DARJEELING-DOOARS
PEOPLE AND PLACE UNDER
BENGAL’S
NEO-COLONIAL RULE
D.S. BOMJAN
Published by
Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra, Darjeeling
Ratanlal Brahman Smriti Bhawan
8, Tamang Buddhist Monastery Road
Darjeeling – 734101
Darjeeling-Dooars
People and Place under
Bengal’s Neo-Colonial Rule
D.S. Bomjan
© Writer
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be produced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior
permission of the author.
Published by
Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra
8 Tamang Buddhist Monastery Road
Darjeeling
First Edition: March, 2008
Second Edition: August, 2008
(Revised, Updated and Enlarged Edition)
Price: Rs. 300/- I.C.
Rs. 500/- N.C.
Printed at: Graphic Printers, Silgari
Domination and inequities of power and wealth are perennial facts of human society. But
in today’s global setting they are also interpretable as having something to do with
imperialism, its history, its new forms….
Edward W. Said, Culture And Imperialism.
We must remember the numerous peoples that still exist in a colonial relationship around
the world, as well as those people within certain nations who have been colonized with
the former/colonies.
Carol Boyce Davies
In decolonization, there is therefore the need of a complete calling in question of the
colonial situation. If we wish to describe it precisely, we might find it in the well-known
words: ‘The last shall be the first and the first last.’ Decolonization is the putting into
practice of this sentence. That is why, if we try to describe it, all decolonization is
successful.
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
DEDICATED TO
THOSE
WHO
DREAMT OF
A SEPARATE ADMINISTRATIVE UNIT
A HOMELAND
OUTSIDE OPPRESSOR BENGAL
FOR GORKHAS IN INDIA
FOREWORD
Darjeeling, as its nerve centre of feelings and actions, the Gorkhas of India are
struggling for their survival and identity for more than a century. Gorkhas, known for their
honesty, bravery are experts in the art of defence and warfare. But branded as a martial
race, they were taken for granted most of the time and used as mercenaries by various
war-mongering masters at different times to suit their own selfish interests. This hardworking but submissive, very simple and God-fearing community, was taken as a useful
tool many a time, and heartlessly led to easy exploitation. Their histories written by their
masters were but bundles of falsehood and denigrations. They were used as serfs in the
building of civilised India, in the making of well-protected India. But whenever they seek
shelter, security and dignity they are questioned about their genuineness and originality
of their origin. There lies the grievance of this community. They are to shed more sweat
and blood in factories, rice fields or battlefronts than their compatriots but when they ask
for their rightful share in the collective earnings their sweat and blood are seen with
doubtful gaze and to acid test. All our labours are all right till the food is ready. But when
we raise our hungry hands for our bowl in the kitchen, we are humiliated and conspired
to deprive from our right to survive. Our sincerity and sacrifices are ridiculed. But
Gorkhas resist to be exhausted, to succumb before all hypocritical and pretentious
postures. It is proof enough that they have survived one century of struggle for
maintaining their stand that they need a homeland of their own. They need their own
distinct Indian identity, concrete and stable. In this long period of one century they have
overcove great hurdles coming out victorious after every adversity.
This is the dynamism that has kept this community moving ahead towards its goal.
After one century, we are more able not only to read and write history but to make,
to rebuild our history as well.
Comrade D.S. Bomjan, renowned Marxist thinker, powerful writer and analyst, digs
deep into the past and the present of Darjeeling. Doing so he unearths the injustice
perpetrated by the so-called ‘radical, progressive, Marxist’, advanced and in majority but
chauvinistic community of Bengal on the minority and underdeveloped Gorkha
Community. This is really a brilliant piece of composition in the annals of Gorkha
historiography. It presents the struggles, failures and successes of this community in a
comprehensive and well-designed manner. I highly appreciate comrade Bomjan for his
writing which will go a long way to enlighten generations of intellectuals inside and
outside the Gorkha Community about a number of unanswered WHYS!
R. B. Rai
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
TO THE SECOND EDITION
Many significant developments have taken place in Darjeeling and Dooars in the
sphere of political activities to push the demand of Gorkhaland since the First Edition of
the book appeared five months back in March 2008. The First Edition of the book met
with a good response and enthusiastic welcome, it almost sold out within three to four
months of publication. A constant call and pressure from the readers and researchers
compelled us to prepare for its Second Edition. So here we have this, another humble
endeavour. The writer, D.S. Bomjan has taken note of all the topics, added fresh dates
with new chapters to draw home a logical conclusion to his argument.
BIKASH JANA SAHITYA KENDRA set up a decade ago in memory of the great
and beloved revolutionary poet and political activist, Late BIKASH GOTAMAY of
Darjeeling Hills (Mungpo Cinchona Plantation). With the objective of publishing, sale and
circulation of progressive literature, it feels honoured with this assignment of publishing
the second and revised edition of DARJEELING -DOOARS, PEOPLE AND PLACE
UNDER BENGAL's NEO -COLONIAL RULE within such a short period.
Hence, I on behalf of the publishing house express our heartfelt gratitude to all of
our well-wishers. We will count our endeavour worthwhile if this small piece of
knowledge could be of some value in the arsenal of our struggle for Gorkhaland.
Darjeeling, 23rd. July 2008.
NIRDESH ‘PARIMAL’
MANAGER
BIKASH JANA SAHITYA KENDRA
DARJEELING
PROLOGUE
Wisdom is a weapon to ward off destruction;
It is an inner fortress which enemies cannot destroy.
Thirukkural 421(200BC)
Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam the former President of India in his book 'Ignited Minds'
writes that "there are multiple technologies and appropriate management structures that
have to work to generate a knowledge society. Evolving suitable policy and
administrative procedures change in regulatory method, identification of partners and,
most important, creations of young and dynamic leaders are the components that have
to be put in place." The view and opinion put forward by Dr. KALAM contains essential
ingredients for establishing a ‘Knowledge Society’ that alone could make the socioeconomic and political development of people and place. Hence, it is perceptible that the
formation of a knowledge society is not possible with the traditional Regulatory Method.
But the Indian Gorkhas, in Independent India have been fighting for achieving their
political aspiration with traditional regulatory method for years together. In every venture
being outwitted they are forced to drink the same wine from a new bottle.
The people of Dehradun, Kumaon, Garhwal, Bhagsu, Nalapani, Nainital,
Darjeeling, Kurseong, Siliguri, Kalimpong, Dooars etc., etc., etc. were dragged along
with their lands into British India through the Sougoulee Treaty, 1815, Deed of Grant,
1835 and Anglo-Bhutan Treaty of 1865 even prior to the full flowering of Indian
Nationalism. On being incorporated into British India, the entrants did not lag behind
other Indians to ward off the Britishers for drawing a new political map of India. The
different nationalities who had taken part in driving away the British have been enjoying
the political fruits except the Gorkhas, who have been assimilated and subsumed in
India along with their soil. In the process of assimilation they fought with bravery in IndoPak, Sino-India, in the liberation Bangladesh, Kargil wars and defending the sovereignty
of the nation by drawing a Laxman Rekha with their blood dotting the borders. Thus,
they are seen making sacrifices with unflinching loyalty. But in the absence of a
politically, administratively and constitutionally designated Homeland, the Indian
Gorkhas have been facing a deep crisis of Identity regarding their Indianness. Their
cultural, linguistic and facial resemblance with the Nepalese of Nepal has led the general
Indian populace to harbour notions that their compatriots are citizens of Nepal. This
notion it seems is deeply ingrained in the minds of the successive rulers of Independent
India too. The inculcation of this wrong notion has been taking a form of indoctrination as
it is evident that Kiran Desai in her novel 'The Inheritance of Loss' which was awarded
Man Booker Prize, 2006, led her comment in reference to the situation arising out of the
demand of separate state of Gorkhaland Movement 1986-88. She comments "Nepalese
making trouble…very troublesome people…They should kick the bastards back to
Nepal, Bangladeshi to Bangladesh, Afghan to Afghanistan, all Muslims to Pakistan,
Tibetans, Bhutanese, why are they sitting in our country?" The book received an
unprecedented noise of applaud in the literary community of the world but there wasn’t a
single intellectual, historian, journalist or writer of national repute who dared to stand and
state the historical fact, that the IndianNepalese are included in India with their territory
in their occupation prior to the formation of the Indian nation-state under the leadership
of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Thus being undefended by their own fellow citizens
across the country they are further harassed and intimidated by ultra communalist
organizations of state of West Bengal. "Drive the Nepalese to Nepal" slogan shouting
processions are also seen taking place in Siliguri in more than one occasion.
India is regarded as the Land of Unity in Diversity in which the former Primeminister Indra Kumar Gujral had his birth place in Pakistan. The present Prime-minister
Dr. Manmohan Singh is the first Congress Leader to head a coalition Government at the
centre was also born in Pakistan. The renowned Indian journalist Kuldip Nayar
commanding international repute was also born in Pakistani soil. Many intellectuals of
high order, par excellence bureaucrats and politicians at the helm of affairs in West
Bengal have their ancestral place in Bangladesh including the former Chief minister Jyoti
Basu and the present MIC, Urban Development & Municipal Affairs. Further it is also a
truth written in golden letters that Barrister Aribahadur Gurung was the member of the
Constituent Assembly representing the Indian Nepalese in the august body and had put
his signature on the Draft Constitution of India and the same is in force today. But
ignoring all these relevant and prevalent facts the sword of Damocles- of suspicion of
their belongingness to Nepal has been made to hang over the heads of every Indian
Nepalese merely on account of not having astate of their own in India.
Darjeeling is known around the globe for its matchless tea. The people living a
luxurious way of life, the industrialists, bureaucrats, diplomats, businessmen and
politicians throughout the world have relished the taste of Darjeeling Tea. They are well
acquainted with Darjeeling tea. But they are practically unaware of the plight and
sufferings of the workers who produce that same unrivalled tea, by shedding their sweat
and blood. Similarly, the people seemed to have been mesmerized and captivated on
hearing and seeing the wonderful Darjeeling Himalayan Railway. The involvement and
participation of the people from the region while making the DHR move on its rails and
the benefit and facility derived by them has been sadly kept covered by the smoke
emitted from the steam engine. The tourists and travellers are believed to have been
experiencing ineffable joy on seeing the breath taking beauty of the mountain range. But
their vision has not been able to penetrate inside the mountain ranges where the lava of
aspirations, desires, and cravings for having a separate state for Indian Nepalese within
India has been boiling for years together.
Darjeeling has not well for several decades in Bengal and West Bengal. In order to
get rid of the malaise suffered, there was expression of Darjeeling with different
manifestations. But in each expression, Darjeeling is being outmaneuvered by West
Bengal with high and sharp administrative and political diplomacy. During the movement
of Gorkhaland 1986-88, there was signature campaign from amongst the reputed
Cinema Artists and Singers from across the country for condemning the movement and
the demand. The celebrity of the stature of Satyajit Ray had also been pushed into the
mire for the purpose. Further, it was not only the artists and singers even the personality
of the standard of General Sam Manekshaw had made smutty remarks like "Gorkhaland
should never be granted" which was gleefully carried by an English daily, The
Statesman in its issue dated 29th April, 1988 published from Calcutta. In this manner, a
national minority dominantly inhabiting Darjeeling Hill, Terai and Dooars region has been
fighting for achieving a separate state within India against the advanced and majority
ruling community who are well equipped with administrative and political power which is
impregnated with an oversized nationalistic chauvinism. The fight has resulted in
passing from one ordeal to another without tangible achievement for several years. And,
it is my sincere endeavour to present some of the flashes of the ordeals suffered by
Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in West Bengal. And, in the end, I intend to place this humble
work at the hands of the people belonging to legal, political, intellectual profession along
with the luminaries associated with print and electronic media of India and abroad for
analysis and comments. I have a conviction that history should not be thought of a
harmonious, uninterrupted and unhindered social progress. The progressive nature of
social development has been proved by science. But, it is also incontrovertible that this
progressive movement is only a general tendency, which operates through bitter
struggle and over coming temporary diversion and retreats. And finally, the formation of
knowledge society equipped with wisdom is the inevitable process of human civilization.
And that truth is a form of wisdom to ward off destruction and it is also an "inner fortress
which enemies cannot destroy".
GHOOM D.R.C,
D.S. BOMJAN
P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102.
MAHA SIVARATRI, 6th MARCH, 2008
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My endeavour of writing this book would not have materialised, had Mr. R.B. Rai
not taken the trouble of going through the manuscript in its rough form and tendering
sweet words of encouragement for making the manuscript into a PRESS COPY. As
assured and encouraged, he made arrangements for the publication of this book and
also took the trouble of writing a foreword. Hence, I am indebted to him. I would like to
express my sincere thanks to Milan Bantawa who took the trouble of proof reading and
page setting and to Nirdesh Parimal for making incessant visits to the press to see
through the publication of the book in time.
Late Rahul Sanskrityayan, during his life time was regarded by many as one of the
intellectual giants of Asia. He breathed his last in Darjeeling in 1962. Prior to his travel to
eternity he had published books, two of which were dictated to Buddhiman Bantawa who
on hearing the dictation, had to type instantaneously for making the manuscript. And,
Buddhiman Bantawa had wished to have some books from Rahulji and the same were
rewarded to him as his remuneration for his expertise and efficiency in the job. Perhaps,
he is the only person to have received books from the man of the stature of Rahul
Sanskrityayan. While I was preparing the press copy of this book, the same Budhiman
Bantawa volunteered to read the manuscript and tendered suggestions for which I am
grateful to him.
I do acknowledge and express a word of gratitude to the editors and columnists of
different daily papers and magazines whom I have quoted and also the authors and
publishers whose names have been mentioned in the Select Bibliography. A word of
thanks to Amar Lama too for he had supplied some pages of a magazine for reference.
I have owed a lot to Griffith’s Higher Secondary School, Takdah where I had
reached for teaching Science and Mathematics. But at the time of retirement, I was
teaching Political Science and History. The conversion of angle in perception was for
making unity of similar and dissimilar algebraic expressions on the historical perspective
and accommodating geometrical theorems and hypotheses in the drawings of latitudes
and longitudes of geography. Assimilation of the theories and doctrines of political
science into arithmetical ratio and proportion of nationalities for establishing an axiomatic
equation of dynamics and calculus based on the Indian Constitution. Thus mixing
humanities with science and churning it for making a paste of communal harmony for
national integration, the four decades were spent as if it was four years in an
atmosphere of warmth, affection and respect from my colleagues and students of
Griffith’s Higher Secondary School, Takdah. I am much indebted to them for the
immense love, regards and respect that they have bestowed on me.
It would be inappropriate, if I fail to express my thanks, love and blessing to my
wife Yobina, son Ahsesh, daughter Anu and son-in-law Prabin Lepcha for their
tolerance and bearing with immense patience my convictions and commitments which
many a time pushed them into difficulties.
Lastly, I, without naming acknowledge a literary figure dedicated to spiritualism. It
seems that he wished to maintain a distance from any sort of acknowledgment for his
contribution. While writing this book I was profusely encouraged, inspired and blessed by
him.
D.S. BOMJAN
GHOOM D.R.C,
P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102.
MAHA SIVARATRI, 6th MARCH, 2008
A WORD OF GRATITUDE
Several written and verbal responses, comments and appreciations were received
after the publication of first edition of this book. A large numbers of readers of the book
had contacted me over phone and offered congratulations and thanks for my endeavour.
Hence, I do hereby acknowledge all the written, verbal and telephonic messages
received from different corners with total humility. The acceptance of the first edition of
this book with love and care by the readers from a wide section has encouraged me to
update the book to publish the second edition within five months of its first publication.
I am very much thankful to my esteemed friend K.B.Yogi, a reputed officer in the
different departments of the Government of West Bengal, for his analytical review of the
first edition. A word of thank also goes to Lakpa Sherpa for writing a review of the book
in accordance to tenets and the political perceptions of his association. It would be
ingratitude of mine if I fail to put across my earnest thanks to my beloved brother Sudha
Sidarth Tamang who despite his busy schedule spared time for strenuous task of proof
reading of this edition.
Lastly I do express my sincere thanks to Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra for
publishing this edition also within a very short time.
D.S. BOMJAN
GHOOM D.R.C,
P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102.
17th BHASHA DIWAS, 20th August, 2008
Words of Gratitude to the Editors
This edition of the book has seen the light of day due to the timely and untiring
efforts of the editors Professor. Ashish Chettri, St Joseph’s College, Darjeeling
and Philip Rai (WBSES), English Master, Government High School, Darjeeling.
Their effort to improve the text is their contribution to the purpose of the text as
well as to the people’s movement to free itself from ‘internal colonialism’.
To the duo I extend my heartfelt gratitude and blessings.
Ghoom D.R.C
P.O.Ghoom, Darjeeling. 734102
D.S.BOMJAN
CONTENTS
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Geo-Political Formations
Immigration Label
Development of Darjeeling
(a) Tea Garden
(b) Cinchona Plantation
(c) Darjeeling Himalayan Railways (DHR)
(d) The Plight of Four Ts
Administration
Electricity
Drinking Water...
Economy
Nepali Language...
Evolution of Nationality Consciousness
Formation of Political Parties
Formation of Communist Party
Politics and Diplomacy...
The State Reorganisation Commission...
The Year 1955 and Darjeeling
Darjeeling Enquiry Committee
The Subtle Assault
Stillborn Sixth Schedule...
Emergence of Bimal Gurung...
The Advanced and Big National’s Perception…
Micro-Compartmentalism
Merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim
Economic Potentialities of Darjeeling
Suppression of Aspiration
Prashant Phenomenan
Ignored by Fourth Estate of Democracy
Finance and Development Proposal
Political Development after Ghisingh’s...
The Great Kolkata Dharna
An Historic Seminar on Gorkhaland
Dooars — Geo-Political Reality
Annexure I
Select Bibliography
1
4
12
12
21
25
30
33
40
43
49
52
78
86
94
100
102
106
110
113
128
135
147
149
155
160
164
170
176
179
182
215
222
227
238
239
GEO-POLITICAL FORMATION
You stricken Land, how they love
Your teeming soil, your bruised children.
One of them told me, “You know,
Yours is a truly metropolitan city”.
Desmond Kharmawphlang, The Conquest.
The geographical space lying between 26º31'N to 27º13'N and 87º59E to 88º53E
and within an area of 3015 square kilometres, backgrounded by the ever majestic
Kanchanjunga is called Darjeeling. In terms of population and physical area, it is slightly
bigger than the independent countries such as Maldives and Macao of the Asian
continent, Gibraltar and Malta of Europe and Bermuda and British Virginia of North
America. In spite of being small in area, Darjeeling has international borders extending
145 kilometres with Nepal, 52 kilometres with Bhutan and 26 kilometres with
Bangladesh. Sikkim, once an independent country, but presently a hill state of India, also
shares a 165 kilometre border with Darjeeling.
Darjeeling is a land famed for more than one reason. Darjeeling's journey to fame
initiated from the third decade of the nineteenth century. Prior to the debut of two officials
of East India Company named George W. Alymer Lloyd and JW Grant [ICS] to the
place, the present three subdivisions, namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri were
parts of Sikkim which was then a sovereign state. Present Kalimpong was then a part of
Bhutan. The duo happened to pass through Darjeeling on their way to Antu (a flat hill top
near to Mirik on the Indian border but situated in Nepal) wherein a dispute of boundary
between Nepal and Sikkim had taken place in 1827. The two Britishers were deputed in
the year 1828 by the then Governor General, William Bentinck to investigate and settle
the boundary dispute. The Governor General was requested to do so as per the Treaty
of Titliya, by the erstwhile Chogyal of Sikkim.
