also include
those that are traditionally cultivated as food crops (e.g., rice, maize, millet, beans, irish
potatoes, wheat, vegetables and fruits) as well as traditional cash crops such as coffee,
tea, pyrethrum, tobacco, sesame, sunflower, timber and groundnuts. These crops are
cultivated in the RCA and sold to outside markets such as Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam,
Morogoro and to outside the country, e.g., Zambia, Malawi and the Gulf states through
Zanzibar. Markets incentives such as attractive prices, availability of transport and
increased involvement of the private sector provide impetus for the expansion of
agriculture into marginal areas. Crops such as tobacco tea, and cotton are highly
degrading (Bagachwa, et al., 1995) because they are associated with extensive
deforestation and use of fertilizers that have implications on the land and soil.
Market liberalization and removal of price control mechanisms serves as incentives to
farmers to produce more. In Iringa for example, tobacco farmers secured markets in
Zimbabwe were they took their tobacco to be auctioned in the international market
(Bagachwa, et.al., 1995). This has stimulate expansion of tobacco farms by establishing
out-growers schemes in which smallholder farmers produce tobacco and sell it to the
large scale farmers. The large-scale farmers also provide the small-scale farmers with
fertilizers and other services on credit and recover the costs at the end of the farming
season by deducting the costs from the sale of tobacco to the large-scale farmers. In this
way, some form of bondage relationship evolves and no studies have been done to
examine its impact on social relationship. Also, through this way, some large-scale
farmers are transferring the cost of production and the environment to the small-scale
farmers and the communities. Indeed, behind all this is the need to generate revenue in
order to improve livelihood. As demand for these agricultural produce increases farmers
open up new areas for agriculture and forestry products.
Increasing demand for fresh water fish has contributed to increase fishing efforts in the
Mtera Dam and along the GRR. This has had impact on land for settlement, agriculture as
well as forestry resources (for fish processing, charcoal, timber and fuel wood for
domestic use). Fishing in Mtera has attracted people from as far the northern part of
Tanzania thus contributing to population pressure in and around Mtera. The Fisheries
Sector Policy (URT, 1997) promotes sustainable fishing but lacks the necessary
legislative framework to ensure that this is achieved. There are fewer fisheries officers at
Mtera and along the villages in the GRR, and fewer villages (if any) have by-laws that
govern fishing activities.
31
Similarly, enforcement of regulations for other resources at local level is limited due to
inadequate capacities at the village or district levels. Whilst the Government is
implementing a Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP) that aims at devolving
powers and responsibilities to the district levels, there have not been parallel programmes
to strengthen the capacity of the districts to offer better services to the communities.
Under LGRP, the districts will be the key institutions expected to coordinate and
facilitate development activities at the district. Districts therefore set targets both in
production and revenues that have to be met and that, when translated into actual
activities, they tend to encourage more resource uses. For example, since the districts
need money to pay for salaries and other services, it becomes difficult to implement
policies that would discourage livestock keepers to keep large herds of cattle. The
conflicting demands for revenue generation and conservation are critical at local level as
the districts assume more responsibilities.
The LGRP is an important institutional transformation that is also expected to promote
greater participation of the local communities in policy formulations and decisionmaking. Within this change, the Village Councils (Village Assemblies, i.e., the highest
organ for decision making at the village level) are to play an important role in decision
making at the lowest level. However communities have inadequate awareness of their
rights and responsibilities, what active role they can take in decision-making processes.
Most of the decisions are often made at the level of the Village Government or at the
district level. Community participation in planning and decision-making is therefore
inadequate. Also Districts are constrained by inadequate technical staffs due to limited
financial capacity to employ more staff. Such constraints are felt more in extension
services that are inadequate, lack means of transport and cannot move out of the stations
to offer advice.
Whilst anthropogenic and physical factors partly explain changes in biodiversity as
associated with the land and water uses, it is also interesting to note that some efforts
have been taken at the local level to address critical issues of resource management in the
RCA. These efforts include awareness raising programme among stakeholders in the
RCA on the nature and causes of degradation and measures to be taken. Several donorfunded programmes operate at a local level to address these critical issues. In addition,
the government, through the Rufiji Basin Water Office, has initiated programmes to
ensure that all water users are registered and that illegal abstraction is curbed. This
however, has remained a formidable challenge to the RBWO because of inadequate
capacity to monitor and carry out site visits to ensure that regulations are adhered to.
RBWO, however, has stepped up efforts to prevent dry season irrigation, and for the first
time, the GRR upstream of the Usangu Plains had water up until late November 2001.
Commenting on this marked improvement, one elderly person noted that prior to taking
this decision (namely to ensure there in no irrigation during dry season), the river was
drying up pretty fast and that “even sandals did not get wet when one crossed the river on
foot. Today, this river has a lot of water flowing” This change however, did not benefit
down stream users because of too much abstraction.
32
Amid these changes, it is interesting to note that people’s livelihood are changing but not