The origin of Titliya Treaty is to be traced in "in 1789 under the redoubtable
General Damodar Panday of Nepal had conquered the whole of Sikkim west of River
Tista" (Basnet). The area West of River Tista comprised of and understood as the
present three subdivisions, namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri of Darjeeling
district. In the year 1789, the present three subdivisions were conquered and annexed
by Nepal. But the same was ceded to East India Company through the Treaty of
Sugoulle in 1815 after Nepal was defeated in the first Anglo-Nepal War (1814). The
British had their eye on Tibet for their commercial and political aggrandizement, for
which the support and friendship of Sikkim was imperative. Hence, in order to placate
the ruler of Sikkim, a Treaty was signed between the Sikkimese ruler and the British at
Titliya in 1817. By this treaty, the British restored to Sikkim only parts of the lost
territories including a tract of Terai over which the Sikkimese ruler showed signs of
dissatisfaction. The Governor General of India then ceded an additional territory of
Morung lying between the river Mechi and Mahanadi. Thus, Sikkim became a restitutory
through the Treaty of Titliya, of which the Article III reads as "That he will refer to the
arbitration of the British Government any dispute or question that may arise between his
subjects and those of Nepal or any other neighbouring state, and to abide by the
decision of the British government." Hence, as per the provision of the article of the
treaty mentioned here above, the two British, as whom where on their way to settle the
dispute at Antu happened to proceed via Darjeeling, “ the old Goorkha station called
Dorjeling”(LSS O’Malley). Seeing the breathtaking scenic beauty, mountain ranges, the
bracing climate and the flora and fauna, a strong craving for the occupation of the land
most have sprung in their heart for making a hill resort for the officials of the East India
Company against the sweltering heat of summer in Bengal. So the desire of the two
Britishers to occupy Darjeeling proceeded to change the destiny of the region by giving
rise to diplomacy, politics, intrigues, manoeuvreing and war. The subtle politics,
manoeuvreings, and diplomacy of the civilised, advanced, educated and powerful British
resulted the Grant of an area approximately seventy seven square kilometres of
Darjeeling comprising "all the land south of the Great Rungeet river, east of the Balasan,
Khail and Little Rungeet rivers, and west of the Rungno and Mahanuddi rivers" (LSS
O'MALLEY) by the then Raja of Sikkim to the Governor General of East India company.
The Company, as token of gratitude offered "[a] A double barrelled gun, [b] A rifle, [c] A
pair of shawls superior, [d] A pair of shawl inferior and [e] 20 yards of Red Broad
cloth"{PINN} to the benefactor Raja. It is said that the limit of human craving is the sky
and like fellow beings the British being unable to reach the limit of the sky for satiating
their cravings, played with carrot and stick policy and firmly set their feet on the land and
thereby extended their political, geographical and administrative jurisdiction. Thus the
region where the Nepali Speaking People are dominantly inhabitating today was brought
together and unified by the British from 1835 to 1865 and ruled till 1947.
The simultaneous strategy of political manoeuvreing, intrigues, war and the
development followed by the British led to the formation of geopolitical region extending
from Phalut to Sunkosh River embracing Kalimpong and Siliguri i.e. both the hills and
Morung. And for the development of the region, construction of roads, bridges, buildings
and railways were carried out with total alacrity. It was followed by the plantations of tea
bushes that have been producing tea containing matchless taste, flavour and aroma,
even after their departure from the region.
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IMMIGRATION LABEL
Western travelers rarely ever tried to learn about, or from, the native people they encountered. Instead they
recorded their observations upon commonly-held assumptions. These observations were presented as
scientific truths that, in their turn, functioned to justify the very propriety of colonial domination. Thus
colonialism continuously perpetuates itself.
Edward W. Said, Orientalism.
The effort of the British for making modern Darjeeling and the Dooars region had
the physical support of the people residing in the region, but the dimension of the
development activities encompassing the entire area being enormous, it was natural to
have a dearth of manpower in proportion to the population of that periods. Hence, there
was compulsion for the British to encourage able-bodied peoples' immigration in serving
their purpose. Thus an influx of people was inevitable, but some writers with malafide
intention, on the basis of the compulsion of the British for encouraging immigration in
those days to carry the development works, have been writing that the present
population of the region as a lineage and scion of immigrants. Some political parties
under the influence of parochialism are also seen to be advocating and lending high
credence to the writings that bear malafide intention. They seemed determined to ignore
the historical information which states that "on the fact assimilated from the
archaeological relics found in Badamtam about 14 K.M. far from Darjeeling a few years
back, it has been apparent that there was a mixed civilisation in the undivided Sikkim
which dates back to 12th century, where we find the traces of the Mangar, the Lepcha
and the Limbo kings ruling this part of the world" (Bura Magar). The peoples' worship of
the River Ganga dates back to remote antiquity which implies the settlement of the
people on the either banks of the holy river since then. Similarly there are 'Devisthan'
and 'Deorali' meaning community worship of deity and people's meeting place in almost
all the villages of Darjeeling hills, but no one knows the dates and years of the
establishment and consecration for worship of those Devisthans. However, annual
prayer and entreaty at the altar of Devisthan has had been carrying on from generation
to generation with earnest reverence. Thus, the offering of annual prayer at the altar of
Devisthan could be regarded as a parody of the worshipping of the holy Ganga. So the
existence of Devisthan and offering annual prayer clearly suggests that there were
settlement of people, in those villages. In absence of settlement of people those
Devisthans would not have come into existence. The mode of offering the prayer in
some cases is done with sacrifice of domesticated animals. Such sacrificial act which is
of the primitive nature is being followed till today. Hence, the animistic way of worship
prevalent in primitive days being continued as of today suggests the settlement of
people from the very beginning, but today some of those Devisthan have been modified
and rebuilt by some of the devotees. The modification and rebuilding has led to the loss
of originality and natural look. Besides the annual prayer at Devisthan, the people
worship the different rivers flowing through Darjeeling Hills. The traditions of river
worship also stand as a living testimonial of people's settlement around them from early
days. It is further stated the place that the British had wanted to develop in the beginning
had only hundred souls as stated by them, but renowned and lone historian amongst
the Gorkhas of India, Dr. Kumar Pradhan, after making a thorough and impartial
scanning of the fact, has stated that the habitation of hundred souls only as mentioned
by the British was the population of the periphery of today's Mahakal Dara which they
had wanted to possess for the purpose of a sanatorium for their ailing officials from the
sweltering heat of Bengal plain area. A monastery prior to 1788 shifted at the Mahakal
Dara also known as Observatory hill (during British days. "The monastery was destroyed
by the Gorkhas in 1788 when they overran Darjeeling {then Sikkim} Jar Singh was the
Gorkha commander" (Nicholas and Deki). The existence of the monastery obviously not
built by for the animals of the jungle, suggests a good number of people inhabitating the
place, offering prayer and performing socio-religious rites. On the Observatory Hill, S.W.
Ladenla has written on 9th May 1912 - "When I was a school boy about 25 years ago, I
remember having seen the remains of the wall of the old monastery on the spot". {Ibid}
The remains of wall are to be understood as the ruins of the monastery destroyed in
1788. The literary giant and topmost thinker of Nepali world, Dr. Indra Bahadur Rai has
also disputed the alleged fact of the inhabitation of 'hundred souls only' by his sharp
argument and citing many verities. Similarly, the Leftist intellectual and thinker, R.B. Rai
also writes that "In the midst of distortions and confusions regarding the aborigines, a
cursory look on the prehistoric and historical events gives an indelible imprint of our
primitiveness in Darjeeling." But the reason for distortion of fact and showing of the then
Darjeeling with sparse population was the political and diplomatic exigency of the British
so as to prove and convince the erstwhile Chogyal of Sikkim that the Lands taken from
him were desolate, uninhabited forest and unsuitable for revenue collection. Hence, the
alleged fact of uninhabited place as mentioned by the British was nothing except a
political, diplomatic and administrative design for serving their best interest for occupying
the place. But some local writers, artists and musicians being unaware of the political,
administrative and diplomatic consequences and efficacies of the British postulation of
sparse population in the region are also found to have made replications and repetitions
in their works. Accordingly, the works of very few indigenous literate individuals also
unknowingly lent credence to the immigration label of which the writer himself is one of
the victims. Thus, Darjeeling region and its people have been made victims of their own
ignorance. However, the majority of the people belonging to the saner, literate and
informed circle are against such replication and repetition of the distorted facts and
figures, but they are not as active and vocal as they are required to be. It is evident that
in those days, there was dearth of system for census or any mechanism for counting the
population and the place was an inaccessible hilly terrain. Even today, there are areas
which are unreachable and during elections the polling personnels have to be
despatched three days before the scheduled day of poll in some of the polling booths
and in order to reach the polling booths, the polling parties are required to avail of the
services of mules.
After sixty three years of the occupation of the region by the British, there was a
report Terai Settlement 1898 that deals with the classification, occupation, settlement of
the land road, Hat, Bazaar climate, ethnic composition etc. of "the plain portion of the
district of Darjeeling locally known as the Darjeeling Terai" that is Siliguri and its
periphery of today. The Terai Settlement Report 1898, as per the then available record
contains caste wise population as follows: - Bhuimali and Mehter 1,079, Bhutia 422,
Brahman 630, Damai 108, Gharto 229, Gurung 1,916, Kaibarta 329, Kami 630, Khambu
2,773, Khas 11,133, Lepcha 1,024, Limbo 524, Magar 1,347, Munda 255, Murmi 1,002,
Newar 507, Oraon 4,632, Rajput 514, Sarki 151, Sunur 101, Yakha 54, Buna 1,270 and
Shaik 6,301. These castes belonging to NEPALI and ADIVASI community had formed
the population of the Terai at the end of the nineteenth century. But with the passage of
time the dominant population has become minority and the community which was not in
sight at the time of preparation of the Report of Terai Settlement in 1898 has become the
majority and also the ruling community courtesy influx from the then East Pakistan and
today's Bangladesh. The renowned journalist and author, Sanjoy Hazarika writes
"security officials say that an average of 200000 persons slip annually into West Bengal
State alone" and most of them do not return, rather stay by procuring ration cards and
entering their names in the voter lists so as to become vote banks. As regards the
process of converting them into the vote bank, Sri Bibhuti Bhusan Nandy, the Additional
Secretary, Research and Analysis Wing, has written in a write-up "the party's hold on
voters notably illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, the CPM in collusion with the
politicised state administration, has forged and distributed eight million ration cards,
thereby jeopardising the public distribution system, food security and protection from
starvation. Frequent reports of starvation death from the remote reaches of rural Bengal
do not smite the cynically indifferent state government into taking corrective action, bland
ministerial denial being the only government response" (Empowering the marginalised,
Marxist style, the Statesman dated 29th November, 2006). Similar cases of immigration
have been taking place in North Eastern India which is explicitly stated by the former
Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and also former Union Minister Jagmohan. He has
written "The policy of virtually enfranchising Bangladeshi infiltrators found its most
brazen expression in 1979-80 when parliamentary elections were held on the basis of
the 1979 electoral rolls which had been highly inflated by the inclusion of Bangladeshi
infiltrators. No less an authority than the Chief Election Commissioner had publicly
attributed the high increase of 35 percent in the population of Assam in the period, 196171, to the influx from the neighbouring country" (Carnage in Assam-1" dated 29th
January 07 in the English daily, The Statesman). But they are immune of the stigma of
immigrant because linguistically, culturally and ethnically they bear identical
resemblance with the advanced and majority ruling class of the state where they have
migrated. And from the day of setting their foot on the land by across the barbed wire,
they avail of political protection and administrative security.
Today, the USA is the most powerful nation in the world but their history is replete
with the fact that the borders of the nation were settlers and immigrants in the thirteen
colonies of America generally from Europe and in particular from England. The
immigrants in America after years of struggle and perseverance have succeeded in
building a strong nation that calls the shots in trade, commerce, technology, military
power and politics in the world and no one dares calling them immigrant. Similarly, in the
content of Indian history, the original people of Tripura have been overwhelmed by
immigrants who have become the rulers of the land, but they are not labelled immigrants
and it is only the Nepali-speaking people of Darjeeling, Sikkim and North-East who are
being stamped with the label of immigrants with malafide intention. The people in
northern Srilanka are fighting for their own homeland and they are in receipt of moral,
political and other help from different quarters, but most of them were there from India as
workers in plantation industries since the inception of the industries. The people of Tamil
Nadu are extending moral and material support to the Tamils of Srilanka in the capacity
as co-brethren. On many occasions the issue of Tamils of Srilanka was raised in the
assembly of Tamil Nadu, but in the case of eviction of Nepali speaking Indians from
different states, it does not become an issue in any of the Legislatures of the Indian
States. In the same manner, the eviction of more than one lakh Bhutanese from Bhutan
failed to attract the attention of any legislature in India. West Bengal though having a
border with Bhutan, the evicted Bhutanese nationals were denied of shelter in the state.
The facial, cultural and linguistic similarity of the refugees with the Indian Gorkhas who
are the dominant population of Darjeeling and Dooars region, has been the stumbling
block for the Bhutanese refugees in getting shelter in West Bengal, but the refugees
from Tibet are being provided adequate security and other means of social, educational,
cultural and economical support. Thus it is seen that there is discrimination in the
treatment of the refugees also. As the more than one lakh Bhutanese Refugees who
were staying in different camps in Nepal for more than fifteen years formed an
organisation National Front for Democracy in Bhutan. While, in Bhutan an exercise for
establishing democracy was set in motion by the king for which the final phase of the
General Mock Election was slated to take place on 28th May 2007. The refugees being
desirous and anxious for taking part in the mock election decided to march to Bhutan via
MECHI BRIDGE which separates India and Nepal. Accordingly they had informed the
UNO, Government of India and other organisations and associations for help and
support, but on the scheduled date, a large contingent of police and para-military forces
formed a wall of obstruction to the Bhutanese Refugees on the Indian side of the Mechi
Bridge. The bridge on the Nepal side was occupied by several thousands Refugees and
on the Indian side of it by police and para-military forces. The Bhutanese Refugees were
bent upon going to Bhutan to take part in the mock election and the forces in no case
were ready to allow them to enter India on their way to Bhutan. The forces were thus
deployed for the obstruction of the movement of the refugees to Bhutan via India. This
measure was adopted to dissuade them from their move, talks and negotiations. Tear
gas shells were discharged and lathis charged. Lastly, bullets were sprayed leading to
the loss of lives of two refugees and injuries to several. The death, injury and arrest of
the refugees created a tense and critical situation at the international border between
India and Nepal. To diffuse the tension a meeting of the officials of the two countries was
arranged. The representatives of the refugees and the leaders of eight political parties
that formed the ruling coalition of the day in Nepal took place on 31st May, 2007. It was
believed that in the meeting the refugees and the leaders of National Front for
Democracy in Bhutan had been requested to defer their march to Bhutan for fifteen
days. The print media had also carried reportage of the assurance given by the Indian
Officials to the Bhutanese refugees for taking up the matter for safe passage to Bhutan
with the Government of India for consideration and redressal. As a follow up action of
that very meeting, a meeting of the officials of the Government of West Bengal was held
in Darjeeling in the presence of Amit Kiran Deb, Chief Secretary, Government of West
Bengal on 7th June, 2007. After the meeting the Chief Secretary told the press that "the
West Bengal government would not allow passage to the Bhutanese refugees striving to
return to Bhutan from their camps in Nepal via India. Mr. Deb said this in Darjeeling,
after holding a meeting on the recent intrusion bid by the Bhutanese refugees at Nepal
border near Panitanki in Siliguri sub-division. The crucial meeting was convened at the
DM’s office, Darjeeling this morning." (The Statesman, Siliguri, Friday, 8th June, 2007).
There are refugees from Bangladesh, Tibet, Srilanka and Afganisthan numbering
several lakhs who are staying in India, but it is only the refugees from Bhutan who are
denied asylum/ shelter in India and are also being denied a passage to return to Bhutan.
On their incessant endeavour to enter India on the way to Bhutan, two precious lives
were lost. Several were injured, and some refugees were also arrested in an action
taken by the police. Nobody bothered to challenge the unmindful action of the police on
the refugees, for propriety of the police action, as per the provision of the Indian Penal
Code (IPC), Criminal Procedure code (CrPC) and other laws prevalent in India. The
forces deployed at the Mechi Bridge seemed to have acted as if they were Bhutanese
police owing allegiance to that country.
It is also a fact that many Indians without being called immigrants are at the helms
of affairs in the different countries. As in India, the ancestral place of the renowned
Marxist leader, late Jyoti Basu was from East Pakistan presently Bangladesh. He has
made a record in the annals of their history of Chief-Ministership of Independent India by
leading Left Front Government for more than two decades. Further the Indians settled in
America could play vital political role during elections without a feeling of any
apprehension of being called immigrant. Many Indians are at the command of political
powers in some countries, but in spite of having such a glorious tract record and tradition
of India, some of its people knowingly or unknowingly call Nepali-speaking people
immigrants.
Thus, assigning of the immigrant tag to the Indian Gorkhas could be construed as
an effort to undermine the contributions and sacrifices made by them in the Indian
freedom struggle. The citizens of India under the leadership of Gandhiji strived for
FREEDOM for the people, by the people, of the people. In the process many people
became martyrs. In the galaxies of the Martyrs belonging to the freedom struggle, there
were several Nepali speaking Indians also. Among them mention of a few would be
enough. Durga Malla was executed on 25th August 1944 at the age of thirty one. The
British had employed his wife as their ploy for dissuading him from taking the cause of
freeing India, but he preferred death against the wishes of a young and pretty wife. He
was followed by Captain Dalbahadur Thapa. He was executed on 3rd May 1945 in Delhi
District Central Jail. Recently a life size statue of Sahid Durga Malla has been installed in
the premises of India's highest LAW MAKING INSTITUTION, the PARLIAMENT in
honour of his sacrifice made for the cause of mother India. Dal Bahadur Giri being
inspired by Gandhiji had also spearheaded the freedom movement in Darjeeling Hills
and he was popularly known as PAHARI GANDHI meaning GANDHI from Darjeeling
Hills. He and Pratiman Lama, while taking part in the Non-Co-operation Movement
called by Mahatma Gandhi, were arrested as fallout of the Chauri-Chura incident, 1922.
The Pahari Gandhi also laid down his life at the altar of the freedom movement while
fighting to retrieve the honour and glory of mother India. It is believed and also an
accepted fact that the tune of martial song of I.N.A "SUBHA SUKHA CHAIN KI BARKHA
BARSHAY BHARAT BHAGYA HAI JAGA. PUNJAB SINDHU GUJARAT MARATHA
DRAVID UTKAL BANGA" (M.P.Rai) is found to have been replicated in the National
Anthem. The setting of the very magical tune was the musical mastery of the hero of
I.N.A Captain Ram Singh Thakuri. He was the recipient of the various awards and
pensionary benefits given to the Freedom Fighters from the State and Central
Governments of India. Thus, it is explicitly clear that India does belong to its Nepali
speaking citizens too, as they too have not been not been mute spectators in the
freedom struggle. Furthermore precisely "India is a multi-ethnic melting pot as its multiethnicity evolved naturally migration stretching over five thousand years forms Indian
history". Hence the Nepali Speaking citizens too are bonafide members in the multiethnic society of India with a status that is neither below nor above among the Indian
families.
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DEVELOPMENT OF DARJEELING
It is true that the development of Darjeeling is found to have ushered in along with
the entry and takeover of the place by the British. The British to their comfort and luxury
had started construction of buildings, hotels, cottages, roads and bridges. These
plannings and designings as contemplated by the British to make modern Darjeeling
consumed a load of energy, blood and sweat from the forefathers of the present
generation, as they had a discernible presence in the region. The physical strength,
courage, elasticity and forbearance of hardship and immense fortitude of the then Nepali
speaking people of the place, led within a short time led to a crop of buildings and
cottages with unique masonary dexterity of architectural design and beauty with
excellent sewerage systems. Besides those buildings, cottages, roads, culverts, bridges
and tea gardens that are known as Orchards of Green Gold to this day were also the
product and outcome of the joint endeavour of the local brown and white people, who
had come from across the seven seas. If the local people had not provided their cooperation then, it would have taken several years by the Britishers for making modern
Darjeeling with imported men and materials, but the place with simple people, who were
not in contact with outside world became a fertile region for making Darjeeling a second
home for the British in the way they had desired.
A. TEA GARDEN:
The Tea Gardens planted by the British and irrigated with the sweat and blood of
the indigenous people still stands as the lone industry in Independent India of Darjeeling.
Most of the tea bushes on inspite of attaining an age of more than hundred years are still
producing tea with Muscatel Flavour and Exquisite Bouquet. Presently eighty-seven tea
gardens, covering an area of seventeen thousand five hundred hectares are producing
ten to twelve million kilograms of tea per annum. It is roughly estimated that fifteen to
twenty-five percent of the total population of the tea garden areas are employed in the
gardens and out of the total workforce; the percentage of women is sixty percent. They
are engaged in supervision and maintaining of tea bushes and also producing the muchsought after tea of the world market. They get Rupees Forty Eight and Paisa Forty for
eight hours work as per the industry wise agreement held in the month of July, 2005 in
Kolkata between the Government of West Bengal, the owners of Tea Gardens and the
representatives of workers, but as per the then available price index it was necessary for
each worker to get at least Rupees Eighty Eight per day for maintaining and supporting
three to four member of the family. At the same time, several decades’ junior tea
gardens of Kerala, Tamilnadu and Sikkim were paying their workers Rs. 66.70, Rs.
74.62 and Rs. 85 respectively as daily wages. Thus, the workers of the Tea Gardens of
Darjeeling that produce the Finest Tea in the World are always treated as an assortment
of easy exploitation. There are Legislations and Enactment of Laws for the safeguard
and protection of the interest and right of the workers, but the provision of the benefit
and welfare measure contained in such statute book has been shelved by most of the
tea gardens from the later part of the ninth decade of the twentieth century on the plea of
not getting adequate price for Darjeeling Teas in the world market due to the
disintegration of erstwhile USSR. While shelving the pro-workers provisions, the punitive
clauses contained in the act has been strictly observed and followed by the
management. As from 1990 to 2003 the management has been successful in squeezing
the rate of payment of Bonus from 20 to 12 percent. There are many gardens that have
not been depositing the Provident Fund of the workers, but the managements of those
gardens have not been brought to book to this day. While considering the peculiarity of
high cost of living in Darjeeling Hill Areas, there is an arrangement of providing Hill
Compensatory Allowance to the employees working in the Government, SemiGovernment and Quasi-Government Departments and Private Undertakings, but the
employees of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling are being deprived of the benefit of the hill
compensatory allowance. Thus the need and requirement of the workers of the tea
gardens of Darjeeling has become a subject of easy neglect.
The Tea Gardens of Darjeeling Hills are the only industry surviving for one and half
century. The age of the most of the tea bushes are within the range of hundred to
hundred fifty years. A very few gardens have extended the area of the garden by way of
new plantation. As per report contained in Techno-Economic Survey of Darjeeling Tea
Industry by National Council of Applied Economics and Research, New Delhi it is
mentioned that there was arrangement of subsidy from Tea Board for uprooting the old
bushes and carrying replantation, but no massive uprooting and replanting have taken
within the length and breath of almost all gardens as of today. In order to get maximum
yield from century old bushes the use of fertilizer and chemicals has been made a
common practice. The practice is just like making a man bent with years participate in a
running event by washing him with Acroids. Thus the mindset of the tea Industry
Management is clearly unconcerned for the health of Tea bushes and workers but
getting maximum crops for earning profit.It is because of the existing modus-operandi,
an Enquiry Committee was constituted way back in 1960 by the West Bengal
Government on Tea Gardens. The committee had stated that "the recent tendency of the
new entrants in tea trade in trying to get a quick return on their investment at the cost of
quality has proved to be a menace to the stability of this foreign exchange earning
industry." Hence, it was obvious that Indians who were entering in tea trade as "New
Entrants" in independent India, after the departure of the British planters were in hurry
for making profit only without looking to other related aspect of the tea gardens, but in
spite of such harsh comment from Darjeeling Inquiry Committee no correctional
measures were taken. The two research scholars, Mashqura Fareedi and Mr. Pasang
Dorjee Lepcha on their work entitled Area and Issue … Profile of Darjeeling and
Sikkim contains a chapter captioned as Darjeeling Tea in which it is stated that "at times
it has been admitted by the Tea Board that money given to planters were not used in the
gardens rather were siphoned off to other speculative industries." Further they write
“profit continues to be enjoyed by the people outside, whereas the people are treated as
coolies and labourers. Looking at the larger picture, one sees that the tea industry has
had a negative impact in every sphere of life in the hills. Transparency and accountability
is lacking in gardens”. It is really true that there is no transparency in terms of
development and management of gardens, its account and other fiscal measures. The
activities of the different strata of employees are confined to manuring, nurturing of tea
bushes, plucking the leaves, making of tea and its packaging. Thus, the people and their
lineage working from generation to generation in making world's best tea from Darjeeling
are never allowed and encouraged to have their participation in the affairs of the sale of
tea produced by them, as the world's best and finest tea produced from Darjeeling Hills
are taken to Kolkata and Guwahati that is fourteen hours journey by bus or train from the
place of production, for selling through auction and other means. Hence, the knowledge,
idea, conception and reality of the auction and business of Darjeeling Tea for the people
of Darjeeling have been turned into a myth. Though it is a fact that more than hundred
years ago Soureni and Fuaguri tea gardens were owned by local entrepreneurs but
today the tillers of the soil of tea garden of Darjeeling are not able to hold three percent
of the full-fledged managerial post in 87 registered tea gardens of Darjeeling hills. "The
Alubari (Aloobari) Tea Garden had been established in 1856, as one of the first
commercial tea gardens in Darjeeling, and is reputed to have been the location of Dr.
Campbell's initial experiments in tea making with the camellia bush" was purchased by
S.W. Ladenla and family of Darjeeling in 1921. But in the twenty first century some
people coming from outside the region and joining in the posts below the managerial
level have a dramatic rise in becoming owners of flourishing tea gardens on account of
availing the promotional incentives in terms of post and finances, the ladder through
which they successfully climbed has been made a mystery for the aspiring local
entrepreneurs. Hence the local senior planters have no choice except spend the retired
life in other pursuit, in spite of being expert in tea manufacture while making any demand
for the welfare of the employees as per the statutory provision; the trade unions as
representative of employees always have to encounter the argument of financial
instability due to high cost of production and fetching of least prices in the tea market.
But such squabbles of financial instability due to not getting of proportionate price in
relation to the manufacture cost advocated by the management is nothing but a rhetoric,
because as per the "Gorkhaland Agitation- The Issues: An Information Document" which
is a booklet published by the West Bengal Government states on Darjeeling Tea "while
tea production of 12 million kgs accounted for Rs 32 crores" as income to the
government in the year 1986-87, but two years after the profit shown as above by the
Government of West Bengal, the lone industry of Darjeeling is found to have followed
the tract of loss and decline in a systematic manner. The hue and cry of high cost of
production and fetching of low price by Darjeeling Teas has become a slogan just like
that of political parties. There had occurred a sort of misappropriation of tea produced in
Phuguri Tea Estate in the year 2004 for which a complaint is found to have been lodged
by the management of the garden. It is mentioned in the complaint that the cloned tea
selling "at the rate of Rupees fifteen hundred to two thousand five hundred and Assam
type tea for three hundred rupees per kilogram respectively" (The complaint addressed
to the Officer-in-charge, Mirik Police station dated 25th June, 2004 from the
Management of Phuguri). Further few tea producers of the District are offering good
price to the tea farmers of abandoned gardens of Pashok and Vah-Tukvar for the green
tea leaves produced by them. The mutual understanding of people of these two
abandoned gardens in managing and running the gardens have enabled them to earn
their livelihood and meet requirements for sustenance and existence, but recently [in
January 2006] these two gardens and also Puttong situated in the Terai have been
purchased by private party. The Pashok Tea Garden, after eleven years of
abandonment, has been purchased and opened from 1st December, 2006. Thus, the
rhetoric of high cost of production and dwindling of the prices of Tea in the world market
stands as half truth blown out of proportion, by the purchase of those gardens, but the
workers of the gardens in Darjeeling Hills instead of questioning the rhetoric of the
owners have been extending unconditional support to the management for running the
gardens. As "there are examples where the workers are extending their support to the
request and wishes of the management by surrendering all their statutory rights and
agreeing to receive wage far less than the government prescribed rate. The factories of
Singtam tea garden [20th August, 2003], Ambiok tea garden [11th October, 2003], Gielle
Tea Garden [31st October, 2002] and Mundakoti tea garden [21st March, 2004] were
completely reduced to ashes on the date and year mentioned within the brackets due to
fire accident. The management came to express their inability for the construction of the
factory on account of paucity of financial resources. On learning the attitude of the
managements, the workers of the gardens offered their support by taking less wage and
other benefits for enabling the owners to build new factories. Thus the factories of the
world famous tea gardens were being constructed with the direct and indirect help and
support of the workers, but the contribution made by the workers has not been
responded with appreciation and acknowledgment." (K.B. Subba a senior trade unionist
of Darjeeling). There is a tea garden called Ringtang below Sonada. The garden is being
run in a manner for several years under which the garden cannot be regarded as a
closed garden. The garden has been running with total disregard to the Plantation
Labour Act and other Rules and Laws in force. The garden is being kept functional only
for the plucking season of green leaves and after harvesting of the crops the garden
again becomes non-functional. Thus it has become a seasonal garden and the workers
doing the seasonal work are deprived of Provident Fund, Gratuity, Ration, Medical
facilities, Minimum Wages, Bonus etc. as enjoyed by workers of other gardens. The
garden has been running at the whim of its owners for more than a decade keeping
aside the Rules, Acts, Statues meant for the tea gardens. The trade union belonging to
the ruling party with brisk activities is seen for unionism only. Hence, the gardens are
being kept alive by shedding the blood, sweat and tears of the workers. In this manner it
is the workers who are found to have been making sacrifices for the survival of the
Darjeeling tea whose taste and flavour are known only to the world and not the ones
who are being sacrified. Thus the saving of the tea gardens and its survival has been
regarded by them as their bounden duty, as the same have been inherited from their
forefathers as heritage, and no such paradigm and standard are found elsewhere
throughout the length and breadth of independent India. It is also the only industry in
India left by the Britishers which has been surviving for more than one and a half
century. Thus, the tea industry in Darjeeling has become more of a curse than scant
blessing to the people who have not been able to either part with it or sail across to
prosperity. In the computer age of twenty-first century they are barely crawling and
waddling for themselves. The crawling workers of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling came
to witness an unprecedented event in the history of tea industry in India on 25th
February, 2006. On that day a social worker and also a writer Baburam Dewan
committed suicide in protest against the frequent lockout of Chongtong Tea Garden. The
garden was purchased by an enterprising industrialist of Darjeeling district in the year
1983, and from the year of purchase to the date Baburam Dewan committed suicide; the
garden was either closed or locked out for twenty times on one or other pretext. In each
such closure the garden is found to have opened by negotiation between the
management and the workers, but every time after snatching one or other right and
facilities of the workers. The snatching led to the deprivation of ration, medical and
hospital facilities, Gratuity, Provident Fund, denial of the wages fixed by Government
and four percent Variable Dearness Allowances, but the management, being discontent
with the plunderings of the legitimate rights of the workers, placed a proposal of making
payment of only three days wages for six days work and that also at the rate of Rupees
Thirty One and Ninety-Five Paisa per day. The proposal put forth by the owner caused a
flutter in the tea garden and the workers refused to accept and approve the proposal.
The management attempted the implementation of proposal by convening such meeting
of the representatives of trade unions operating in the garden. But the workers verbally
restrained the representatives from attending the meeting that was detrimental to their
interest. Thus, being unable to coerce the proposal as as at other times, the owner
resorted to the suspension of work in the garden from 13th Jan 2006. Then by operating
the trade unions of the garden, they moved from pillar to post apprising and informing
the modus operandi of the owner to the various levels, so as to get rid of the hardship of
workers caused due to the closure of the garden, but no concrete solution could
forthcome except a meagre relief from the district administration and execution of some
development scheme by the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in a very partisan manner. In
such a critical situation the social worker and writer Baburam Dewan committed suicide
leaving a note in which it was stated seeing the plight and difficulties of the have-nots
and for the redemption of the 6500 [Six thousand five hundred] people of Chongtong
Tea Garden from exploitation at the hands of management, the suicide had been
committed. Further, he had warned in the suicide note that the step must not be taken as
a cowardly act but a vehement protest and after him four of his friends would follow his
path, but the management, authorities and the government remained Dumb, Deaf and
Blind on the sacrifice made by Baburam Dewan.
Suicide is common in India. Some people commit suicide because they are unable
to clear their debts and some cannot bear the pain caused by sickness. Family
disturbances, Legal complications, broken love-affairs, unable to face odd
circumstances, fear of imputation and mental tension are also seen to be the causes of
suicide. Even the suicide of Hitler was to save his skin from the punishment for the
crimes he had committed against humanity, but the suicide of Baburam Dewan did not
come within the parameter of such suicides as committed in the annals of the human
history. A number of farmers in Andhra Pradesh are reported to have committed suicide
on being unable to make repayment of loans. The owners of Poultry farms also
committed suicide in West Bengal because of their inability to save the chickens from
Bird-Flu during the corresponding period. In those cases, the governments seemed kind
and gracious enough for taking measures not to allow the recurrence of such incidents,
but the suicide of Baburam Dewan failed to draw the attention of the owner, the
management and the authorities due to the reason that he belonged to the forlorn tea
garden community of Darjeeling. Further on 26th April, 2007, Sukbir Rai, the supervisor
of Orange Valley Tea Garden which is located near Chongtong Tea Garden, committed
suicide. The supervisor Sukbir Rai was believed to have submitted a report to the
management against six recalcitrant workers with a view to correctional and reformative
measures, but the management, instead of taking steps as suggested, suspended the
six workers of the garden on 14th April, 07. The harsh measure had become a subject of
disagreement between him and the authority, and the disagreement gradually took a
shape of mental torture and harassment on the supervisor. On learning the suicide
committed by Sukbir Rai, the workers of the garden gheraoed the management alleging
the authority of inflicting mental torture and harassment to their supervisor Sukbir Rai
and demanded the arrest of the culprit. The "workers said Rai, a dafadar [supervisor] in
the garden, was publicly humiliated on April 14. Nipen Sharma, the Assistant Manager of
the garden, insulted him on that day for not doing his work well. Soon after, he was
asked to work as a chowkidar and this was too much for him to bear, said Solomon
Subba, a worker" {The Telegraph dated 27th April, 2007}. Interpreting the gherao by the
workers as a torture and harassment of the management, the garden was locked out on
28th April, 07. Subsequently negotiation at the level of Assistant Labour Commissioner
on 10th May, 07 led to the reopenings of the garden. The incident and occurrence of the
suicide and lock out of Orange Valley Tea Garden was carried by the daily news papers
of Nepali language only. The daily papers except one in other languages published from
the district of Darjeeling did not consider the happenings worth reporting, but on the
same day the death of six pigeons and approaching of monsoon and clearing of drains
by Siliguri Municipal Corporation had four column news in the national dailies published
from the region. The media is regarded as true allies and also the most powerful weapon
of the people for fighting against oppression, suppression, exploitation as well as
safeguarding the individual and collective rights of the people, but, when people fight for
the same and the fight is ignored and skipped by the allies of the fighter then there
occurs every possibility for looking the beloved allies with suspicion. These
circumstances have led to build and form suspicion on the role of media at then national
level. A massive rally was organised by the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxist
on 14th January, 2006 in Siliguri giving a slogan for the formation of separate state of
Gorkhaland coinciding with the Conference of All India Trade Union Congress. The rally
had thrown the traffic of Siliguri Hill Cart Road out of gear for two hours. Similarly the
Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front had organised a historic rally that jammed the
traffic and put the office of the District Magistrate of Jalpaiguri out of function for several
hours on 15th April, 2007 demanding the release of detainees kept in Jails without trials.
Further on May Day, 2007 the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists took out the
biggest procession in the history of Kalimpong town on the demand of separate state of
Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region, but those events and also
many other had been ignored for by the print and electronic media. Hence Darjeeling is
experiencing neglect not only from Government but also from the national and state level
media, the strongest fourth state of Democracy.
There are gardens managed and run by government of West Bengal through a
body called West Bengal Tea Development Corporation (WBTDC), but the state of
affairs of those gardens under WBTDC is no better either as they too have shelved the
pro-workers' statutory provisions of the Plantation Labour Act solely in the interest of the
management. The denial of the statutory rights of the workers and the attitude of the
management of WBTDC towards them has become a model for the management of the
private tea gardens to justify their anti-workers activities. It has become extremely easy
for the management in arguing their inability for the non-compliance of provisions of the
Plantation Labour Act by citing the state of affairs prevalent in the gardens under
WBTDC. Further there is provision of a post in the tea gardens designated as Welfare
Officer and it is equivalent to the status of assistant manager. The duty and responsibility
of the Welfare Officer is to look after the welfare of the workers of the gardens. Very few
gardens have filled up the post, but the appointees are not in a position to look after the
welfare of the workers because the emolument and facilities that they enjoy are also
from the coffer of the respective gardens. Thus the liberal act for the welfare of the
workers of gardens as envisaged in the act has become a mockery. The foreign buyers
of Darjeeling Tea are reported to have been contributing some amount in addition to the
cost of the tea exclusively for the welfare of the workers who prepare matchless flavored
teas, but the workers so far have not tasted the fruit of the munificence of those
generous foreign donors.
The people of Khashmal areas of Darjeeling Hills are growing and producing bioorganic tea under the guidance of different Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs).
The farmers of such mini-gardens are selling the green leaves of tea to different gardens
at prices varying from Rupees Thirty to Thirty-Five per kilogram. But in selling the crops,
the farmers are required to avail a Certificate of Trade Mark (CTM) and in most cases
the CTM has become a hurdle. However, many of them are taking all the measures and
steps for regularization of tea plantation made by them as required under the provision
of the land laws.
B. CINCHONA PLANTATION:
Other than Tea Industry left by British, the Cinchona Plantation of Darjeeling at
Mungpo has a story and history of its own. Like the Tea industry, the cinchona plantation
is also a product derived out of the sweat and blood of the hard working aboriginal
Gorkhas. The Cinchona Plantation industry came into existence in the year 1865. It was
the most flourishing industry in India since its inception, as the demand of medicines
made from cinchona plants was much higher than the production. India having a
geographical dimension of a sub-continent had only two industries of cinchona plantation
located at Mungpoo of Darjeeling and Nilgiri Hills of South India respectively. The
available record shows that in the years 1939-1944 the income from cinchona plantation
of Mungpoo was rupees 2000775/.Immediately after independence in the year 1948 the
West Bengal Government had earned Rupees Thirty Lakhs from quinine alone. But after
independence, the reign of administration at the Cinchona Plantation of Mungpo was
monitorered by Writers Building. The succeeding generations of indigenous people who
had shed sweat, blood and tears in upkeeping the plantation had high hopes and
expectations of sharing the fruits of freedom on being relieved from the yoke of the
Britishers, but with the passage of time the hopes and aspirations gradually led to belie
them. Inspite of acquiring requisite knowledge and experiences, the sons and daughters
of the soil are denied of catching up of the helm of affairs in the management and policy
decision in regard to cinchona plantation. Like in the private company of tea industries
they too are being kept as mere workers and producers of the varied products from
cinchona plants. The management, sale and policy making became the exclusive
privilege of the Writers' Building, Kolkota alone. Very often in the prevailing reality the
exclusive affairs was marred by imcompetent and lethargic management that led to
gradual debauchery in the health of cinchona plantation industry at Mungpo. The circle
and level of exercising control and command on total affairs seemed pathetically
indifferent towards the gradual decline of the industry. The acceleration in decline
became perceptible in the later part of the eighties of twentieth century. In the beginning
of eighties, the GORKHA NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT AS A PART OF THEIR
CAMPAIGN FOR STATEHOOD DEMAND HAD LEVELLED AN ALLEGATION OF
SOCIO-ECONOMIC NEGLECT OF DARJEELING HILLS BY THE GOVERNMENT OF
WEST BENGAL. West Bengal Government as a move for contradicting the allegation of
Gorkha National Liberation Front had published a document in 1986. The document in
its page number one, last Para shows that in the financial year 1984-85 the income from
cinchona alone was Rs. 2.43 crores, but ignoring the fact of that document, the lone
industry of the Government of West Bengal in Darjeeling Hill started showing deficit and
loss after passing over forty-three years of independence of India. Thus the well
organised and vibrant industries left behind by the British, in stable condition have been
crippled in independent India by the hands of the rulers of the State. The government of
West Bengal, being fully aware of the entire state of affairs of the cinchona industry at
Mungpo, has been contemplating the idea of privatisation against their own declared and
professed stand. It has become known to all the inhabitants of the cinchona plantation
that there are many interested private entrepreneurs, as they are very much optimistic of
making the industry viable and profitable, as there is no dearth and scarcity of resources
alongwith the dedicated, loyal and hard working manpower in the region. Hence, the
unions and the representatives of the workers are raising the point of security and safety
of workers on the basis of their service in terms of years and their experience as a
whole, but in place of taking expeditious and judicious decision on the points raised by
unions, some of the Lands belonging to Cinchona Plantation have been sold to the
National Hydel Project Corporation by the Government. Further it was being processed
for selling the lands to the Dabur Company as well but the people and Trade Unions of
the Cinchona Plantation resented the move of the Government for not taking them into
confidence for the sale of the public land. The resentment has had no impact as the
National Hydel Power Corporation has constructed vast complexes to push forward their
ventures. Thus, the Cinchona Plantation Industry is being left as forlorn concern of the
Government of West Bengal. The money obtained from the sale of the land could not be
accounted for, to satiate the larger public interest. In course of time, it will surely attact
public debate. Despite the assurances for spending the money for revitalizing the ailing
industry till date no such assurances have been fulfilled. Further the accelerated
sickness of the industry forced the different trade unions and concerned people
belonging to cinchona plantation to form an umbrella organisation named as UNITED
FORUM for drawing the attention of the authorities and Government for ameliorating the
plight of Cinchona Plantation. They held public meetings, rallies and demonstration in
almost all the places covering the entire areas of Cinchona Plantation. Further the
United Forum waited upon a massive deputation to the District authority with empty
plates in their hands to mark the sign of hungry stomachs on 17th November, 2005, but
the deputation and rally yielded no result and it again became a case of back to the
square peg in a round whole. In the following week, Siliguri and its surrounding places
lying at a distance of less than forty kilometres from Mungpo Cinchona Plantation came
under the grip of malaria in a disquieting dimension, but Quinine, a time tested medicine
for malaria, produced by harvesting and processing Cinchona at Mungpo itself had
been made to lie on its death bed. Thus the Government of West Bengal in independent
India is seen as a failure in saving and developing Cinchona Plantation that was
inherited from the British as the only industry under its management in Darjeeling. The
active initiative of the UNITED FORUM resulted in auction of one hundreds seventy tons
of cinchona bark in Darjeeling in the month of November 2006. The auction successfully
fetched one rupee more in each kilogram than the usual price it used to get earlier, when
sold in Kolkata. Thus the auction held in Darjeeling in November 2006 clearly dispelled
the much touted rhetoric that the cinchona bark was an unusable item as rumoured and
publicized by the concerned authority. This was despite having such great potentialities
and possibilities of the cinchona industry at Mungpo, the Left Front Government for the
reason best known to them only have been taking one plea after another shrugging off
the responsibility for making the industry a flourishing one. In the direction to shrugging
off the responsibility no appointment is being made against the retirement of employees.