improving, because the basic elements that supports livelihood in the RCA are threatened
by persistent dryness of the GRR and inadequate rain water. Poverty and inequality have
intensified and social differentiation is widening, causing concern about the potential
threat to social cohesion as competition for scarce resources increases (Cf. Maganga and
Juma, 1998; SMUWC, 2001). Elsewhere in Tanzania, conflicts over resources have
already led to loss of human life (in Kilosa, between farmers and livestock keepers). All
this is happening amid inadequate awareness regarding the impact of anthropogenic
factors, insufficient interventions (too often limited to small areas and covering fewer
issues) as well as lack of alternative means of livelihood.
5.0
National Context
5.1 Policy Issues
Lack of mainstreaming environmental concerns into economic policies is one of the major
issues that have prevented rational use of natural resources in Tanzania. Economic policies
have aimed at achieving economic growth albeit without paying sufficient attention to their
implication on the environment. Often, this has resulted in over-exploitation of natural
resources and the loss or changes in the status of biodiversity. A study carried out when
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) were introduced (Bagachwa et al., 1995) has
demonstrated the effect of SAP on the environment and concluded that if current programs
continue in the way they are now i.e. business as usual scenario, more damage will occur to
the environment in the years to come. The case for conserving the biodiversity is justified
through the functions of various organisms in ecological balance, which support the food
chain for humans, numerous use values and even bequest values. Some of the most
important values of biodiversity include ecological services of air and water purification,
soil formation and protection; carbon sequestration, groundwater recharging and water shed
protection, drought and flood buffering (Mgaya, 1998).
The Government has introduced several policies that touch upon the need to conserve
resources (e.g., National Environmental Policy, 1997; National Fisheries Policy and
Strategy Statement, 1997; The Wildlife Policy of Tanzania, 1998; National Beekeeping
Policy, 1998, National Forestry Policy, 1998, Mineral Policy of Tanzania, 1997).
The policies are also promoting economic growth using the same resources. However,
this situation generates resource use conflicts due to inadequate coordination and sending
mixed signals to the communities. For example, whereas agricultural policy promotes
increased growth from the sector, there are inadequate mechanisms to ensure that
agricultural related services are provided to the farmers. Consequently, most of the smallscale farmers resort to opening up new areas for farming purposes. These areas are too
33
often in the marginal or protected areas (e.g., forests reserves, wetlands, valley bottoms)
that are governed by other policies (e.g., Forestry or Land).
Land tenure is another policy issue, which can cause loss of biodiversity. It is generally
assumed that lack of tenure security discourages long-term investment in land. However,
security of tenure by itself is not enough sufficient such that long-term investment cannot
cause loss of biodiversity. Various development policies and programmes in the country
such as the 1974-76 villagization programme concentrated more on methods of production
rather than forms of ownership of land4. This has resulted in acute land problems and
conflicts5. The new land policy contains some statements, which may lead to the
conservation of biodiversity6.
The new land policy contains policy statements if well implemented, will go a long way in
enhancing sustainable use of biodiversity. Of particular interest is the concern raised in the
policy regarding areas of multiple land use. In our case, the RCA is such an area. Currently,
there are many land users in the RCA however; there is no strategy in place for multiple
land uses. The various donor-funded programmes in the RCA are limited to specific spatial
areas and issues. It is important for the government to take a leading role in ensuring that a
multiple land use strategy is put in place, with all stakeholders and resource users and
owners.
Beside policies, there are also several strategies and programmes implemented by
government to address specific issues. For example, the National Agricultural Sector
Reform Programme – aims at improving the agricultural sector, the Vision 2025 (URT,
1998) defines where Tanzania would like to be 25 years later and National Strategy for
Poverty Alleviation (URT, 1998) and recently the, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
(PRSP) (URT, 2001) that all promotes measures to redress poverty that has become so
perverse and unacceptable.
5.1.1
Economic and Social Development Policies
Perhaps the greatest changes today in Tanzania are in economic policies. The government of
Tanzania had experimented with various development strategies in an effort to improve the
welfare of the people. For a long time after independence, these strategies relied on a top down approaches of the centralized state, which governed economic and resource
management. As such, an undesirable attitude emerged whereby people looked upon the
government as their provider. This attitude has had detrimental effects towards sustainability
of numerous projects and programmes initiated by the government.
4
URT (1994) pp. 135
The New Land Policy attributes such state of affairs as being the product of Colonial history, conflicting
statutory measures, broad social economic patterns and demographic trends.
6
Policy statement 4.2.10, (I) among others, states that, "mechanism for protecting sensitive areas will be
created. Sensitive areas include water catchment areas, small islands, border areas, beaches, mountains,
forestry, national parks, rivers, river basins and banks, seasonal migration routes of wildlife, national
heritage and areas of biodiversity.
5
34
Tanzanian brand of Socialism had all the good intentions of improving the welfare of the
people of Tanzania through collectivising them in Ujamaa villages. This strategy was aimed
at facilitating easy provision of the basic needs of life to these villagers. With the help from
sympathisers, mostly socialist oriented countries, remarkable improvement in education,