As "there were 9,387 workers, including the casual workers having 26,176 acres of land
in 1985-86, in the Cinchona Plantations. Here, if we see the land labour ratio, it comes
nearly to 38 workers per acre. It shows that the basic principle of Minimum Wage Board
of Government of India has not been adhered to by the plantation industry. Very
interestingly, during recent years, the number of regular workers has been further
reduced to 1, 72 in 1991-92" (Khemraj Sharma). Thus, in due course, the industry would
succumb, a natural death, on account of not having permanent workers and employees
for running the industry. The United Forum, being aware of the discreet move of the
concerned authority, are taking every possible measure to keep the industry alive and
moving. In carrying out the measures the help and guidance of public representatives
have become imperative, but the representative to the West Bengal Assembly being the
candidates of the Gorkha National Liberation Front from 1991 till 2007 seemed
unconcerned to the plight of the lone industry. The member of the 14th Lok Sabha of the
Indian Parliament, belonging to Congress Party, being the arch rival of the ruling Left
Front Government, the move pursued by him was natural to get drowned in the Hubble bubble of politics at Writers' Building. The membership of Rajya Sabha obtained out of
grace of the ruling Left Front or of Indian National Congress was just like an appointment
governed and guided by the norms and discipline for upholding the interest of the
employers. The public representatives of Darjeeling belonging to the state and national
parties are found to have suffered from a syndrome of inhibition for delivering the goods
in the interest of the exploited and suppressed wage earners of tea gardens and
cinchona plantation. The syndrome of inhibition in the form of party discipline follows like
shadow till the tenure is over to each of the public representative belonging to national
and state level parties from Darjeeling. As in the decades of mid-ninetieth of twenty
century, Messrs. R.B. Rai and Dawa Lama, the representatives of Lok Sabha and Rajya
Sabha respectively from Darjeeling, belonging to the Communist Party of India [Marxists]
were expelled for their attempt to pursue a line in the interest of the place and people.
The expulsion forced them to form the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists that
has become an eyesore for the Communist Party of India Marxists in the political history
of Darjeeling in spite of bearing an identical nomenclature as communists.
C. DARJEELING HIMALAYAN RAILWAY [DHR]:
It was regarded as a superb piece of wonder, produced by one of the finest
engineering faculty on earth. The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway also known as the Toy
Train starts at the level, hisses and crawls uphill to reach Ghoom Pahar, where a
Railway Station situated at the highest altitude in Asia, was constructed, and the same is
in existence to this day. During the British period the railway was the life line of
Darjeeling, as it had carried the heavy poles, bar, machines for the construction of the
factories, bridges and buildings. It had contributed a lot in the development and making
of modern Darjeeling. Besides carrying materials and provisions, the toy train was the
means of communication for the people for reaching the most beautiful hill that was
known as the Queen of Hills in the world. The well known leader of socio-culture and
spiritual renaissance of Bengal, Swami Vivekananda, the legal and political luminary
C.R. Das, the ‘Father of the Nation’- Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Nobel laureate
Mother Teresa among several others have been carried to Darjeeling by the Toy Train.
The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway while moving on its tract from the plains to the
empyrean knoll of Darjeeling has also created a glorious tract record, which is
associated with modern history of India and also the Queen of Hills of the world.
Science and technology has made a rapid stride after Independence of India but, the
Toy Train has failed to keep pace with the time and tide of development. The wonder of
the bygone days, lacking improvement and modernisation compatible to the science and
technological speed of time has been gradually heading to the status of obsolescence.
And being aware of the fact that the Toy Train has become an outdated mode of
conveyance, the authority has declared it as heritage by providing a diesel engine, but
the diesel engine also has not been able to push the business with swiftness in
proportion to the technological advancement of the day due to its century old tract,
alignment, engines and coaches. After declaring the Toy Train as heritage both diesel
and steam engine are pulling the coaches for joy ride to the foreigners and moneyed
domestic tourists, but the diesel engine bears its name as Indian Railways. The Toy
Train starting from Siliguri had its extension upto Gielle Khola on the National Highway
31A till 1950 for carrying passengers and materials for Sikkim, Kalimpong and Tibet.
During that period, the trade through Jalepla route was in a flourishing condition, but the
operation of the train on that tract has been abandoned since 1950 as in that year
landslides had caused damages to the railway tract. The authority thought it appropriate
to abandon than to repair and keep the movement of the train on that tract. Today,
Sikkim is making every possible endeavour for having a railway service to the state. The
Toy Train of Darjeeling has been a victim of negligence its engine, coaches and other
related matter are all begging for care and revitalisation. The tract at several places
passes parallel to the National Highway 55A and also criss -crosses the national
highway at many places in between Silguri and Darjeeling. The road was constructed by
the British and named as Hill Cart Road. Today the road is called 55A National High
Way is the life line of Darjeeling and remains busy due to heavy traffic, but the parallel
railway tract and the crossing of the 55A national high way over it have made the life line
of Darjeeling narrow and congested for smooth traffic movement. Thus, the tract has
been allowed and destined to become like an old ox lying on the road, it neither moves
nor leaves the passage for others. Hence, in the modern history of Darjeeling, the old
Toy Train seemed to have occupied a unique place of inconvenience for the vehicular
traffic. Though the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway has its glory of being and plying in the
hill, there is not a single hill man at the command of the helm of the affairs. The ones
associated are found to be working below the decision and policy making level since its
inception. In earlier days, there was a DHR Workshop at Tindharay with regard to repair,
maintenance and other corelated works of Darjeeling Himalayan Railways. The work
shop and the station had brisk activities, but today the Tindharay Work Shop and the
Railway Station appear as forlorn and desolate station for the Himalayan Railways. The
railway despite plying in the hill region of Darjeeling has its head office and command in
the plains. In spite of leaving occasioned of the track by the coaches and some times by
engine, till date no major misfortune has occurred and this is the other side of the
wonder of the wonderful toy train in its record of century and a score. Thus the nonoccurrences of the major catastrophe for years together by sheer luck have given
complacency. Under the current circumstances it stands to be treated as a forgotten
object by the successive Railway Budget and its ministers in charge of Independent
India. The overhauling of the Himalayan Railways to match its pristine grandeur remains
a far off dream.
In view of globalization and techno-economic development context, the Himalayan
Railways which were a wonder in the earlier days is expecting a new approach from the
concerned level so as to enable it to march with time and tide. Even in the highly
developed era of science and technology of today, the Toy Train being pushed by the
steam of boiling water is still occupying a distinct place among the wonders as some of
the tourists are making Darjeeling their destination on hearing the account of the glory
of the Toy Train. In the world, it is the only Toy Train that facilitates its passengers for
enjoying the breath taking scenic beauty and its panoramic view of ridges and mountains
from a close angle, while sitting on a cozy seat of the moving Train. The glimpse of the
beautiful ridges and mountains flashing on the canvas of nature extending up to the
horizon can be enjoyed by the passengers as the train leaves the plain and climbs
higher and higher. Before reaching the final destination of the journey, that is Darjeeling,
the passengers will sink into an extreme joy and bliss by seeing the ultimate beauty of
nature from Batasay Loop. Batasay ridge is the only view point that provides a glimpse
of the vast expanse of hills and mountains rising from a little above the sea level and the
majestic Kanchanjunga ready to command the adjacent mountains and surrounding
hills. The very scene - scenery is regarded as the supreme and unique creation of
splendour by nature on earth. On a clear, sunny and fogless day, the scene and
landscape of such mysterious creation of nature as seen from Batasay Loop while
moving, in the toy train, gets passengers surcharged and invigorated. No such
enjoyment and ecstasy could derived while riding a train elsewhere in the world, but the
Toy Train which only could give such an ineffable joy and bliss to its passengers on
earth has been declared as running on losses year after year. If the Toy Train of
Darjeeling had been in other countries of the globe having endowed with such
ingredient, the major chunk of the tourists from across the globe would have been taken
there with other added facilities. The flow of the tourists would have been certainly
turned into a flourishing Tourism Industry providing means of earning and sustenance for
major chunk of the population of that country. But in Darjeeling, the Toy Train in spite of
having immense potential and capability for providing means of sustenance and
earnings, the people are being made to starve of employment and earnings. The
authority as of today has shown neither skill nor faculty for making improvement and
modernisation of the wonderful toy train keeping in mind the socio-economic upliftment
of the people and the place. The toy train if it is linked and co-coordinated with tourism
by developing infrastructures and other accessories as required for different section of
the tourists, it would easily engage ten percent of the total population of Darjeeling hills
in the venture and that alone accounts for eighty thousand people. Thus, the toy train
and tourism, if moved together, have the potentialities for providing the socio-economic
prosperity to Darjeeling not only for the present day but for the following decades also. A
paradigm shift in management of the day to day affairs for ensuring the involvement,
participation and sharing of liability and asset of the Himalayan Railway by the people of
its origin could be the solution. The policy pursued as of today has made the people
mere spectators. Thus, the present state of affairs of Tourism Industry in Darjeeling
could easily be understood in brevity from a paragraph written by renowned socialscientist, Dr. T B. Subba on the movement of 1986-88. He has written "my brief
engagement on the subject of tourism in Darjeeling has also divulged an important factor
operating behind this movement. Contrary to the wide spread belief that the people of
Darjeeling are heavily dependent on tourism I found that the Nepalis, who constitute
about 70 per cent of the population there, are rather marginally integrated into the tourist
industry. They have been in fact found to be more affected than benefited by this
smokeless industry. The lion's share of the profit from it goes to the merchant capitalists
from the plain areas and to the West Bengal Tourism Development Corporation which
alone makes an annual profit of 36 crores of rupees from Darjeeling (1988:10-15). This
has also affected the ethnic relations between the hill and plains communities {1987-88}.
[Ethnicity, State and Development…]. Hence, it is required that the spectators be turned
into participators that would help in assuaging the sense of deprivation felt by them for
years together. The growth of population and the pressure exerted by it has also been
leading unplanned and visionless development, which has been gradually endangering
the inexpressible beauty of nature on earth in Darjeeling. A stitch in time, saves nine,
has to be the immediate concern for all. Hence, in order to push the toy train in the
direction of profitable viability and the prosperity of the Himalayan Railways and also for
the people and place, a strong political will and administrative decision has become the
need of the hour.
Similarly, the congestion and narrowness of the Hill Cart Road of the British day
and national highway 55A of today has also been mentioned in the preceeding page. If it
is allowed in the manner as it is maintained to day then within a couple of years its utility
will totally dismal and immobile. There is a tremendous growth in the production and
plying of vehicles, but the capacity and capability of the national high way 55A after
erosion and depreciation of hundred years use and service has remained unattended.
As the days ahead is of globalization and technological advancement that is destroying
and sweeping the old system and order by giving presence to a fast and fair order which
is in conformity to the changing world and the taste of the generation. The present life
line of Darjeeling, the national highway 55A is in dire need to be converted into an all
weather road or an alternative should be found.
D. THE PLIGHT OF FOUR Ts:
Darjeeling was known for four Ts and they were namely Toy Train, Tea, Timber
and Tourism for the people out side the region. But the Toy Train laid and left by the
British today has turned into a mere object that glissades up hill on two rails for carrying
luxurious people for their Joy Ride. Darjeeling tea once known as the best Champagne
among the teas in the world has been fighting a battle for survival. The Timber from
Darjeeling has vanished due to magic wand exercised by the West Bengal Forest
Development Corporation. The West Bengal Forest Development Corporation was
formed by the Govt of West Bengal in 1971 with a cherished objective of developing
forest more precisely in Darjeeling. After finishing the forest and forest product of
Darjeeling hills, the West Bengal Forest Development Corporation has disappeared
without holding anybody accountable for indiscriminate deforestation in Darjeeling hills.
Thus finally out of four Ts, all are riveting on one T that is Tourism. In order to take care
of the Tourism in Darjeeling there are three parallel bodies namely, West Bengal
Tourism Corporation under the Government of West Bengal, Tourism of the govt. of
India and the Tourism under Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, but the infrastructure
required for running the Tourism as industry is deplorably lacking. In spite of not having
adequate and requisite infrastructure for the comfort and convenience of the tourists, the
flow of various classes of people in the month of May/June and October/November
remains staggeringly high. The private tour and travel agencies and motor syndicates
have listed some of the places as worth seeing and visiting by the tourists. Those places
are called Seven Point and Five Points. Besides the points, the sunrise from Tiger Hill,
the Majestic View of Kanchanjunga, breath taking scenic beauty of the hills and
mountains, trekking the mountains and enjoyment of divine gorgeousness of the
flowering season at Sandakphu and Phalut are the eternal attractions for tourists. The
period with influx of visitors is called tourist season. People during May-June season
come from across the country seeking relief from the scorching heat of the places and,
in October -November the people come to enjoy holidays. It is not only the people but
also the Ministers of different States and Government Officials who make it a point of
visiting the Queen of Hills during the season. The sales agencies of several companies
organise their conferences in Darjeeling during the season and keeping in mind the
assemblage of people from the different parts of the world during the season in
Darjeeling, the Leather Company, Handloom Corporation, the Khadi Board and many
other organise EXPO(s) so as to popularize their for sale and also earning goodwill from
the costumers. Thus, Darjeeling has become a tourist spot and the local administration
remains busy and fatigued during the season looking after the VIPs and VVIPs of the
state and outside state without the help of additional resources. Many of the ‘High-ups’
during their short stay get acquainted with some of the pressing socio-economic
problems of the place and express concern and also make pronouncement of doing
something in order to get rid of the problems, but surprisingly, they forget everything
once they leave. No sooner do they reach Siliguri they would be carrying home only the
sweet memories of the good time that they have had in Darjeeling.
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ADMINISTRATION
Colonialism is perpetuated in part by justifying to those in the colonizing nation the idea that it is right and
proper to rule over other peoples, and by getting colonised people to accept their lower ranking in the
colonial order of things- a process we can call ‘colonising the mind’. It operated by persuading people to
internalize its logic and speak its language; to perpetuate the values and assumptions of the colonizers as
regards the ways they perceive and represent the world.
J. McLeod, Post-colonialism.
Have you ever wondered to yourself why it is that all people like me seem to have learned from you is how
to imprison and murder each other, how to govern badly, and how to take the wealth of our country and
place it in Swiss bank accounts.
Jamaica Kincaid, A Small Place.
The administrative head quarter of the District of Darjeeling is situated and located
at the hill which is called the Queen of Hills of the world. There are two wings of
administrations civil and police. The District head quarter of the civil administration of
Independent India is being run from the New Kutchery Building that was constructed by
the British in the year 1897. The same old building attaining an age of more than a
century is still being with used renovations and repairs at times. The head of the district
administration is the District Magistrate (D.M). He is assisted by Additional District
Magistrates (A.D.M.) and the Sub-Divisional Officers (S.D.O.) of the four Subdivisions of
the district. The appointees to the posts are generally from amongst cadres belonging to
the Indian Administrative Services (I.A.S). But in some exceptional cases of politicoadministrative exigencies, the cadres belonging to the West Bengal Civil Services
(WBCS) if favoured by the ruling party by maintaining certain norms and rules are
posted to the posts of A.D.Ms and S.D.Os. Similarly, in the police department for the
maintenance of law and order and keeping social tranquility, the Superintendent of
Police {S.P} is the head of the police department and is assisted by Additional
Superintendent of Police (ASP) and Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP). As in the
civil administration the post of S.P. is only from the Indian Police Service (I.P.S.), but the
posts of ASP are some time filled-up by promotes and that of D.S.P. is usually manned
by local promotees. In the British days the local official was assigned to carry and
perform the task and duty of the Superintendent of Police of Darjeeling, but in
independent India not a single local, except chosen tribal, has so far succeeded to cross
the barrier to become the S.P. of Darjeeling. The district geographically, historically,
topographically, politically and ethnically being entirely different with the rest of West
Bengal, the government has made provisions to teach Nepali Language by engaging
local Nepali teachers for the officials coming from the plains of Bengal to Darjeeling Hills.
This has been done with a view to administer the region with ease and smoothness.
Further Nepali Language is the official Language of the hill areas of the district of
Darjeeling as per the Language Act 1961 of the Government of West Bengal. Further
Nepali is one of the major Indian Languages in the Constitution of India. Monthly
financial incentive has also been arranged to the officials on passing an examination in
Nepali Language of the set standard for the purpose. However, neither the D.M. nor
A.D.M. or officials coming from the plains intend to labour and study for passing the
examination of the set standard. But 'it is compulsory for WBCS [executive] officers to
pass Departmental exams {8 papers on Law, Accounts, Bengali etc. conducted by PSC
and they also have to submit 6 number of court cases, which have to be accepted by the
Legal Remembrancer, West Bengal, before they can be considered for confirmation in
service and their yearly increments sanctioned. Many officers, of Darjeeling district,
present and past [I do not want to give their names here] could not pass departmental
examination in their whole service life and so they could not be confirmed even after
serving for more than 25 years incurring huge financial loss to themselves" ( D. T.
Tamlong). The officials appointed in the plains from the Hill Areas of Darjeeling after
passing the West Bengal Public Service Commission Examination are required to be
conversant in writing and speaking in Bengali. But for the officials BELONGING TO
NON-NEPALI COMMUNITY coming from the plains to the hills, it is not compulsory and
obligatory for passing the examination and test so as to acquire workable knowledge of
Nepali Language. Hence, almost all of them spend their tenure in Darjeeling without
learning the language of the people and place but leave Darjeeling either on promotion
or obtaining a rewarded posting. In some cases they overstay after the expiry of normal
posting of two years tenure for the blue-eyed officials of the political leadership has been
made permissible. But in spite of getting extended tenure of staying in Darjeeling Hills,
they seemed to be practically not interested in learning Nepali. During a quarter century
(1980-06) this writer happened to meet only two officials one IPS and one IAS posted in
Darjeeling to have learnt speaking Nepali with fluency. Of the two, one has retired after
becoming the Director General of Police, in a hill State and another presently working
under foreign company. During the tenure of service in Darjeeling Hills the officials
belonging to other linguistic group rarely meet the common people for getting the
information of the actual state of affairs of the nook and corner of the region. However, it
seemed that they get posted of situation from the elite people belonging to a section of
business community and managers of tea gardens with whom they usually meet in the
GYMKHANA CLUB and PLANTERS CLUB for breakfast, lunch, dinner, gossips and
parties over a peg or two and and at times it takes one drink too many to stimulate their
minds. The conversation deepens and these clubs serve as a perfect venue to diagnose
the backgrounds, characters and well beings of every local entity that ranges elites. This
nexus has functioned as on all important cogs in the wheel for the mini colonial
administration to pounce and grind the Gorkha aspiration at its very root. The two clubs
were left by the British as their legacy, but today the administrative officials and
privileged gentry of today who are unknown to the masses of Darjeeling Hill have made
these two clubs as the heirloom of the same. Some of them have the recognition as
EXPERT on the socio-political and administrative matter pertaining to Darjeeling.
Officials coming with limited belongings and, returning convoy of TRUCKS loaded with
luggage after completion of their tenure in Darjeeling is regarded as a normal pattern of
the administration. The present Governor's House or the Rajbhawan of Darjeeling was
purchased on 31st Oct 1877 by the British from the Maharaja of Cooch Behar. The
Rajbhawan was damaged in 1934 due to severe earthquake. But the same was repaired
and furnished in the year 1939 (AS PER A REPORT PUBLISHED IN THE HINDUSTAN
TIMES DATED 22 JUNE, 2002). But, the furnishings and antiques were taken in four
truckloads in the month of May, 2002. The removal of the items of historical and heritage
values were vehemently condemned and protested by the COMMUNIST PARTY OF
REVOLUTIONARY MARXISTS, ITS YOUTH WING, DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONARY
YOUTH FRONT, FEW INTELLECTUALS OF NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN,
DARJEELING AND All GORKHA STUDENTS UNION TOO HAD JOINED THE FRAY.
But the protest was a voice in the wilderness, for the reason that the personality involved
in the fraudulent removal of the antics was holding the highest constitutional post in the
state. While the protesters belonged to a bunch of puny backward and minority
community from the state of West Bengal. So, would it mean anything? Nontheless call
a curse or blessing, but even amongst the puny minority, a few are born with the
torturous human component called conscience. It is this conscience that pricks and
haunts the mind, when there are no answers to resolve the questions such as; shouldn't
the custodian of the constitution be above the smirch and filth of a common mans
greed? Is Darjeeling to far and abscure to be heard within the noise and voice of the
world's largest democracy? Doesn't Darjeeling merit to attract the country's constitutional
jurisprudence, writ when it's antics are being swindled in the broad day light? This
happening was aptly apposite to the writing of LEKHNATH POUDYAL, a poet and
visionary of Nepal. In respect of tyrannical RANA rule in Nepal, he had written that the
action of higher ups would be made unanimously acceptable no matter what they did.
There is segment of office called CONFIDENTIAL SECTION attached to the
chamber of the District Magistrate of Darjeeling. It has a tradition of being manned by
non Nepali person since its inception. Similar tradition of appointing non-Bengali District
Magistrate if the Superintendent of Police is Bengali or vice versa was in practice for
years together. But, after the devastating agitation that had posed physical challenge to
the officials in 1985-88, the tradition of the permutation and combination of Bengali and
Non Bengali D.M and S.P has been abandoned. However, the tradition of manning the
confidential section by non Nepali person has been in practice in more subtle design.
Thus the modus operandi of the Government of West Bengal towards Darjeeling has
been made clear by them. Almost all the local officials working under them, in spite of
being fully aware of the modus operandi of the boss, could do nothing except meekly
surrendering for the sake of post, perk, favour and also prospect. As "it is natural for the
subordinate officers and the staff, to fear the superior officers. Every officer or the staff
wants good portfolio or important department/assignment and the future of the
subordinate officer/staff is doomed, if the boss writes a small "But'' in the ACR (Annual
confidential report). The value of an ACR or the fear of the same can be understood by
those who are on the verge of promotion. Accordingly, there is keen competition to be in
the good book of the boss or to be in the inner circle around him, that sometimes leads
to unhealthy competition among the subordinate officers/staff and they tend to attend to
every whim of the boss by being resourceful in every thing, trying to please by constant
praise and saying, 'sir, you can do it. You have the power…". I would like to call this
Canute culture. This inner circle or the coterie sometimes inadvertently inflicts injustice
to many who work quietly and silently without bothering any body and at the same time
causes embarrassment to the boss and the establishment" (D.T. TAMLONG). It gives a
clear picture of the administration of Darjeeling and the modus operandi of the
administrator deployed to the place. So, it is obvious that modus operandi is one of the
factors for causing a sense of alienation in the minds of the people. The officials and the
ruling class belonging to the advanced and privileged community of West Bengal are in
no mood to accept the reality. On the contrary they leave no stone unturned to brand
and label the conscious and literate people of Darjeeling as Anti-Bengali in private
conversation. Some of the officials from Non-Nepali Community in the police and civil
administration working in the District of Darjeeling have ultimately reached the highest
and glorious administrative ranks of the state of West Bengal in their respective
departments, but their experiences and acquaintances with problems of the place and
people never get a tract for causing the slightest relief in ameliorating the plight of the
place and people which they have pretended to have loved very much during their stay.
The familiarity and friendship established with the people during their stay in Darjeeling
Hill during service get waned with rapid stride after their transfer from Darjeeling Hill. The
waning of familiarity and acquaintance is nothing for Darjeeling, but it has become a
culture of Indian administrative services towards Darjeeling in the post British period.
Some of the officials from Darjeeling Hill working in the plain areas of Bengal in lower
status of administrative responsibility also forget the familiarity gained during their
service tenure. Most of them on retirement become hard critics of the people and place
where they worked.
The British, for the speedy development of Darjeeling region, is found to have
established the Public Works Department in the year 1839. The department since then
has been functioning uninterruptedly. Despite covering a time span of one hundred and
sixty seven years the indigenous people has not succeeded to occupy the TOP
EXECUTIVE POST OF THE DEPARTMENT. Similarly, the Health and Hospital
department initiated by the British in a humble way in 1883 by way of establishing EDEN
SANITORIUM has taken the shape of District Hospital in Independent India under West
Bengal, but the administrative and executive post for the local professionals has become
a wild dream to achieve till this day. The District Hospital of Darjeeling appears to be
lacking in modern facilities in the treatment of different types of diseases as compared to
the other district hospitals of the state while gradually the sub- divisional hospital at
Siliguri has turned into a District Hospital. In order to purchase and install a C.T. SCAN
MACHINE, few people with some professionals are engaged in collection of DONATION
and have also succeeded in securing the same without help from the authorities. The
Eden Sanatorium of British days has been named after Sahid Durga Malla as Durga
Malla Hospital and the same has been renovated, extended and expanded to five
storeyed building to give a shape and Status of District Hospital of Darjeeling. In the
execution of the works it is believed that several crore of rupees were made available by
the World Bank. But the quality and standard of the work has become a subject of
criticism within the alert and receptive circle of town. The leakage of water from the
ceiling during rainy season and the falling of rafters on patients on more than one
occasion has given impetus for the justification of such criticism.
Darjeeling Government College was established in the year 1948 for imparting
higher education to the people of the region. Similarly the Government High School was
founded and started by the colonialist in the year 1892, and it was taken over by the
education department of the government of West Bengal from the day India won
freedom. On being taken over, the school has been passing from bad to worse. Sri Asim
Dasgupta, a former student of this school, has the distinction of holding the portfolio of
the Finance Minister of West Bengal for more than three decades. The holding of the
finance portfolio by him is a record in the annals of the democratic India. But the school
in which he had studied is found to have been running without a full-fledged Headmaster
for more than thirty years. This state of affairs has not become a matter of
embarrassment to him and his government. The school in Independent West Bengal
was meant for the backward and national minority people of the state residing in
Darjeeling, but it has been regarded as a prerogative of advanced and big nationality to
deprive the national minority. The exploitation, deprivation, suppression and denial of the
legitimate right of the Nepali speaking people dominantly inhabitating Darjeeling District
and Dooars region is to be construed and termed as munificence as because in no case
the big and ruling class is ready to accept their accomplishment of colonizing Darjeeling.
Hence, the sons of the soil, being unable to be in command, at the helm of affairs of the
administration and also denial to higher executive and technical posts by way of a
systematic design, are found to have been drained elsewhere. But on joining in different
posts outside West Bengal the sons and daughters of Darjeeling are found to have
occupied the post of Chief Secretary, Home Secretary of state Governments and
Economic Advisor to the Chief Minister in other states of India. Many of the technocrats,
bureaucrats and inspector-general of police in different states of India were from
Darjeeling. Besides, in the field of Games and Sports, Music and cinemas, the talents
from Darjeeling have been contributing in a significant way. Thus the talent drain from
Darjeeling is found to have been taking place from the early part of the fifth decades of
twentieth century and the flow is due to the deprivation of opportunities and also lack of
political and administrative support and backing.
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HYDRO- ELECTRIC POWER
When modern Japan and China were not aware of generating power from Water,
the Darjeeling Municipality had hydro -electric power station in 1897 at Sidrabong. The
supply of electric power from Sidrabong to Darjeeling had given the town a glittering
look. People in their lore had compared it with the imaginative INDRAPURI the paradise
of God Indra, but today the Indrapuri of bygone days has been made the most
congested and unplanned hill town in India. The Sidrabong Hydro-electric power station,
the first of its kind in Asia had eight sub-stations for supplying electric power to
Darjeeling town and its surroundings. The revenue collected from the supply of electric
power was used for meeting the salaries of the municipality staff, but the Sidrabong
power house on being taken over by the West Bengal State Electricity Board in 1979,
the plight of the Asia's first Hydro- Electric Power Station begins to be A VICTIM of the
political and administrative power. Gradually moving from bad to worse, the Sidrabong
Hydel Power Station had ultimately reached its horizon of oblivion, while surpassing the
glorious history that it withholds in the annals of the hydro electric power in Asia and
independent India. Instead of repairing, maintaining and modernizing Asia's first minihydel power station at Sidrabong, the Government of West Bengal in independent India
moved with bigger vision in terms of hydro-electric power from the hills of Darjeeling.
Similar fate has been met by Phaji Hydel Power Station, the first private power project
initiated by Narabhup Rai and Padma Sunder Malla, which started three-phase power
generation in 1935. In order to materialize the Stalinic bigger vision, the combined
strength of the politician stationed at Writers and the technocrat of West Bengal had
taken up an ambitious project called the Rammam Hydel Project for generating 300 MW
Electricity and spent decades in the execution and implementation of the Rammam
Hydel Project. The Government of Bhutan had also started construction of Chukha hydel
project with loan and grant from India nearly two and half decades later than the
Rammam Hydel Project. The Chukha project intending to generate 550 MW is seemed
to have completed and is generating 300 MW ahead of its stipulated time. In spite of
producing 300 MW only out of its target of 550 MW, it is said that the government of
Bhutan had begun collecting 30 percent of its revenue through the sale of millions of
units of power to India. The Chukha project that enabled the Government of Bhutan to
fatten its treasury was completed within the scheduled time, carried and executed with
the guidance and supervision of technician and engineers from West Bengal and India,
but the Rammam Hydel Project started much earlier than the Chukha Project was
completed after several decades later, with a power generating capacity of hardly 50
MW only when it was commissioned. The power thus produced in hilly region of
Darjeeling is being taken uninterruptedly to the North Bengal Switch Yard located in the
plains at a distance of more than one hundred and fifty kilometre from the point of
generation. From there a little portion of the power is sent to Darjeeling from where it
was taken. The plain areas have the facility of enjoying air condition during the heat of
summer, but Darjeeling hill areas, from where the power is being taken to the plains,
does not have fulsome accessibility of using heater during chilling winter despite the
falling of temperature to zero or less than zero degrees Celsius during most of the winter
season. In order to commission only the 50 MW out of its planned estimate to generate
300 MW, it took nearly two and half decades. The place of the project was Rimbick, a
village under Pulbazar-Bijanbari Block of Darjeeling Subdivision, but the offices that
could monitor the speedy execution of works were stationed at Siliguri and Kolkota. A
neighbouring country China was lacking hydel power, while Darjeeling was ablaze with
the power from water at the end of nineteenth century. Today China has started the
construction of world's biggest hydel power station by harnessing her Yangtze River. In
Darjeeling seeing the flow of several rivers and rivulet untapped, a visiting hydel power,
experts from Japan was surprised and had termed the wastage of water as "FLOWING
DOLLAR". The indigenous and other experts are of the view that perennial rivers and
streams flowing from Darjeeling hills have a capacity of producing 3500 to 5000 MW
POWER. And recently the National Hydel Power Corporation has undertaken the
harnessing of river Teesta by constructing low dams at places for generating hydro
electric power, but from the very start of the project a dispute related to undermining of
ecological and environmental aspect has been raised from different quarters. The
dispute has given raise to a possibility of submerging many villages situated on the
national highway on the either side of river Teesta. In the midst of such dispute and
controversy, the National Hydel power Corporation seemed least interested in enlisting
support from the stratas of society excepting the favoured layer only. Thus the original
home of hydel power generation in Asia is tottering with the fuel of dispute, controversy
and the lack of taking all sections of people into confidence. The exercise of nontransparency maintained by the National Hydel Power Corporation has set to motion a
sort of suspicion on the Teesta Low Dam Project.
The same National Hydel Power Corporation (NHPC) has undertaken the
construction of Stages IV, V and VI with a generating capacity of 200 MW, 510 MW and
300 MW respectively in the State of SIKKIM. Further, it is heard that the NHPC has
made an agreement with the Government of Sikkim for the supply of certain percentage
of power out of total power generation to the state of Sikkim without any cost. But in
case of TEESTA LOW DAM PROJECT with a proposal at 27th Mile, Kalijhora and
Mungpong with a generating capacity of 130 MW, 110 MW and 340 MW respectively at
places of the TEESTA RIVER flowing from the hill areas of Darjeeling no such
agreement is seemed to have been made with any authority, but in order to execute the
Teesta Low Dam Project, it is seen that the erstwhile Councillor of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
Council representing the area and his muscle men and also leaders and cadres of the
ruling party mostly from Siliguri have seemed highly enthusiastic. On being certain of
steam rolling with the enlisted support from the selected group, the NHPC has been
carrying on the project, but the people engaged in Rafting in Teesta River are
apprehensive of losing their livelihood after the completion of the project. They fear the
possibility of the change of course by the river on account of submergence of several
places of the present route of Teesta River. The diplomacy of political nature and other
discernible endeavour pursued by the administrative mechanism of NHPC, in the
execution of the project has been giving an ample scope for suspicion on the extent of
future benefit to the place and its people. While, the project is in progress it has been
marred with controversy and suspicion, but the extent of benefits and damages could
only be felt and experienced by the people after the completion of the project and its
commissioning.
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DRINKING WATER CONTAMINATION, POLITICS AND
ADMINISTRATION
It is known to all that there is paucity of drinking water in Darjeeling. The shortage
of water is on the geometrical rise every year being unattended by the concerned
authorities. The main water supply system for Darjeeling town was laid and carried by
the British from Senchal Lake keeping in mind a target of ten thousand populations, but
today the population of Darjeeling town as per 2001 census is one lakh and sixty
thousand. During the British period the Senchal Lake was fed by twenty six perennial
jhoras. Nowadays many of the Jhoras flowing to Senchal Lake have dried leading the
lake's inability to meet the requirement of drinking water for increased population of
Darjeeling Town, but the authority, in place of executing concrete plan and programme
to cope with the challenge posed by the water scarcity, has had been carrying patch
works of mishmash nature only. The offices of District Collectorate and the District
Superintendent of Police have made arrangement for supplying of drinking water to the
houses of their officials round the year by way of procuring the same from different
Jhoras. The same practice is being followed by the Hotels, Holiday Homes and affluent
classes of people of Darjeeling Town. Pedestrains are splashed by water tankers loaded
with uncovered drums and plastic ‘Syntex’ drums. The Darjeeling Municipality being one
of the oldest Municipalities in West Bengal also distributes drinking water during the dry
season in places where water can be taken in vehicles. There occurs rush of water
starved people resulting in push and pull and many a times spills into street brawls over
a bucket of water, but the scene has been considered as a normal feature during the dry
season in Darjeeling. If the scene had not been considered a normal feature then the
authorities would have made arrangement of taking water carrying vehicles directly to
Senchal Lake for filling it with sufficient water for making a fair distribution through pipes
under Darjeeling Municipality, but such arrangements no publicity as compared to the
distribution made at places with rush of people and their consternations. This publicity
exercise enables to drawing the attention of the concerned level at Writer's for releasing
necessary fund, otherwise the high drama of dry season seems impossible. In the
enactment of high drama, the sponsorship of the Government of West Bengal has both
explicit and implicit contribution. The contribution becomes discernible, when it makes
publicity of Pumping of Water from Rungdung Khola to cater the need for drinking water
in Darjeeling town. And at other time, it floats a proposal of bringing water from Balasan
Khola, but despite Rungdung and Balasan Khola assurances the people of Darjeeling
has been made Tantalus for the last two decades. It is also an irony of the fact that Sri
Jyoti Basu had an intimate relation with Darjeeling as he is reported to have spent some
time in the nearby villages of Darjeeling town during days of his underground sojourn.
And after becoming the Chief Minister of the state, he used to make incessant visits to
Darjeeling and on one such visit in the year 1995, he laid the foundation stone for
providing adequate drinking water for Darjeeling from Rambi Khola. On that very day a
cheque of rupees one lakh as instalment of advance from one of the contributors was
handed over to the Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu on the very dais, but the Rambi Khola
project till today has failed to see the light of the day. His worthy successor Buddhadev
Bhattacharjee, in one of the visits to Darjeeling, in 2000, the local daily had carried a
report of assurance made by him for providing solution to the water crisis of Darjeeling
within six months. The crisis further worsened but the solution as contemplated by him
did not appear in sight.
The above is the story of the severe dehydration as suffered by Darjeeling due to
over dose of politics injected to the Queen of Hills, in independent India, by the
successive authorities. And her cousin sister Kalimpong town too had to undergo the
same fate with regards to drinking water problem. The authorities being aware of the
drinking water scarcity in Kalimpong proposed an ambitious plan called the Neora Valley
Project. This was drawn up in 1978-79 with project cost of rupees nine crores. But later
"the project was revised to meet the needs of the Army, enroute civilian and Kalimpong
town by bringing water from Neora and Dhowla sources by gravity and the estimates
stood Rs. 22.45 crores: the execution was also started and the project was slated to be
completed by 1992. The execution of the project was started by the PHE Department
and there was a High Level Board, headed by the Commissioner of Jalpaiguri Division,
consisting of representatives of the Central Government, the State Government, the
Army, other officials including the Chairman of Kalimpong Municipality and the DM as
the convener. Executive Engineer PHE based at Siliguri used to execute the work.
During one meeting, the Army representative, one Major General, expressed his
annoyance at the slow progress of the work. He requested the Board to transfer the
project to the Army for execution considering the slow progress of the project and also
the manner in which it was being supervised from Siliguri.
The plan was to bring 15 Lakh gallons of water daily to be shared in the ratio of 8:7
between the civilian and the Army and the sharing of fund was also in the ratio of 8:7
between the State Government and the Central Government. The project execution was
gingerly slow and the cost was again revised to Rs. 31.25 crores in 1991 and in 1992,
the sum rose to Rs. 34 crores. By the time it was more or less completed in 1995, the
project had escalated much above Rs. 36 crores. The additional water now available
from this project was reported to be much less than 8 Lakh gallons per day but there has
been some relief at Kalimpong. Some parts of the projects like reservoir at Algarah are
still to be completed. Lava Lake has developed cracks and water line to Pedong area is
yet to be drawn up. Many officers and engineers have come and gone and even retired
{some have died too} but the scheme has still not been completed" (D. T. Tamlong). Mr.