health, water and transport, large scale farming (e.g., Mbarali and Madibira Rice Schemes)
among others was achieved over the years. However, this type of development could not be
sustained for long since it was too dependent on foreign assistance. The strategy was also
blamed for contributing to environmental degradation and hence biodiversity loss due to
clearing for village settlements and farmland (URT, 1997b; Mascarenhas et al., 1992;
Kikula and Mung’ong’o, 1992). Expenditure on social services grew rapidly while
production capacity to support the growing social sector was slow. The heavy burden was
especially due to non-performing parastatals, which turned out to be heavily dependent on
government subsidies instead of generating the expected revenues for the government. This
was particularly critical in the state owned farms
The country's economic situation worsened since the late 1970s due to oil crises in the world
market, draught and regional problems and conflicts (e.g., war with Iddi Amin and break up
of East African Community-EAC). Tanzania initiated several economic programmes in an
attempt to redress economic and social problems following the 1970s crisis. The National
Economic Survival Program (NESP) of 1981 was the first of what was to become known as
Structural Adjustment Programmes or Economic Recovery Programmes (ERP). The aim of
this programme was to rehabilitate the ravaged economy and restore the imbalance in the
external sector. A three-year Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) replaced the NESP in
1983. The objectives of SAP were among others, to improve economic performance of the
public sector through introduction of incentives for increased production of goods and
services for both domestic and export markets. NESP and SAP were not fully implemented
due to financial constraints arising from lack of external finance.
The Economic Recovery Programme I (ERP – I) came into effect in 1986. This was an
IMF/World Bank sponsored initiative and operated for three-years. The main objective of
the ERP I was to promote market economy which resulted into price decontrol, removal of
government subsidies in social services, withdrawal of government involvement in
productive sectors, enhancing labour efficiency and productivity by reforming employment
in public sector through retrenchment. These measures, though unintended, brought about
hardships to people through reduction of expenditures on education, health, agricultural and
extension services among others. The ERP II7 or alternatively known as Economic and
Social Action Program (ESAP), succeeded the ERP I. The ERP II, which aimed at
addressing the social effect of the adjustment programmes while continuing with the
objectives of economic reforms.
ERP II and I achieved some positive economic impact through increased industrial capacity
utilisation and output. The value of non-traditional exports increased by 24% per annum
between 1986 and 1990, and per capita income increased by 6% in real terms. However,
infrastructure deterioration problems and worsening social services delivery continued to
diminish the successes of the economic reforms (Bagachwa et al., 1995). The decision to
7
This programme followed immediately after ERP I and was a three years programme (1989-1992)
35
move towards a market economy was slowly being realised. The state marketing structures
were dismantled without having alternative markets firmly established. This resulted in
hardships to farmers in areas where private traders were unwilling to go. Transport and
communication are still underdeveloped in most rural areas and information about markets
is hardly reaching the farmers in time for them to make better decisions. Trade liberalisation
and market reforms have resulted in promoting environmental degradation and biodiversity
loss through promoting crops such as tobacco and tea, which result in more land being
cleared for agricultural expansion and wood fuel (Kulindwa and Mjema, 1994).
Economic reforms and market liberalization have not been done alongside streamlining the
markets for efficient transactions. Too often, markets for some goods are not sufficient and
farmers have suffered due to producing without being able to sell at the time they want or
getting better prices. In the RCA for example, markets for rice are unreliable and farmers,
including Madibira Rice Scheme are struggling to look for markets in Dar es Salaam,
Zanzibar and elsewhere, whilst bearing the costs of searching for these markets.
Unrealisable markets and unfavourable prices as well as poor communication and storage
impose constraints on how production such that it is unlikely to support sustainable use of
natural resources.
Among the main effects of the economic reform programme on the environment is the
failure of the markets to capture the true cost of production, including the cost of
environmental degradation in the price of the products. For example, the price of rice
from the RCA is so low compared to the actual cost of degradation, including in this case,
the costs of loss of water that is associated with rice production. The same is true for the
price of tobacco and other crops from the RCA. Market failure in this case, is a result of
the lack of mainstreaming environmental concerns in the planning and decision making
process. There are several economic instruments that can be used to influence rational use
of natural resources, but so far, these are not used in Tanzania. The main focus and
emphasis in the on-going economic reform is increased economic growth. Environmental
issues are not given their due attention, and this is also reflected in the Poverty Reduction
Strategy Paper (PSRP) (URT, 2001) which focuses on economic growth as the basis of
poverty alleviation but ignored environmental issues, until much later. Efforts to integrate
environmental aspects in the PSRP are now underway.
5.2 Inadequate Capacity to enforce Rules and Regulations
The economic reform programmes have had effects on natural environment and thus
biodiversity, by denying this sector the necessary funds for running the basic services.
Environmental management is a labour intensive activity that also depends on availability
of data to compare changes over time. Extension services, monitoring and enforcement of