D. T. Tamlong is the retired Additional District Magistrate, who was intimately connected
with the much publicized Neora Water Supply Project for Kalimpong. Thus, it is clear
from his writing on Neora Project as quoted above that the Government of West Bengal
and its department could not provide the targeted water supply to the people of
Kalimpong and the Army in spite of spending such huge amount of public money in a
manner preferred by them. After a lapse of more than a quarter century the project has
not been fully completed. And sometimes the idea of pumping water from Teesta River
for making abundance drinking water for Kalimpong is also floated, but nothing concrete
has taken place. It is not only the towns of Darjeeling which is experiencing water crisis
but many of the rural areas also do not have potable water supply. The several villages
being tired of prayer and petition have been compelled to have their own arrangement
for water supply. The rural areas have many agencies for taking care of drinking water
supply. Some of them are panchayat, Block development office, Tribal Department,
DGHC, PHE etc. but despite the existence and functioning of so many departments for
taking care of the rural population, the problems of potable water stands as ever. The Sri
Sathya Sai Organisation of Puttaparthi in Andhra Pradesh, India has been successful in
providing free drinking water to lakhs of people in several villages in South India as a
part of its volunteer service, but the Government of West Bengal is utterly failing in
providing adequate drinking water facility to eight lakhs people of Darjeeling Hills for the
reason best known to them. The Left Front Government of West Bengal has made some
sort of a record for holding the reins of power for so long, but in solving the water crisis
of Darjeeling there is no end to its loose talk and fake promises. In order to provide
drinking water for Darjeeling town BALASAN PROJECT was in talk for several years. It
was surveyed, planned and estimated for many times but it failed to materialise on
account of paucity of fund. In the Lok Sabha Election, 2005, the Congress candidate
Dawa Narbula assured of taking up the water crisis and its solution. Accordingly the
political parties of Darjeeling Hills had provided him their support. The CPM and BJP
despite not having their tangible support base had opposed the candidature of Dawa
Narbula, but he got elected with a huge margin. He took up the matter with the central
minister of water resources Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi who was also his political mentor.
Local daily quoting Dawa Narbula had carried a report of sanctioning rupees fifty crore
for execution of WATER PUMPING SCHEME FROM BALASAN for providing drinking
water for the people of Darjeeling town, by the Government of India. After several
months of that reportage a colourful advertisement of Public Health Engineering
Department Government of West Bengal appeared in the same daily on 18th February,
2006 thereby informing the general public that the foundation stone laying ceremony of
water pumping scheme from Balasan would be held at Chowrasta Darjeeling on 19th
Feb 2006 at 3.30 P.M., by the Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacherjee. A three day
public announcement through the mike made by the PHE Department in Darjeeling town
and its surrounding areas along with pasting of several posters to appeal before the
people with a request to be present on the day of the foundation stone laying ceremony
at Chowrastra, {the Mall} which is situated thirty kilometre away from the actual site of
the proposed project, but there was no mention in the advertisement, miking and
posters, the name of Dawa Narbula, M.P and his initiative in sanctioning the amount.
The ceremony took place as scheduled and was presided by West Bengal PHE Minister
in presence of the Municipal Affairs Minister, Ashok Bhattacherjee, the DGHC caretaker
Chairman, Subash Ghisingh and a host of GNLF LEADERS. A report in the local daily
appeared on 20th Feb 2006 that Dawa Narbula, M.P being present on the dais was not
given a chance to address and was subsequently ignored and disparaged, he left the
venue and expressed resentment and anguish for not acknowledging Priya Ranjan
Dasmunsi and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi on whose recommendation the funding
was available. No reaction or comment came from the host and organiser of the
programme. The All India Gorkha League issued a statement stating the foundation
laying programme as a gimmick and ploy of CPM and GNLF for the ensuing Assembly
Election of West Bengal. Later on, the spending of twenty lakh Rupees by the PHE
Department in organising the foundation stone laying ceremony at Chowrastra became
the talk of the town. After a year of the foundation laying ceremony of the Balasan River
Project the thirsty people saw a ray of hope in THE FEDERATION OF SOCIETIES FOR
ENVIRONMENT PROTECTION {FOSEP} a non-government organisation as it received
a huge amount from Japan for making water supply to the people of Darjeeling. The
organisation has opted for making arrangement of drinking water for people of
Pokhriabong valley that is a rural area of Darjeeling hill. From the month of July, 2007,
the road leading to the proposed site of Balasan Project via Rungmuck Tea Garden was
repaired giving the impression as the start of the project, but the environmentalists,
NGOs and the FOSEP have raised a question as to the suitability of water from Balasan
for drinking purpose. They pointed out that the location of the Balasan Project which is
situated at the bottom of Tea Gardens where waters from Nine Tea Gardens flow. The
residue, dregs and dross of insecticides, pesticides, fertilizer and other chemicals used
by those nine tea gardens would one way or other reach Balasan River through the
different stream, Jhora and rain water. The Balasan Project does not contain any plan
and scheme for the Filtration and Water Treatment Plant before its distribution. Further
they believe that the water was not tested to detect whether it was for human
consumption prior to the drawing the plan and scheme of the project. Thus, the Balasan
Project seemed to be entangled into a controversy of serious technical nature relating to
the hygienic prospect, but the water starved population of Darjeeling seemed least
interested on the question of possible intake of contaminated water and its side effects
on the future generation. However, the government seemed least serious or interested
to take a note of the techinical points as raised by FOSEP. Though, their concern was of
utmost importance to ensure a clean, pure and hygenic water distribution system in the
larger publc interest.
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EDUCATION FOR ECONOMY FORMED NATIONALITY
For a people to develop, they must have constant recourse to their own history.To deny them the existence
of this therefore has a purpose, for it makes them neutered objects on whose tabula rasa, that clean slate of
mind, the text of the master race- cultural, economic, religious, and so on- can be inscribed.
Wole Soyinka
The economy of Darjeeling hills and its surrounding areas, except for Siliguri is
dependent on Tea, Timber, Trade, indigenous type of agriculture, horticulture, floriculture
and engagement in army, para-military,
government departments as well as
government and semi government schools. There was no dearth of opportunities in
those sectors for the local people, but the share of the indigenous educated people in
the administrative sphere is negligible after the departure of the British. From the later
part of the seventies few local people, most of them belonging to scheduled tribe and
scheduled caste would qualify in the examination conducted by West Bengal Public
Service Commission as reflected in the administrative posts under the District Magistrate
and Superintendent of Police. The officials being duly qualified in state public service
commission examination and having been thus appointed have no involvement in policy
framing and decision making for the place and also for the people. It has been so
arranged that they are entitled to work only as subordinates, but a person from
Darjeeling has the opportunity to occupy the chair of the Chief Secretary in the state of
Andhra Pradesh. The Nepali speaking son of the soil is holding the post of Home
Secretary of state government in North East, but in the place where they are born and
brought up they are only entitled to work as subordinates. There is grim prospect of
governmental service in Darjeeling hills in different departments, even in group D and
other clerical posts. Hence, many educated youths had to go to Sikkim, Bhutan and
Nepal in search of services, but with the passage of time such opportunities are fading
due to various factors in those lands. The youths of Darjeeling have no other option but
to be counted as unemployeds. The situation has further worsened on account of the
absence of technical and vocational institutions in Darjeeling hills. Today, the information
technology has dominated every field of education, but in absence of initiative from the
government, there is mushrooming of private centres to impart computer education in
Darjeeling hills. The absence of government mechanism for verifying the credentials and
credibility of the centre as well as fee structures makes computer education unaffordable
for those students coming from lower income group. As the vocational and technical
education is the need of the day the students belonging to below the poverty level {BPL}
group constituting of majority in the overall population ratio have no choice but to pursue
with the traditional education, which was left by the British and followed by the
Government with certain alteration and modification. The present educated generation,
however is the product of traditional education carried out and followed in the region by
the Government and Private Institutions.
As "during the first three decades following the opening of the hill station, at least a
few preliminary works in the field of education had thus been done by a private Moravian
Mission and government officials. These pioneers found this region to be unexplored
and virgin thrown open for them to begin the educational institutions of their own design
and purpose; and to introduce curriculum of their own discretion" (Dewan). The purpose
of the missionaries in Darjeeling was to spread Christianity by starting educational
institution and educating the people. Thus, the establishment of educational institutions
by the British government officials in Darjeeling for imparting education was aimed at
producing numbers of indigenous people, who could help them in day to day
administration being well versed in Reading, Writing and Arithmetic only. As the British
had wanted to educate the local people so as to make them clerks, Munsis, Daffadars,
Bearers etc. for carrying the administration with ease, but a good number of students
surpassed the impression and expectation of the British by quality performances, in the
field of education after acquiring higher degree that resulted the formation of a layer of
literate society within a short span of time. A strong surge of socio-politico
consciousness arose in the minds of those formed the literate groups that led to the
perception of forming a developing Nepali Nationality in India. The perception of
formation of nation state in Europe was discernible on the annihilation of feudalism. The
annihilation of feudalism was followed by renaissance and modernism. In the same
manner the destruction of natural resources for developmental activities and the spread
of education are found to have caused expeditious formation of nationality
consciousness among the inhabitants of Darjeeling. The consciousness thus sprang up
to represent the sentiment, emotion, urges and aspiration of the developing Gorkha
Community in India from Darjeeling in a conspicuous way. And gradually the
preservation and development of Nepali Language in India as a national identity and
formation of separate administrative arrangement for the Darjeeling District and its
periphery where the Nepali speaking people were in dominance became twin political
aspiration of the people of the region. It is the dynamism of human civilization that the
start of education has gradually led to the development of nationality consciousness
which in turn is found to have taken a concrete shape of seeking national and political
identity. Similarly falling in the line of the dynamism of human's civilization, the education
started in Darjeeling, with an allurement of economic benefit it moved ahead and formed
nationality consciousness which ultimately has laid a solid foundation of nationality
consciousness of Indian Gorkhas for seeking to fulfill their political aspiration in India
from Darjeeling. Thus, the recognition of Nepali language and a homeland in India had
been moving in the same motion as described in "the scientific law of conservation of
mass of energy". The twin aspiration of the Nepali speaking Gorkhas in India is found to
have been moving along tartan tracts in the manner described here under.
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
THE NEPALI LANGUAGE
AND THE COURSE CHARTED BY IT
Language, is more than simply a means of communication; it constitutes our world-view by cutting up and
ordering reality into meaningful units. The meanings we attach to things tell us which values we consider are
important and how we learn or choose to differentiate between superior or inferior qualities.
Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, Decolonising the Mind.
In the history of British India, during the closure of the First World War Darjeeling
was accorded approval and sanction for teaching of Nepali Language upto the
graduation level of the then Calcutta University on 24th July, 1918. The permission for
teaching of Nepali Language from Calcutta University was the recognition of Nepali
Language as a developed language of the Gorkhas in India. Thus it is evident that the
Nepali speaking people had grown into a compact nationality in India living in the region
comprising Darjeeling Terai and Dooars. Language and literature is regarded as a
standard yardstick for measuring the advancement, progress and prosperity of a nation
hence, in the scale of the standard yardstick Nepali Language is seemed to have
attained the calibrated mark employed by the then Calcutta University. It was a positive
event for the people of the region as it led to the growth of educated and conscious
layers for playing assertive role in the years to come. In carrying further the assignment
thrust upon the literate people by destiny the establishment of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan
had taken place on 25th May, 1924 in Darjeeling. It being the premier literary
organisation of the Gorkhas in India, it has been carrying the task of publications of
books on various discipline since inception till date along with literary activities of varied
nature. The Nepali Sahitya Sammelan after passing many odds, dales and valleys,
today stands as the oldest literary organisation of Gorkhas in India with its own building
situated at Sonam Wangdi Road. But the progress and achievement carried forward by
the organisation during the period of nearing a century in no case can be regarded as
satisfactory. The pace with which the organisation had stridden in the beginning seems
to have lost with the passing of time. The passing of time led to the change of generation
that inevitably changed the body of the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan. The successive
governing bodies for more than two decades seemed to have become static with
interchange of portfolios for office bearers among themselves. Hence, the dynamism,
with which the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan was required to move, is seen to have been
stagnated. The stagnation to some extent could also be regarded as an impact of the
political scenario prevailing in Darjeeling. On the contrary in Darjeeling the whims of
political party instead of its ideology and philosophy swept a chunk of people associated
with art and literature. The other remaining chunk sat on the fence as they were neither
opposing nor supporting the whim that was thrust on them. In such situation the lone
institution of the literary intellectuals of India operating in Darjeeling was mute and at
times they adopted compromising posture with both the sides. As during the period,
there was mounting political pressure on the institution for changing the name from
Nepali Sahitya Sammelan to Gorkha Sahitya Sammelan from Gorkha National
Liberation Front [GNLF], a political party of Darjeeling. At that time the body heading the
institution was not unanimous for effecting a change of nomenclature at the behest of
political party, but it was written in "DIYALO" by Ramlall Adhikari in favour of Gorkha
Bhasa. The DIYALO is a journal published from time to time by Nepali Sahitya
Sammelan as its mouthpiece. The controversy regarding the name of language had
reached the highest pitch when the bust of poet BHANUBHAKTA ACHARYA, installed at
Chowrastra Darjeeling by the founders of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan in 1949, was
decapitated as a means adopted by the proponent of Gorkha Bhasa to subdue the
lovers of Nepali Bhasa. But the act of decapitation of the statue boomeranged for the
GNLF as it provided an opportunity of alignment towards the no- changer of language
name. Thus, the pressure for change of nomenclature of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan was
averted, but being relieved of unnecessary and unwanted pressure, the institution has
not been able to rise from its normal routine work. In place of widening its perimeter of
literary activities so as to accommodate the whole community, rather it shrunk and got
confined to a group only, but the group also exhibited no cohesion as the allegation and
counter allegation surfaced from 2004 onwards. Finally the internal push and pull
became open to public. Thus, the premier literary organisation of today's twenty million
Indian Gorkhas was seen passing through a critical hour and possibly a transitional
phase. At the time of the founding of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, there were limited
numbers of persons acquiring higher academic degree and intellectuals associated with
different disciplines of socio-cultural and educational field. Today after more than eight
decades of establishment and functioning of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, there is no
dearth of learned intellectuals in the field of language, literature, arts, culture and
academicians among the Gorkhas in India. Many of them have earned reputation,
recognition and distinction through their contribution and dedication in the sphere of civil,
military, games and sports, medical, science and technological advancement of the
country.
The controversy of using Gorkha in place of Nepali for the name of language as
raised by GNLF has been mentioned in the preceding paragraph. They wanted to
impose their diktat with force, but the controversy of the Gorkha and Nepali had its origin
from the developing stages of the language. In those days the language had different
names such as Parbatiya Bhasa, Khash Bhasa, Gorkha Bhasa, Nepali Bhasa etc. but
with a view to using one particular name of the language, the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan
on 30th April, 1932 and 15th May, 1932 had sent letters to the then Calcutta University
with the information of appropriateness and pertinence of calling the name of language
as Nepali Language. The Calcutta University had promptly responded vide its letter
dated 20th May, 1932 with consent to use Nepali against other names. Thus, the
language of Gorkha living in India is found to have been officially christened as Nepali in
the year 1932, but in spite of the controversy of nomenclature being put at rest in 1932,
some writers and academicians from time to time had preferred and used Gorkha as the
name of their language. However, numerically they were a minority as the overwhelming
majority had become used and adapted to the official line. Hence, the nomenclature
Nepali moved forward overriding other names and producing series of literatures
covering the entire literary spectrum. The prosperity and development of Nepali
Language takes stride uninterruptedly from Darjeeling. Thus in the early phase of the
fourth decade of the nineteen century, Darjeeling is found to have become the capital of
social, cultural, educational, literary and political activities of Gorkhas in India. The dawn
of freedom of India and adoption of new constitution in 1950 was followed by the
submission of a memorandum for the inclusion of Nepali language in the Eight Schedule
of the Indian Constitution. The demand for inclusion of Nepali Language in the
constitution was not made from Darjeeling. It was represented to the President of India
on 14th January, 1956 by Anandsingh Thapa of Deharadun. At that time Anandsingh
Thapa was the editor of a magazine named as JAGRAT GORKHA and the demand
made by him was regarded as an effort of raising the level of awakening and inculcation
of consciousness among the Nepali Community in India, but the demand on behalf of
Nepali citizens of India put forward by Anandsingh Thapa, "the President referred the
matter to the Chairman of the Official Languages Commission. Mr. B. G. Kher, the
Chairman of the Commission wrote back to Mr. Thapa, et al, that since Nepal was a
sovereign country, its language could not be included in the 8th Schedule of the
Constitution. Kher's response, by its irrationality, caused much consternation,
amazement and indignation among Nepali-speaking people to whom Mr. Thapa had
sent copies of his letter to the President. They included government ministers, heads of
political parties, MPs and MLAs. Kher's argument had to be shown up for what it was. In
a rejoinder in February 1956, Thapa and friends wrote back that the language panel
chief's case for not including Nepali language in the Constitution was myopic. They
argued that if Mr. Kher's rationale was to be accepted then Urdu language should not
have been given recognition either. It was after all the official language of a foreign
country {i.e. Pakistan}. Mr. Thapa's letter and the reply he got from the government,
which again spoke of an intransigent mind, led to the germination of a seed that would
one day become the struggle for according national recognition to the Nepali language"
( L. B. RAI IN A MAGAZINE TITLED AS AUDAHA PUBLISHED BY THE DELHI
NEPALI SAHITYA SANSKRITI MANCH IN MARCH, 2002). On 24th August 1956 in the
Parliament of India the need for according recognition of Nepali language for the first
time was raised by Satyendra Narayan Majumdar who was a member of Rajya Sabha
from West Bengal working as a whole timer of Communist Party of India [CPI] in
Darjeeling. Thus in the early phase of independent India the role and attitude of
Communist for the people of Darjeeling looked considerate, but keeping a pace with
bygone time it becomes easy to understand for the elite intelligentsia that the
considerate attitude was nothing more than crocodile tears. The Congress Government
of West Bengal under the Chief Minister Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy on 19th March, 1958
moved a resolution stating that---" This Assembly is of opinion that in pursuance of
Article 245 of the Constitution of India, Legislation should immediately be undertaken for
adopting BENGALI as the language to be used with immediate effect for all official and
administrative purposes in the state of West Bengal." The placement of the resolution in
the Assembly of West Bengal follows the attempt for removal of Nepali from the degree
level by the Calcutta University ignoring its earlier permission and recognition of Nepali
Language for study up to the graduation level. The placement of the resolution and the
stand of Calcutta University explicitly unfolded the attitude and approach of the
advanced and developed community towards the developing minority community of the
state dominantly inhabitating sizable areas. Undermining all aspect of the people of the
region, a bill known as West Bengal Language Act 1961 was placed in the West Bengal
Assembly for discussion and approval of the house. While moving the Bill on 23rd
February, 1961 the Chief Minister Dr. B.C. Roy had appraised the impracticality of
making Nepali as official Language. In support of his argument a distorted figure of 1951
census report pertaining to Darjeeling was used as his gambit. As per the distorted
report the percentage of Nepali Speaking population was stated to be 19.96 numbering
the total population 88,958 only. But in the preceding census the Nepali speaking people
was shown as ninety-eight percent. The distortion was that the Chhettri, Brahmin, Kami,
Damai, and Sarki only were counted as Nepali Speaking people in Darjeeling. The bulk
of the Nepali Speaking population such as Tamang, Limbu, Gurung, Rai, Sherpa,
Lepcha and others whose ligua franca was Nepali were not counted as Nepali Speaking
Community on the ground of having their own dialects. The distortion of the census
figure was a subtle endeavour by the government of West Bengal for denying the
permissible right of Nepali Community for obtaining status of official language that had
developed used and was spoken by an overwhelming majority of population of the
region. It was the first easily discernible political, administrative and diplomatic design in
independent India against the minority community of Darjeeling by the majority and
ruling community who linguistically, culturally, ethnically were a different community
within West Bengal. Thus, it was a grand design of splitting a compact Nepali
Community on the line of sectarian/casteism on the basis of their language and dialects
solely for the narrow political interest of the ruling community of the state. During the
period, the Chief Minister Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy was regarded as a formidable chief
minister of the country and also had the recognition as ROYAL BENGAL TIGER. Hence
the Royal Bengal Tiger seemed to be confident of sailing the move unchallenged, but
the people of Darjeeling having perceived the subtle move of depriving and splitting the
unity of Nepali community came forward against the move. The social bodies of the
different communities of Indian Gorkhas represented to the government in writing that
mentioned Nepali as their Mother Tongue. Thus the resentment and dissatisfaction born
in the minds of the people against the subtle design of the government of Dr. B.C. Roy
was built up into a movement and the movement was competently led by Messrs.