rules and regulations all depend on availability of funds and personnel. The SAP policies
have removed the subsidies from government sectors, reduced workers from government
departments and freezed employment for improving performance and increasing labour
productivity. These measures have affected the delivery of services from government
departments that deal directly with natural resources. There are severe shortages of
manpower and recurrent expenditure funds for daily monitoring and enforcement of
36
regulations in the RCA. For example, inadequate monitoring and enforcement provides
room for the illegal abstractions of water, illegal harvesting of forestry resources for
timber, charcoal and fuel wood as well as poaching and destructive fishing practices.
Tanzania has legal provisions for the management of almost every natural resource and
several authorities, which are responsible for the implementation, and enforcement of the
rules. Part of the problem however is low penalties for the offences, and long and
cumbersome procedure to enact and pass by-laws relevant in local areas. At present, some
of the penalties are ridiculously low compared to the cost of the damage to the environment.
It is apparent in this case that the law is gives room to culprits to continue with their illegal
activities. This in our opinion deserves attention in terms of raising the awareness on
environmental matters by sensitising the magistrates. Beside the commonly referred use
values of these resources, they should be made to understand and appreciate the importance
of these resources' ecological functions.
Most of the policies have over-emphasised the issue of control and prohibitions albeit
without the means and capability to carry these out. The involvements of the people or their
traditional knowledge in management of natural resources have not been adequately
addressed. Due to this deficiency, illegal and indiscriminate harvesting takes place
rampantly. In some places such as the Kipengere Mountains and the Kitulo area, huge
patches of clearings can be see as a result of expansion for farming. The district officials in
the RCA pointed to some factors that contributed to the shortage of funds, staff and
sometimes frustrations in implementing monitoring and enforcement of conservation
activity.
Some of these factors include; frequent changes in the administrative set-up. The department
of natural resources has changed hands several times, hence disrupting the continuity and
institutional memory in natural resources8management. However, throughout those changes,
the major priority of the administration was to extract revenues from natural resources rather
than manage theme sustainably, yet collected revenues were not ploughed back into the
natural resource sectors as planned under the retention scheme, to facilitate efficiency and
increased productivity. The other factor is that the distribution of revenues from natural
resources was uneven and highly skewed in favour of the central government instead of the
districts where the resources are to be found9.
Another factor is that decentralisation is unfolding very slowly. In practice, major policies
have remained centrally directed. It was observed that local governments, which are
supposed to finance some of their own activities, are facing financial and leadership
problems. The District Councils do not have funds for recurrent expenditures such as fuel
and field allowances for the officers who are sent to do monitoring. In this situation, District
8
Until 1972, the natural resources management activity was under the Department of Forestry, in the
Ministry. During the decentralisation era, the period between 1972 to 1984, these activities were put under
the stewardship of the Regional Development Director's office. From 1984, the activities are being
conducted under the District Executive Director.
9
This is still the case to date. The retention scheme distribution of revenues is as follows: Treasury takes
30% of the collections; the remaining 70% is then distributed to the entire ministry, regional and district
departments.
37
Councils become reluctant to institute measures that would diminish their revenues, even if
such activities may have implications on the environment. For example, licences for timber
and taxes collected from natural resources makes significant contributions to district
revenues.
5.3 Institutional Co-ordination
Furthermore, no overall authorities exists, which co-ordinates and rationalize conflicting
interest such as the issue of licenses for fishing, water rights and land titles. These may
concern the Division of Fisheries, the Division of Lands, the RBWO or even the central
government (for large scale farming and hydropower projects). Often lack of coordination among various actors, have resulted into undesirable outcomes on the RCA. One
of the objectives of the National Investment Promotion Policy of 1992 is maximum
mobilisation and utilisation of domestic capacity. The achievement of this goal poses major
threats to biodiversity in a situation where co-ordination of activities between actors sharing
common resources (as is true in the RCA) to achieve their specific goals is lacking.
The study area is characterised by a dynamic and extremely complex ecosystem consisting
of a variety of biodiversity. Although several institutions have been established to deal with
these natural resources, management has been poor. Key issues include the lack of effective
co-ordination of the various institutions involved in the management of the natural
resources. For example there are livestock keepers, fisheries, forestry resources, farming and
wildlife management in the RCA in which several institutions are involved from the local
and the central government. The interplay of activities influenced by policies and
regulations from these institutions if not well co-ordinated, may and have conflicted with
each other due to different immediate objectives and lack of coordination of policies in order
to achieve a much wider objective of sustainability.
5.4 Poverty
The above discussion on the dynamics of biodiversity loss brings up interesting linkages
between biodiversity loss and poverty. If we define poverty to be the lack of alternatives for
earning a decent livelihood given a certain level of technology among others, then the issues
of expansion in to marginal areas for farming, livestock grazing in the ihefu, destructive
fishing practices are some of the examples that may qualify to explain the linkage between
poverty and loss of biodiversity in the RCA.
The conversion of biological resources in economic processes has generated benefits in
terms of wealth and health to societies over time. But this diversity harbours what we may
call the life support system for humans. The destruction of this diversity for whatever reason
is endangering human. In addition to the above development process tradition, many people
may not understand the implication of their activities to the ecology. Without this
awareness, destruction of the life support system will continue. It is important that
awareness creation about the environment and biodiversity should be accompanied by
suggestions of alternative livelihood strategies in order to succeed in conservation.
38
5.4 Current Conservation Initiatives
The RCA is an important resource area that has attracted numerous resource users and
managers. Over the years, the area has been facing considerable resource use pressures
that have attracted several initiatives to address the degradation that is taking place and
that has caused changes in the biodiversity. Some of these initiatives are regional while
others are taking place in specific areas. For example, DANIDA has been supporting a
Hifadhi Mazingira (HIMA) (Environmental Conservation) programme in Iringa region,
covering all the districts in the region. The project addresses various issues including
environmental awareness, environmental conservation through the adoption of
appropriate farming techniques. Other initiatives include the Sustainable Management of
Usangu Wetland and its Catchment (SMUWC), which only covers the Usangu Plains,
MEMA covering the Udzungwa Mountains in Iringa (touching areas that drain into the
Little Ruaha), CONCERN focusing in tree planting in Mufindi, Iringa, Njombe and
Ludewa Districts. Another initiative is the MBOMIPA, focusing in Idodi and Pawaga,
involving communities in management of wildlife resources. All of these initiatives are
donor funded and rely heavily on donor support. One of the key issues here is the
sustainability and continuity of the programmes once the donors leave. For example,
SMUWC, supported by DFID is coming to an end when actually most of the groundwork
has been completed, ready to move to the next phase of actual environmental
conservation.
There are also programmes managed by the central government – e.g., Ruaha National
Park, Usangu Game Reserve, Mpanga- Kipengere Game Reserve, Katenga Forest
Reserve, Sao Hill Forest Plantation, proposed Kitulo National Park and several initiatives
from the District Councils. All these programmes, including those initiated by the donors
face the same problem, namely, narrow focus (spatial or in terms of issues that they
address). Also, lack of coordination and information sharing sometimes causes
duplication and conflict among players. Although some of the programmes address to
pressures from the proximate and root causes (national and international factors), issues
related to poverty alleviation are still critical and would require longer time to consistent
efforts to address. Thus the ability the existing conservation efforts to respond to these
pressures is hampered by lack of continued support, inadequate manpower (for initiatives
managed by the central and local governments), as well as inability to link programmes
with what is happening at the world scene (e.g., excessive globalisation drive).
39
6.0 International Context
6.1 Foreign Markets and International Trade Conditions
Globalisation is opening up various areas of the world for international trade to flourish.
Countries, including Tanzania are opening up their markets by inviting foreign capital as
well as seeking to access foreign markets. While tariffs and inadequate technologies
limits the possibilities of these countries to access foreign markets, where this has
occurred, it has resulted into expansion of farms, as farmers attempt to take advantage of
better prices outside.
Figure 3. Trends in the Production of Tea from Brook Bond Tea Company, Mufindi District:1987 2001. Output in Kgs.
12000000
10000000
8000000
6000000
Output
4000000
2000000
19
87
19
88
19
99
19
90
19
91
19
92
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93
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95
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20
00
20
01
0
Although the RCA has the potential to produces several goods for local international
markets, few goods are actually finding their way to the international markets outside.
These are tobacco, tea, timber and some food crops such as rice. Demand for these crops
from the foreign markets increases pressure, both nationally and locally to step up
production in order to meet this demand. For example, favourable prices for tea in the
world markets has influenced increase of production as reflected in the trends of tea
production from Brook Bond Tea Company (Figure 3). Similar responses experienced in
other crops, which have high demand outside. This increase is often occurring at the
expense of the environment because the costs of production is externalised.
6.2 International Financial Institutions
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund are among international financial
institutions influencing economic changes in Tanzania. The Economic Recovery
40
Programmes implemented in Tanzania are aimed at stimulating economic growth through
the use of various economic instruments, monetary and fiscal alike. The reform
programmes supported by these international financial institutions seek to utilise the
resources at the disposal for the purposes of generating wealth and stimulating
development. However, what these policy initiatives did not consider was to work out a
mechanism such that the natural resource base, which this economic growth depends
upon, was also conserved to ensure sustainable economic growth. The inevitable is
happening due to this omission. The effect felt in various sectors due to implementation
of Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) caused and still are causing considerable and
destruction to especially the social and environmental sectors respectively.
6.3 International NGOs and Aid Agencies