Ratanlall Brahmin, Indra Bahadur Rai and Ganeshlall Subba. Of the three, Ratanlall
Brahmin was the founder member of the Communist Party of India in Darjeeling, Indra
Bahadur Rai was writer and intellectual of wide repute and Ganeshlall Subba was known
as the first learned and intellectual to have joined the Communist Party from the Nepali
Community of India. The movement under the sagacious leadership of the Trio
ultimately yielded result without any loss of life and property. On 25th September, 1961
sanction and approval of Nepali as second official language was accorded in the state of
West Bengal under the provision of West Bengal Language Act, 1961 passed by the
State Assembly for its applicability in administrative purposes in the subdivisions of
Darjeeling hills. It was the first time that the people of Darjeeling had been able to foil the
design of the government through united protest and movement. But the act of distortion
of the census figure and attempt to mislead the people by the Chief Minister in person, in
the highest forum of the state did not become an issue of debate and discussion in West
Bengal Assembly, where three Nepali Speaking Members were like a tiny drop in the
ocean of overwhelming Bengali speaking members. Had the distortion of the census
figure been related to the big and advanced community, then the political fate of the
Chief Minister would have been decided through a PRIVILEGED MOTION IN THE
HOUSE, but the issue in question was not the subject related to the fate and emotion of
Bengali community. Hence, it is felt by ruling community that the granting of official
status to Nepali language in the state of West Bengal as an act of their magnanimity, not
the granting of legitimate right of national minority for getting official status for their
language. But the snatching of the official status by Nepali Language in the three
subdivisions of Darjeeling provided a fillip for taking further the demand of constitutional
recognition of the language. The political parties, social organisations, literate circle and
the public representatives were seen to have been making a persistent demand to the
Government of India for the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language till 1971 not
unitedly but in their own way. In the same year, Ratanlall Brahmin of the Communist
Party of India {Marxists} was elected to the Lok Sabha from Darjeeling Parliamentary
Constituency. On being an honourable member of parliament from Darjeeling, Ratanlall
Brahmin made an attempt of taking the oath of his membership of Parliament in Nepali
Language on 22nd March, 1971, but the then Speaker of Lok Sabha Dr. G.S. Dhillon did
not permit him for taking the oath of office of his membership of Parliament in his own
mother tongue. After a lapse of three months of the denial of taking the oath in Nepali,
the same Ratanlall Brahmin was allowed on 29th June, 1971 to speak in Nepali on the
Budget Debate of the Information Ministry as per the provision of the article 120 of Indian
Constitution. On entry to the Parliament of India he was debarred from taking oath in
Nepali in the house but three months later he was allowed to speak in Nepali. Thus,
being able to speak in Nepali for the first time in the history of Indian Parliament he had
submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of India on 22nd December, 1971 with
SIGNATURES OF SEVENTY FOUR MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT demanding
constitutional recognition of Nepali language. On the expiry of the fateful year 1971 THE
ALL INDIA NEPALI BHASA SAMITY {AINBS} is found to have been organised by the
literate, enlightened and intellectual circle of Darjeeling on 31st January, 1972 with the
sole purpose of taking the cause of the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth
Schedule of Indian Constitution. The following years in the history of the Indian Gorkhas,
an organisation of ALL INDIA LEVEL NAMED, All India Nepali Bhasa Samity with active
involvement and participation of broad section of people took a formidable shape. Prior
to All India Nepali Bhasa Samity {AINBS} a political organisation called All India Gorkhas
League had an all India character but the same was on the waning tract when AINBS
was formed. Thus, the All India Nepali Bhasa Samity became an umbrella organisation
for the Nepali Speaking Citizens of India irrespective of social, cultural and political
affiliations. The All India Nepali Bhasa Samity as its maiden endeavour prepared a
BOOKLET containing a report of the origin of Nepali Language, its history, and a short
list of publications of dictionary, grammar, periodicals and books in Nepali Language.
The copies of the very booklet were sent to the President, Vice-president, Primeminister, Ministers, Members of Parliament, Governors and Chief Ministers of states, the
Chairman of National Sahitya Academy, its members and leading citizens of India urging
them for the recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian
Constitution. The preparation of the BOOKLET in support of recognition of Nepali
language was the first document of its kind for the purpose. This submission of
representation to the highest authorities of Land for the recognition of Nepali Language
in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India could be regarded a historic event as
prior to the event the demand was not raised with supporting documents that
contained facts and figures. In spite of containing the requisite fact and figure for the
recognition of Nepali language as per the provision of the Indian Constitution, the case
being political in nature, there was a normal practice of the authorities to evade from
taking note of the demand. Hence, the PADAYARTA, SEMINAR, DEPUTATION and
submission of MEMORANDA to the concerned authorities from the time of formation of
AINBS till the beginning of the ninth decades of twentieth century gave no fruit EXCEPT
RECEIVING ASSURANCES FROM THE AUTHORITIES INCLUDING THE PRIMEMINISTER OF INDIA. On 11th and 12th JUNE, 1990 a conference on the issue of the
recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution
was organised at the initiative and arrangement of the then Chief Minister of Sikkim,
Narbahadur Bhandari. A galaxy of writers, artists, intellectuals, leaders of political parties
and lovers of Nepali Language from across the country numbering more than thousand
heads gathered in GANGTOK, the capital city of Sikkim. The jamboree and the two day
conclave was the first of its kind in the socio-political history of the Gorkhas in India.
After two days of deliberation a fifty-one member committee under the presidentship of
the Chief Minister Narbahadur Bhandari was constituted and the body thus formed was
christened as BHARATIYA NEPALI RASTRIYA PARISHAD {BNRP}. The body so
formed in its endeavour to apprise the political, administrative and diplomatic class of
Delhi, the necessity and justification for the recognition of Nepali Language produced a
document titled AN INTRODUCTION TO NEPALI LANGUAGE AND A CASE FOR ITS
CONSTITUTIONAL RECOGNITION. The body being fully equipped with intellectual
faculty, facts and figures required for recognition of Nepali language, left no stone
unturned in making persistent foray in the power lobby of the capital. In the effort of
penetrating into the barrier of Delhi for acquainting them the need and timely recognition
of Nepali Language, the contribution of the renowned historian Dr. Kumar Pradhan was
topmost along with host of lovers of Nepali Language. Further the political and
diplomatic exercises of BNRP were propelled with intensity by the dynamic activities of
the erstwhile members of the Parliament namely DILKUMARI BHANDARI, the member
of Lok Sabha from Sikkim and R. B. RAI, the member of Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling,
West Bengal as they carried hectic business in the respective house of the parliament
for enlisting the support of the members of the house belonging to different national,
regional political parties and also independent members. As a result of the joint
ventures of the Duo Parliamentarians inside the house and persistent persuasion by the
BNRP from outside, the recognition of Nepali Language became a possibility in the
beginning of the year 1992. But in an informal discussion among R.B. RAI, A MEMBER
OF RAJYA SABHA belonging to CPM, and two of his party colleagues R.P. PAKHRIN
and D.S. BOMJAN it was perceived that mere complacency on the possibility would not
yield a positive result unless a momentum is kept alive for exerting requisite pressure
from Darjeeling for the recognition of Nepali Language at the time of the Monsoon
Session, 1992 of the Parliament. Hence, as a means of mounting pressure, an urgent
need to hold a Seminar for the recognition of Nepali Language by intellectuals, writers,
political parties and the lovers of Nepali Language in Darjeeling was felt as a booster to
the diplomatic foray of BNRP and the lobbying exercise in Parliament by DILKUMARI
BHANDARI and R.B. RAI. Thus, in order to organise the seminar the two members of
the erstwhile Communist Party of India {Marxists} Darjeeling District committee, carried
out the task of consultation and interaction within and outside party. The interaction
finally resulted in convening a meeting for the purpose, by the Information and Cultural
Department of Darjeeling District on 14th June, 1992 at HAYDEN HALL. The meeting
was attended by writers, artists, intellectuals, members and leaders of political parties
and social organisations. The meeting was presided over by the topmost intellectual of
the Nepali Literary World, Indra Bahadur Rai. After a long deliberation, the meeting
decided on favour of holding a Seminar so as to urge the Government of India for the
Recognition of Nepali Language during the current session of the Parliament. While
taking into account the prevailing socio-political scenario of Darjeeling and the financial
and technical aspects related to the proposed seminar, the meeting unanimously
favoured and resolved to urge the Information and Cultural Department Government of
West Bengal for holding the seminar. Further the meeting felt that the seminar for the
recognition of Nepali language organised by the Government of West Bengal could carry
much more weight and message in comparison to the seminar organised by lovers of
Nepali language. Hence, a committee with Indra Bahadur Rai as President, the Deputy
Director, Information and Cultural Affairs, Government of West Bengal, as Secretary and
the rest who had attended the meeting of the day, as members for holding the seminar
in Darjeeling was formed. The committee thus formed put itself in motion and decided to
hold the seminar on 5th July, 1992 by inviting the Chief Ministers of West Bengal and
Sikkim along with the writers, artists, leaders of political parties, intellectuals and lovers
of Nepali Language residing across the length and breath of India. While the monsoon
session of Parliament was on and things seemed to be moving on a fast tract as the
Home Ministry Government of India convened an All Party Meeting on 17th June, 1992
on the issue of the recognition of Language. The All Party Meeting decided for the
inclusion of MANIPURI, KONKANI and NEPALI Languages in the Eighth Schedule of
the Constitution. In Darjeeling the committee, constituted for holding Seminar, named as
SANGOSTY COMMITTEE for recognition of Nepali Language, held its meeting on 19th
June, 1992 in the Conference Hall of Darjeeling Municipality. The meeting at the outset
unanimously adopted a resolution so as to thank the Government of India for holding the
All Party Meeting on 17th June, 1992 by the Home Ministry and its decision to accord
recognition to Nepali language along with other two languages. And after having a
thorough discussion on the different aspects of the proposed seminar and also having
learnt the inability of the two Chief Ministers for attending the seminar on 5th July, 1992
it was resolved to hold the same on 11th July, 1992 as the date seemed to be
convenient and suitable to both the Chief Ministers. The next meeting of the
SANGOSTY COMMITTEE took place on 21 June, 1992 in the office of the Information
and Cultural Department, Darjeeling. The Deputy Director of the Department, on the
basis of the communication received from the government of West Bengal, informed the
meeting, the willingness of the government for providing necessary fund for holding the
seminar. He further communicated the desire of the government for holding the seminar
in the Durbar Hall, Rajbhawn Darjeeling by sending the invitation cards bearing the
signature of the Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal instead of the Sangosty
Committee. The members present opined and felt that the holding of Seminar and its
success could be far more important than printing the name of Sangosty Committee in
the Invitation Card. Hence, all the members present in that meeting expressed their
individual and joint commitment for the participation and involvement for the making the
seminar a success.
The enthusiastic message of solidarity and commitment of the lovers of Nepali
Language for making the seminar a success spread like wild fire in Darjeeling, but with
an intention of dousing the fire from burning the heart of the people and party who were
against the recognition of Nepali Language, A POSTER APPEARED IN DARJEELING
TOWN ON 29TH AND 30TH JUNE, 1992 CONTINUOUSLY FOR TWO DAYS
CONTAINING A THREAT THAT WAS WRITTEN AS "NO GORKHA WILL BE HELD
RESPONSIBLE IF A DECAPITATED HEAD OF PEOPLE IS HANGED AT CHOWK
BAZAR FOR MAKING THE DEMAND OF RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE
"…JANTA.
It was a brazen threat and designs to bully the lovers of Nepali Language so as to
dissuade them from organising the seminar for providing support to the recognition of
the Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. In the beginning, it
was given to understand to the proposed Sangosty Committee, that the Government of
West Bengal was keenly prepared and determined to hold the Seminar. But there was
no reaction from the government and its district administration, when the posters that
contained threat of severe nature to the people for involving in the seminar, were pasted
in the heart of town. The dual standard of the government became a riddle to the lovers
who were aspiring for the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the
Constitution. It seemed that the government and its district administration were muted by
the posters. Hence, there was a strong distaste against the Government of West Bengal
for its pretence of the unawareness of the posterings. Gradually the Government of West
Bengal and its Darjeeling administration having sensed the mood of the mass; the police
removed the posters on 1st July, 1992. The members of the Sangosty Committee
gathered in the office of the District Information and Cultural Department, Government of
West Bengal on 2nd June, 1992 for a meeting. In the meeting under the presidentship of
Indra Bahadur Rai, the members present made a scathing attack against the
incompetence and lethargic role of the Darjeeling District Administration towards the
individual, groups and organisation that had pasted posters for creating panic. But the
meeting reiterated its earlier decision and stuck to its gun for holding seminar on 11th
July 92. The issue of recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the
Indian Constitution gradually took shape into a political cauldron in Darjeeling, as
Gorkha National Liberation Front {GNLF} the erstwhile ruling party of an autonomous
body that is Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council [DGHC] under West Bengal came forward by
calling general strike from 10 to 12 July, 1992 against the recognition of Nepali
language and also making a demand for inclusion of Gorkha Language in the
Constitution instead of Nepali. The political import of the calling for three days strike by
the GNLF was to sabotage the seminar of the Sangosty Committee scheduled to be
started on 11th July, 1992. The Postering with dire threat and the calling of three days
strike clearly drew a line to separate the pro-recognition and anti-recognition group or
camp of Nepali Language in Darjeeling from the same community and speaking the
same language. Thus, in the history of THIRTY SIX YEARS OF STRUGGLE for the
recognition of Nepali Language, a battle field was created in Darjeeling in a subtle
design. The situation thus thrust upon the lovers of Nepali language for constitutional
recognition of their mother tongue in Darjeeling pushed them between the devil and
deep sea. The holding of seminar as a means to exert pressure for the recognition of
Nepali Language would tantamount to a confrontation of fratricidal nature, the caller of
the three days strike being armed with the administrative power and strength of an
Autonomous Body under West Bengal seemed determined and bent upon for carrying
on their proposed programme for the observance of three days general strike, the
Sangosty Committee held a meeting on 6th July, 1992 in the office of Darjeeling District
Information and Cultural Department for taking stock of the situation. The meeting under
the presidentship of Indra Bahadur Rai after threadbare discussion on the situation
arising out of three days bandh called by GNLF against the recognition of Nepali
Language, upheld the earlier decision of holding the seminar and decided to carry on the
same but without being provoked by the activities of the anti recognition group of Nepali
language. After the meeting a separate and exclusive consultation was held among R.B.
RAI, R.P. PAKHRIN and D.S. BOMJAN in the CPM Office for making and ensuring
active involvement of political parties, social organisations and literary bodies for joint
and united move for the recognition of Nepali language. And accordingly a meeting of
NEPALI BHASA SAMITY, NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN, GORKHA DUKKHA
NIVARAK SAMMELAN, UTTAR BENGAL PARISAD that was headed by Surja Narayan
Pradhan, a disillusioned GNLF Leader, Bharatiya Yuva Parisad headed by Dhurba
Subba a youth leader of Gorkha League, and CPM was convened and held on 6th July
92 in the Library Room of Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan, Darjeeling at 3.30 P.M.
under the presidentship of Dr. Jagat Chhetree. The newly formed Gorkha Democratic
Front {GDF}, a political party, was absent in that meeting in spite of being informed to
attend the meeting. But the GDF President Madan Tamang had informed D.S. BOMJAN
of his support for holding the seminar for the recognition of Nepali Language and the
same was communicated in the meeting. The meeting unanimously resolved for
observance of twelve hours strike on 8th July, 1992 in Darjeeling District for pressing the
demand for the recognition of Nepali Language and also for providing an outlet to the
lovers of Nepali Language as an expression of solidarity for the cause of Nepali
Language. In the meeting, being fully aware of the inability of causing bandh in Siliguri,
the responsibility of making the bandh a success in Siliguri was entrusted to CPM. On
behalf of the CPM Ramasankar Prasad and Tulsi Bhattarai, the two responsible District
Committee members of CPM, heartily accepted the responsibility of making the bandh a
success in Siliguri for the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the
Indian Constitution.
After the meeting, the CPM office at Darjeeling received a telephonic advice and
suggestion from the then Information and Cultural Affairs Minister Buddhadev
Bhattacharjee for deferring the seminar scheduled to be held on 11th July, 1992. On
receipt of the telephonic directive from the Minister an informal meeting took place in
presence of Ananda Pathak, Sangdopal Lepcha, Ramashankar Prasad, Tulsi Bhattarai,
R.B. Rai, R.P. Pakhrin and D.S. Bomjan in CPM office Darjeeling. The informal meeting
felt that it was impossible to defer the seminar without getting some positive signal for
the recognition of Nepali Language. The feelings as well as the decision of observing a
twelve hours Darjeeling District Bandh were communicated to the Minister over phone
from CPM Office, Darjeeling.
There is always a vast distance between Darjeeling and Kolkata. And normally the
distance is regarded as a cause of gap of understanding the extreme north by the rulers
from the Writers' of Kolkata. But on 6th July, 1992 the distance was shortened, because
on that day non acceptance of advice of the Information Minister was followed by
telephonic conversation with the CPM office Darjeeling by the Chief Minister of West
Bengal, Jyoti Basu informing the details of talk held by him with the Prime Minister P.V.
Narasimha Rao over phone for the recognition of Nepali Language and also consultation
held with the Chief Minister of Sikkim, Narbahadur Bhandari for deferring the scheduled
seminar. Thus the CPM office being informed and advised by the Chief Minister and the
highest leader of the party had no other option but to take steps as suggested. Hence,
the next day the President of Sangosty Committee reached the CPM office as requested
and on being informed of the development, told Ananda Pathak, R. B. Rai, R. P. Pakhrin
and D.S. Bomjan, the information which he had already received from Gangtok, the
capital of Sikkim, for deferring the seminar. After sharing the information among the five
present in CPM office, they immediately decided to hold a formal meeting of Sangosty
Committee in the office of Information and Cultural Department at 4 P.M. The meeting
was attended by Indra Bahadur Rai, Prem Allay, J.D.S. Rai, Ganesh Pradhan,
Sudarshan Sharma, Amar Lama, Suryanarayan Pradhan, Dhurba Subba, Ratan Mothay,
Professor Rajnarayan Pradhan, Prem Pradhan, and officials of Information and Cultural
Department and D.S. Bomjan. The president of the Sangosty Committee Indra Bahadur
Rai apprised the meeting about the positive development in Delhi for the recognition of
Nepali Language and the persistent efforts made by Kolkata and Gangtok in the
direction for achieving the recognition as posted to him. The president was very cautious
and tactful in dealing with the agenda and also apprising the members present in the
meeting of the redundancy of organising the seminar at that juncture. But the members
present were unanimous for not being complacent on assurances only and struck to
observing the BANDH of 8th July, 1992 as an exercise of drawing the attention of the
government on the issue for immediate redressal of the demand for constitutional
recognition of Nepali language.
The members set themselves in motion after the dispersal of the meeting for
making the Darjeeling District Bandh a success. However that very evening, the news
bulletin on radio and the Doordarshan through its TV channel made a broadcast of the
possibility of constitutional recognition for MANIPURI, KONKANI and NEPALI in that
very monsoon session of Parliament. The news bulletin was an invigorating soup and
elixir and also a moral boosting for the lovers of Nepali language. The next day,
Sangosty Committee, being morally stimulated and highly optimistic, assembled in the
library room of GDNS at 9.30 A.M. for review of the situation and the effect of the
Darjeeling District Bandh. The bandh in Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Kurseong was total
but there was no bandh in Siliguri. The responsibility accepted by Ramasankar Prasad
and Tulsi Bhattarai, the two responsible leaders of CPM, for making the bandh in Siliguri
a success turned out to be a political bluff for the Sangosty Committee. The assembled
members of the Sangosty Committee taking into account the whole scenario and in
anticipation to the news bulletin of the previous evening preferred to withdraw the
Darjeeling District Bandh from 11 AM of the very day, but the success of the Bandh in
the entire hill areas of Darjeeling District and the broadcasting of the news for the
recognition of Nepali language during the ongoing monsoon session of Parliament
proved to be a Toxin in the mindset of GNLF. They had been publicly demanding the
constitutional recognition of GORKHA BHASA as against Nepali. In order to highlight the
demand, the GNLF was supposed to hold a rally and public meeting on 8th July 92 at
Chowk Bazar Darjeeling but on that day NECESSARY PERMISSION FROM THE
DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION for holding public meeting at Chowk Bazar had already
been obtained by BHARATIYA YUVA PARISAD. Thus after the withdrawal of Darjeeling
District Bandh at 11 A.M, it became clear that the administration had granted permission
for holding public meeting to BHARATIYA YUVA PARISAD and GNLF also on the same
day at the same time and at the same venue for making and opposing the demand of
the constitutional recognition of Nepali language. The leaders of different political parties
assembled in the GDNS Library apprehending the possibility of imminent clash informed
the authorities for ensuring peace and upholding the right of the first recipient of the
permission for holding public meeting on that day. The administration advised them for
maintaining peace with calm so as to allow the authorityto ensure and protect the
democratic right of the people and the concerned party. The administration with the help
of police force made an effort for blockading the entry of the GNLF supporters and
leaders into the town and the venue of the meeting for an hour. But after an hour, the
administrative blockade withdrew, the GNLF supporters entered the town as victor and
held the public meeting forcefully occupying the venue and debarring the Bharatiya Yuva
Parisad from holding the public meeting. The unpleasant incident of that day and the
callousness on the part of the Darjeeling District Administration was a Defeat and
Betrayal of the Democratic Force in the small town of Darjeeling which prided to be a
part of the largest Democracy of the world. On that very night of the betrayal of
Democracy, one of the active and conscious workers for the recognition of Nepali
Language camp from Kalimpong, Santosh Karki was murdered. The demand and
movement of the constitutional recognition of Nepali language was started in the year
1956 by Anand Singh Thapa of Dehradun after submitting a memorandum to the then
President of India for the purpose. Since then the demand had been passing ups and
downs and arriving at the juncture of the possibility of recognition and Santosh Karki was
made the FIRST MARTYR for the cause of the recognition of Nepali language. As per
the information gathered from reliable sources is very kith and kin were involved in the
murder for reason best known to them. Kalimpong observed total strike on 9th July,
1992 against the murder of Santosh Karki but Darjeeling and Kurseong were only
startled by the murder. On the same day the GNLF held a public meeting in Darjeeling
town without obtaining requisite permission from the administration for publicity of the
scheduled three day bandh which was to begin from 10th July, 1992 on the demand of
the recognition of Gorkha Bhasa and in opposition to the recognition of Nepali language.