The role played by international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in the country
is well appreciated for their contributions in assisting in areas they specialise in. This
assistance is mostly that of gap filling in terms of expertise, financial inputs, and
providing a wider audience of important humanitarian, conservation and developmental
issues by linking local areas with the outside world. There are several International
NGOs10 and Aid agencies11 in Tanzania that are active in the RCA supporting various
development projects, capacity building and environmental conservation.
10
These include the WWF, IUCN.
Among the notable SNV, Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), DFID, European
Union (EU), World Bank, Japan International Co-operation Agency (JICA). Irish Foundation for
Cooperative Development (IFCD), CONCERN World Wide, FAO.
11
41
7.0
CONCLUSIONS
The loss of biodiversity in RCA is driven by strong local dependence on natural resources
particularly for cash needs. Loss of biodiversity is associated with the declining levels of
water in the GRR. The declining levels of water is in turn associated with lands uses in
the catchment areas and in particular the expansion of agriculture in the marginal areas,
livestock keeping in the ihefu and human settlement in the wetlands. Loss of water and
human activities in the upper catchment areas all contributes to loss of biodiversity. Loss
of biodiversity in the case of the RCA is occurring in the form of loss in the quality of
biodiversity. This study was conducted in such a short time that loss in the form of
extinction of certain species could not be substantiated although, it is assumed to be
occurring in localized areas. In the RCA loss in the quality of biodiversity is occurring,
although, this study was unable to gauge the actual extent quantitatively due to lack of
environmental data (biodiversity inventories). However, judging from the available
information, the most affected component of biodiversity are plants due to excessive
harvesting, and some animals due to declining levels of water and excessive harvesting
(e.g., some bird species are not seen in the RCA).
Behind this loss of biodiversity, there are major direct causes such as expansion of
agriculture in marginal areas (valley bottom and the wetlands) for commercial purposes.
Rice farming is another major threat. Paddy farms are expanding following availability of
markets; new farms are opened up in the RCA. And similarly, boat making, brick making
(in the valleys and near the rivers) and increased human settlement in the RCA leads to
the opening up of marginal areas and the forest areas. These activities lead to synergistic
effects on the status of biodiversity.
The main influencing factors, which
biodiversity in the RCA, can be traced
programmes), and international levels.
and rice) for commercial purposes is
policies that influence these changes.
generate the direct causes that lead to loss of
from both the macro-level (national policies and
Expansion for agriculture (e.g., for tobacco, tea
associated with some national and international
Macro-economic reform programme focuses on, among others, a reduction of the
government wage bill, which means a reduction of the government employees, and
closure of many public enterprises, which otherwise would have provided employment to
many people. Although the government pursues reform policies, alternative sources of
employment are not considered. Also, government implementation of the macroeconomic reforms has had the effect of diminishing the ability of the regulatory agencies
to enforce regulations. Monitoring and patrol against illegal harvesting and abstraction of
water has been critically affected. Illegal abstraction of water may account for about 60%
of the total loss of water.
Whilst, inadequate funds and personnel affect management, issues related to legal and
institutional frameworks as well as institutional functions constitute formidable
challenges in the RCA due its multiple land use condition. Conflict of interest between
various institutions contributes to the loss of biodiversity. Lack of clear definition of
42
functions amongst key institutions further affects the management of natural resources in
the RCA. For example, whilst the forestry sector is decentralized, local authorities have
very little control of the forest reserves within their areas of jurisdiction. Local authorities
in RCA are complaining that the Central government is making all the decisions
regarding these resources without sufficiently, involving them. There are no meetings in
which both the central and local governments can discuss issues of mutual interests
concerning the natural resource management.
In addition, lack of alternative fishing gear force fishermen to use inappropriate fishing
gear, which contribute to the loss of fish. The use of smaller fishnets, locally made traps
contribute to the problem. Appropriate fishnets are expensive or not available at all.
Since 1986, Tanzania began to implement macro-economic policy reforms. International
financial institutions influence these reforms. One of the key features of the reform
programme is government reduction of its expenditure and to increase the role of private
sector. Although these are reasonable views, Tanzania needs to implement them whilst
taking into account local situation and national interests. However, Tanzania began to
implement these reform policies without putting in place mechanisms that would take
care of the services, which were previously provided by the government. Also, since
export trade has been deregulated, many businessmen are engaged in export of rice,
timber and tobacco. Demand for these products in foreign countries is felt in the RCA in
the form of increased harvesting.
The future scenario may change for the better if sustainable approaches are taken
seriously. The RCA is an important ecological and economic area that requires holistic
approach in managing the resources for sustainable development. It is also important to
note the role of people’s participation. Local communities have knowledge and
experience that can be used to achieve conservation goals.
8.0 Recommendations
The study has identified several important factors that threaten or cause the loss of
biodiversity in RCA. The following are some of the recommendations that address those
essential issues.

A holistic conservation programme that involves all stakeholders for the Great Ruaha
River and its catchment area should be launched This is particularly important if a
balance between conservation and development is to be achieved and if resource use
conflicts are to be minimized.

In order to reduce loss of biodiversity in the RCA, it will be important not to focus on
natural resource management alone but also and more importantly, to provide
economic alternatives and opportunities to the local communities that will discourage
them from over-harvesting the natural resources.
43

Further, it is recommended that, there must be an inter-ministerial committee that
will look into all the policies in order to remove overlaps and conflicting goals.

A body that will be responsible for coordination of activities in the RCA is important.
In the absence of such a body, and in order to avoid further costs, it is recommended
that WWF – TPO should be requested to facilitate the coordination of resource use in
the RCA. However, it should be strengthened by including all the major players in
relevant sectors and include sustainability aspects after the end of the project life.

There is need to step up awareness raising programmes to ensure that environmental
concerns are taken into account whilst undertaking local level planning processes.
Institutions that are empowered to carry out awareness raising programmes should be
strengthened and facilitated to carry out their activities.

Further long term-studies be carried out in the RCA first to establish baseline
environmental data upon which monitoring can be based. On the basis of this, follow
up studies must be carried out to establish the extent of loss and changes in the
biodiversity in order to implement measures to arrest these changes. Lack of
environmental data is a critical problem that hampers effective monitoring process.

Conduct economic and environmental assessment of the large-scale rice irrigation
farms in the Usangu Plains to determine if they are still economically justified, in the
light of increasing costs of production and environmental degradation associated with
this form of production. This analysis should be able to show ans suggest best
options, in which the farms can be used whilst taking into account environmental and
economics factors.
44
9.0
LIST OF KEY ISSUE THAT NEED FURTHER ATTENTION.
Several issues have been identified in the RCA, but some need further attention in order
to ensure that conservation and sustainable use of natural resources is achieved. These
include the following:

Expansion of the UGR boundary: The boundary of the UGR need to be further
adjusted to include much of the wetland in order to ensure that the whole wetland is
protected. This could be a strategic approach to conservation of the wetland and the
species therein and at the same time enhancing restoration of the flow of the GRR.
Indeed this may be a contentious issue since there are communities nearby that
depend on these resources. However, arrangements can be made to accommodate
limited access and use as is the case in the Ugalla Game Reserve where some form of
human activities are allowed in the game reserve. In order to achieve this goal, there
is need to involve the central government, the local authorities and the communities
in open dialogue process.

Specific Studies: There is need to carry out specific studies to examine the effect of
seismic activities in the RCA and in particular with regard to loss of water In the
GRR. Arguments have been raised that there is possibility of having faults the
geological formation of the RCA that contributes to loss of water (underground
seepage) because the RCA is in the Rift Valley. Such specialized studies need time
and investments, but can contribute information that can be used to enhance
management of water in the GRR. Other issues that need further attention in the form
of studies are compilation of environmental data in order to be able to determine the
extent and magnitude of change over time and economic and environmental studies
on large-scale rice production in order to find out if this form of production scale is
still justified economically and environmentally.

Issuing of water user rights: The RBWO is responsible fore issuing water user rights.
Inadequate manpower and transport problems cause inadequate enforcement of these
regulations. It is thus important to strengthen the capacity of the RBWO in order to
enable it discharge its duties especially to ensure that farms are surveyed before water
right permits are issued.

Rainwater harvesting: Most of the rivers in the RCA have water during the rain
season, but most if this is wasted through inefficient ways of use. There is need to
explore possibilities of rain water harvesting in order to address dry season water
demands for livestock as well as early farming.
45
10. INITIAL RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ADDRESSING THE
ROOT CAUSES
The recommendations above have highlighted some of the issues that need to be followed
up. Some of these require policy interventions while others demand administrative
decisions. For example most of the driving forces operating from the national and
international levels have major policy implications. Policy interventions would be
required in order to minimize the effect of the policy changes – especially with regard to
market distortions and mainstreaming environmental aspects in the decision-making
processes. This study recommends the following measures to address the root causes, at
least as an initial step.

Awareness rising to policy makers to understand the implications of policy decisions
on the environment and in particular, micro-economic policy changes. This can be
done through policy debates and dialogue with policy makers (e.g., Members of
Parliament and sectoral ministries.

Development of a comprehensive Strategy to manage the natural resources in th4e
RCA taking a basin approach, which would require bringing on board all stakeholders
to talks about how best resource degradation, can be minimized.

Capacity building for the district councils to deliver services; to enforce regulations
and to carry our monitoring of change in the basin. This can involve all donors
interested in the RCA, the Central Government and District Councils.

There is need to explore possibility of using funds from the sale of tea, tobacco and
rice for conservation purposes. However, this proposal presupposes that the Central
Government will be ready to discuss with the private sector and to agree on some
economic instruments that cab be used to enable ploughing back of the money from
the sale for these crops to conservation. An Environmental Fund can be considered to
developed so that proceeds from the sale of these crops are used to finance
conservation work. Care must be exercised to ensure that this arrangement actually
ends up helping the environment. Already District Councils are collecting cess and
other forms of taxes from natural resources, therefore, there is knowledge and
experience hat can be used to develop this arrangement.

Information about markets and how they can be reached should be, made available to
the producers well in advance of the production process. This will help farmers plan
accordingly and therefore, also, exercise rational use of resources.
46
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48