The passivity and indifferent attitude of the law enforcing agencies against the highhandedness of GNLF and allowing them to violate the established rules and norms was
brought to the notice of the District Administration by the Sangosty Committee. The
deteriorating law and order situation on account of sheer negligence of the concerned
authority was also communicated to Ashok Bhattacharjee who was the Minister from
Darjeeling District at Kolkata over phone from CPM Office, Darjeeling. The Minister gave
surety to the Sangosty Committee through D.S. Bomjan for taking stern steps and
measures in maintaining the law and order. The first day of the Bandh passed without
any incident but in the early morning of 11th July, 1992 the report of the DECAPITATION
OF THE BUST OF NATIONAL POET OF NEPALI WORLD BHANU BHAKTA ACHARYA
SPREAD LIKE
WILD FIRE. THE BUST WAS INSTALLED AT CHOWRASTA
DARJEELING IN 1949, BY THE NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN. AND THE STATUE
WAS FIRST OF ITS KIND IN THE NEPALI WORLD HAVING AN AESTHETIC VALUE
OF MORE THAN RUPEES ONE CRORE. A little later it was also learnt and confirmed
the carrying out of the same type of vandalism to the statue of Bhanubhakta Acharya at
Kurseong. On being informed of the heinous act of decapitation of the busts of the
national poet at Darjeeling and Kurseong, the writers, artists, poets, representatives of
political parties and the members of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, except GNLF, held a
meeting in "SUDHAPA HALL" on 11th July, 1992 at 12 P.M. and condemned the act of
vandalism in strongest possible words. There after, a small team made a verbal
representation to the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police at DIB Office,
Darjeeling. Both of them assured the team of taking strong action and apprehending the
culprit by that night, but in contradiction to the assurance given by the law enforcing
agencies no action whatsoever was taken, even after a lapse of one and a half decades.
The culprits however roam the streets as innocent as ever.
In Darjeeling, a situation was created in which the lovers of Nepali Language and
the people aspiring for its constitutional recognition had to take a defensive position
against the political, organisation, diplomatic and also physical assault on them from
GNLF. Besides GNLF, THERE WAS ANOTHER GROUP THAT WAS ALSO ACTIVE
FROM JUNE 1992 FOR MAKING DEMAND OF GORKHA/NEPALI LANGUAGE
RECOGNITION IN THE EIGHTH SCHEDULE OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION. The
protagonists of the demand were Swarup Upadhyaya, Padambahadur Chavan from
Assam, Ashok Kumar Subba and Ram Moktan from Sikkim and Darjeeling respectively.
This group of four people was not lagging behind in pulling the leg of the Sangosty
Committee by raising a demand of recognition of Nepali/Gorkha Bhasa and they were
known as OBLIQUE PARTY. They even ventured to organise a Seminar in Delhi in
support of their demand but it was their ill luck that the attempt turned into a fiasco in
spite of spending material and physical resources and strength.
Darjeeling witnessed the month of July, 1992 as a season of language wrangling
of a very serious nature between the people and a group of people speaking the same
language following the same culture and tradition, but the rank and file, who were
pushed into the grave squabble in the name of language, were not aware of the
systematic political remote organism that was set in motion. At the end of July 1992, a
report indicating possibility of constitutional recognition of Manipuri and Konkani only by
dropping the case of Nepali appeared in the Statesman daily on 29th July, 1992 as a
press statement of Dhurba Subba and Suryanarayan Pradhan was communicated to
them by the Information and Cultural Department Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya,
Government of West Bengal. The lovers of Nepali Language in Darjeeling were
surprised when they read the press report coming from two local boys instead of the
Minister himself. The option exercised by the Minister for flashing the news of the
possibility of the dropping the case of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language
in that very session of Parliament through the two local boys belonging to the pro-Nepali
group was a creation of a conundrum, but it was not very difficult to understand its
implication for people involved in the movement for the recognition of Nepali Language.
The information was believed to have got divulged out of the heart of the Minister while
holding talk inadvertently and the same took a shape of hot news when it went to the
press from the two boys. A thin layer of suspicion was in pervasion in the heart of hearts
of the lovers of Nepali Language regarding the seriousness and sincerity of the ruling
party CPM of West Bengal, for the cause of the recognition of Nepali Language at that
opportune moment. The reason for building the suspicion was that there was a wide
spread talk in the circle of GNLF of the concrete assurance received by Subash
Ghisingh, the President of GNLF, and also the Chairman of the DGHC, from the Chief
Minister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu for not pushing the case of Nepali Language. In
support of the wide spread talk copies of a D.O. letter dated 3rd July, 1991 to Subash
Ghising from the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu was distributed throughout the DGHC areas.
The letter in between the lines contained as "WE HAD MUTUALLY AGREED THAT THE
LANGUAGE ISSUE COULD NOT BE AND SHOULD NOT BE RAISED, EVER." Thus
the circulation of the copies of the D.O. Letter revealed that there was an understanding
and agreement between the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu and the DGHC Chairman Subash
Ghisingh for not pushing the case of the recognition of Nepali Language, but in spite of
having that sort of understanding, the Government under Jyoti Basu tactfully pretended
of taking the cause for Nepali Language by camouflaging their insincerity with utmost
care. As it is said that the time is the greatest healer and the very healer time gradually
led the circumstances and event to unfold itself of the insincerity.
In spite of unfolding the role of the higher leadership of CPM at Kolkota, the
leaders of the party from Darjeeling were very serious in their endeavour and persuasion
for the recognition of Nepali language. They left no stone unturned in exercising the
political and organisational pressures on the different level of the CPM. On the strength
of party organisation and also in the capacity as a member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha,
R.B. Rai moved from pillar to post in Delhi and finally succeeded in taking a delegation
of the members of Parliament comprising Somnath Chatterjee, Saifudin Choudhury
from CPM, Indrajit Gupta, Geeta Mukherjee from CPI, Rambilash Paswan from Janta
Dal, Chitta Basu from Forward Block and also joined by Dilkumari Bhandari, Sikkim to
the Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and the Home Minister S.B. CHAUHAN on 30th
July, 1992. The delegation, as usual obtained assurance for the recognition of Nepali
alongwith Manipuri and Konkani from both the Prime-Minister and Home Minister, but in
spite of assurance from the highest authority there was every possibility of change or
conversion of the decision as in the House the Member of Parliament from Darjeeling
was Indrajit Khullar, a journalist from Delhi elected on the backing and support of GNLF
on Congress Ticket. He was very actively blockading the recognition of Nepali
Language, and making every possible effort for the recognition of GORKHA BHASA
without knowing the history, background, evolution, progress, status and existence of
Nepali Language. Even though he did not have the slightest clue to either utter or
pronounce a single word of Nepali Language, he was entrusted with the task of
obstructing the recognition of Nepali Language and to make effort for advocating the
recognition of Gorkha Bhasa as a pay back of his gratitude for the support he had
received from GNLF. R.B. RAI being aware of the fact and also realising the scant and
half hearted support from CPM came to Darjeeling and met with D.S. BOMJAN the
President of the cancelled Sangosty Committee Indra Bahadur Rai, the members of
Nepali Sahitya Sammelan and erstwhile Gorkha Democratic Front President with its
members for making a constant pressure from Darjeeling till the recognition of Nepali
Language was obtained in the very session of Parliament. As expressed and desired by
R.B. RAI for building pressure, the representatives of political parties, writers, artists,
poets and the members of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan held a meeting in the hall of
Nepali Sahitya Sammelan on 4th August, 1992. The meeting decided to observe twelve
hours BANDH in West Bengal and Sikkim on 13th August, 1992 as a litmus test of the
support for the recognition of Nepali Language from the ruling parties of those two
states. In order to proceed ahead, it was agreed to send a delegation to Alimuddin
Street, Kolkota being led by Ananda Pathak, a CPM Leader of Darjeeling, with a request
for observing one Day Bandh in Bengal for the cause of Nepali Language. Further the
meeting decided to send Ratan Mothay and Sudarshan Sharma to Gangtok with a
benign request of that very meeting for the observance of one Day Bandh on 13th
August, 1992 on the demand of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language during
the ongoing session of Parliament. As decided Ratan Mothay and Sudarshan Sharma,
while intending to leave for Gangtok on 5th August, 1992, encountered a problem of
non-plying of vehicles from Darjeeling to Gangtok via Teesta on account of 108 hours
strike called by GNLF in Kalimpong from that very day. Keeping in view the urgency of
the matter, the CPM Office, Darjeeling made a verbal request to the District
Administration for providing a vehicle from the Pool under Administrative disposal, but
the civil and police authorities in spite of enjoying a tradition of making arrangement of
vehicles for the officials and their own relatives coming from Kolkota and other places to
Darjeeling for holidaying, refused to provide a vehicle as requested for reasons known to
them only. However, a lover of Nepali Language and aspirant for its recognition
provided his personal vehicle for visiting Gangtok for the purpose.
In Delhi, Dil Kumari Bhandari and R.B. Rai were in full swing in pursuing the matter
of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language with the resources at their
command. As an endeavour Dil Kumari Bhandari had placed A PRIVATE MEMBER’s
BILL FOR THE RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE IN LOK SABHA. The Bill was
supposed to come for discussion on 7th August, 1992. But on that day the Minister of
State for Home Affairs, M.M. JACOB announced of moving a Government Bill for the
recognition of languages in that very Session of Parliament for which he asked Dil
Kumari Bhandari for withdrawing her Private Member Bill. Accordingly she withdrew her
Bill expressing thanks to the Minister and the members of the House for the assurance
of recognition of Nepali Language. The assurance from the Minister and the withdrawal
of the Private Member Bill by Dil Kumari Bhandari naturally led to the cancellation of the
proposed Bandh of Bengal and Sikkim on 13th August, 1992. The following day of the
assurance for the recognition of Nepali Language, became a week of merriment for the
lovers of Nepali Language and the aspirants for its constitutional recognition not only in
Darjeeling but throughout India. The week passed smoothly with complacency and the
Parliament declared holiday from 13th to 16th of August, 1992 for Independence Day
Celebration. After the opening of Parliament, while making enquiry Dil Kumari Bhandari
learnt from the Home Minister, the possibility of the recognition of Manipuri and Konkani
only during the ongoing session of Parliament which was scheduled to end on 20th
August, 1992 and she passed the information to R.B. Rai over phone in the evening of
18th August, 1992. The message of the possibility of dropping the case of the
recognition of Nepali Language immediately pushed R.B. Rai to meet the Deputy Chief
whip of his party in Parliament Sukomal Sen for expressing his anguish and resentment
against the reported possibility of keeping aside the case of Nepali Language for its
recognition. Further he made a hurricane move from place to place for expressing his
anger and resentment on one hand for not taking the matter seriously by the stalwart
members of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and on the other making benign request to
them namely Saifuddin Choudhury, CPM M.P, Indrajit Gupta and Geeta Mukherjee both
CPI M.P, Chitta Basu Forward Block M.P and finally Somnath Chatterjee, the
Parliamentary Leader of CPM, for taking immediate and serious steps so that the case
of Nepali Language for its recognition could be ensured. The stalwart members of the
both houses of the Parliament assured him of raising the issue of Nepali Language for
its recognition in the morning of 19th August, 1992 in both Houses of Parliament. The
next day, as assured, after the opening of Lok Sabha Session, Somnath Chatterjee
raised the matter of delay dallying posture of the Government for the recognition of
Languages and non-fulfillment of the assurances given by the Prime Minister and Home
Minister for introduction of bill for the recognition of languages as agreed in All Party
Meeting. He was supported by former Prime Minister V.P. Singh, L.K. Advani and Indrajit
Gupta. Thus uproar took place in the house on the question of recognition of languages
and at the very moment Indrajit Khullar, the M.P. from Darjeeling while opposing the
recognition of Nepali Language called it a FOREIGN LANGUAGE. On hearing the
statement of Indrajit Khullar, Dil Kumari Bhandari went to the well in front of the speaker
and threatened to observe an indefinite hunger strike. The Ministers Mamata Banerjee
and Malini Bhattacharjee rushed to assuage Dil Kumari Bhandari. The situation was
tackled and calmed down by the Parliamentary Affairs Minister of State R.
Kumaramangalam who assured the Lok Sabha for placing a Bill for the recognition of
Languages by tomorrow. Correspondingly, similar situation had developed in the Rajya
Sabha also when Johan F. Fernandez, Mohammed Salim, Souren Bhattacherjee and
Kamal Singh rose and made demand for the recognition of Languages as agreed in the
All Party Meeting.
In the CPM District Secretariat Meeting held on 15th August, 1992 in Siliguri, the
Minister and the party secretariat member Ashok Bhattacharjee had told the impossibility
of the recognition of languages in that very Session of Parliament. He also placed the
advice and suggestion tendered by West Bengal CPM State Committee for Darjeeling
to participate in the strike of 20th August, 1992 called by Left Front against the industrial
policy pursued by Government of India as a PROTEST FOR NOT GETTING THE
RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE. Further, it was also discussed in the meeting
about the recognition of Nepali Language being impossible as learnt by CPM leader of
Sikkim State, Anjan Upadhyaya from Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechuri both Polit
Bureau Members of CPM Central Committee. Thus, in Darjeeling, there was smoke of
doubt and suspicion regarding the recognition of Nepali Language, but, the people and
the protagonists of Nepali language were not inclined to observe the strike thrust upon
them. Hence, the lovers of Nepali Language and the political parties in place of strike
decided to hold a public meeting on 20th August, 1992 at Gitangay Dara Chowk Bazar,
Darjeeling.
Thus, a dense fog of uncertainty and improbability had covered the circle of
protagonists of Nepali Language in Darjeeling. On the other hand the GNLF, being
fattened with administrative power and organisational strength, was making hue and cry
for recognition of Gorkha Bhasa, along with threat and intimidation to the people and
individuals who were associated with the camp for demanding the recognition of Nepali
Language. It had become clear that the struggle for inclusion of Nepali Language in the
Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution at the decisive hour was set to encounter
political and diplomatic exercise in Delhi and physical fight in Darjeeling among people
who spoke the same language. It was a result of unseen subtle and meticulous move
played from elsewhere. Knowing fully well the pros and cons involved in making the
demand for recognition of Nepali Language, the protagonist of Nepali Bhasa, while
preparing for holding the public meeting on 20th August, 1992 at Chowk Bazar Gitangay
Dara, received the message of recognition of Nepali Language along with Manipuri and
Konkani over phone from Delhi. The news of the recognition of Nepali Language spread
like a wild conflagration in and around Darjeeling town. The news caused a flutter and
euphoria that brought waves of victory and merriment in the hearts of the protagonists
and lovers of Nepali Language. Fence-sitters too jumped into the wagon of victory that
carried the whole of Darjeeling town. The bursting of crackers, distribution of sweets and
exchange of greetings between each other was the scene at CHOWK BAZAR. The
proposed protest meeting, intended to be held on 20th August 1992 at Chowk Bazar
Gitangay Dara by the lovers of Nepali Language and its supporters against the noninclusion of their language in the Eight Schedule of the Constitution, turned into a Victory
Public Meeting for the recognition of Nepali Language after thirty six years of struggle.
The leaders of political parties namely All India Gorkha League, Indian National
Congress, Communist Party of India (Marxists), erstwhile Pranta Parisad, Gorkha
Democratic Front and Uttar Bangal Parishad were seated at Gitangay Dara and they
were delivering speeches in turn. It was an unexpectedly big and jubilant gathering but
the mass and the speakers were not agitated and excited. There was total normalcy as
the people were enjoying the sunny weather of that Thursday and listening to the history
of the struggle pursued by Nepali Language for getting a place in the Constitution of
India. When the meeting was nearing its end, all of a sudden, a convoy of six vehicles
with GNLF flags and with microphones fitted on one of the vehicles, boarded by
erstwhile councillors of DGHC, arrived in front of the venue of the public meeting at
Chowk Bazar and started shouting from the mike "NEPALI LANGUAGE IS FOREIGN
LANGUAGE, THE PROTAGONISTS OF NEPALI LANGUAGE GO TO NEPAL, NO
BODY WILL USE NEPALI LANGUAGE". The halting of six vehicles and shouting from
the mike at the venue of the public meeting was like a bolt from the blue that
instantaneously created a tense situation. But "Nepali Bhasa Jindabad, Nepali Bhasa
Amar Rahosh, Nepali Bhasa Birodhi Go Back" a counter slogan from the mike of the
public meeting was also made and the public too carried the same slogan in unison
repeatedly. Thus, the public stood undaunted extending their unflinching loyalty and
support to the Nepali Language and seeing the mood of the people A. K. Gupta, the then
Additional Superintendent of Police, present at the venue of public meeting, took out his
service revolver and pointing towards the sky asked the intruder GNLF Councillors to
leave the place immediately and they went back via Victoria Hospital Road. The
humiliating retreat of the councillors of GNLF facilitated the smooth and peaceful
conclusion of the historic public meeting in the annals of three decades struggle for the
recognition of Nepali Language in Independent India. During the thirty six years of
struggle for a place in the Constitution of India, Nepali Language was made
to
encounter diplomatic and administrative impediments one after another for which several
people from different walks of lives are found to have made physical, material and
intellectual contribution as according to their mite. The impediments were even from the
highest political-administrative authority also. The Prime Minister Morarji Desai, during
his visit to Darjeeling in 1979, had stated the impossibility of the recognition of Nepali
Language on account of it being a foreign language. Further he had written on 8th June,
1979 to Smt. Maya Devi Chhettri former member of Rajya Sabha, on the demand of the
recognition of Nepali Language as "I cannot agree with you regarding the inclusion of
Nepali Language in the 8th Schedule of the Indian Constitution as one of the Indian
languages. The origin of Nepali language is Nepal which is an independent country. It is
not an Indian language. It is true that there are people who speak Nepali Language in
some of the Northern regions contiguous to Nepal but that does not mean that Nepali
should be accorded the same status as any of the Indian Language. There are several
Indian Languages which are spoken in defined areas by a number of people but these
have not been included in the 8th Schedule. All over the world, in border areas, people
do migrate to settle down in neighbouring countries but nowhere has such a demand
been made for recognition of their language in another country. Those Gorkhas who
have settled down in India should come out of their shell, mix with the people and learn
the local Language and the national Language in addition to their own Language if they
wish to work out their destiny alongwith the people of India as Indian citizens. A large
number of people in Nepal do in fact speak Hindi but will the Nepal Government
consider according the same status to Hindi Language in Nepal!" Smt. Maya Devi
Chhettri was the member of the Upper House of Indian Parliament when Pundit
Jawaharlal Nehru was the Prime Minister of India and she had a direct access with him,
but her inability of taking the advantage of the accessibility in that opportune hour with
the Prime Minister for the larger interest of her community could be termed a sordid
event of her life as she got the curtly worded letter from Morarji Desai, the Prime-Minister
of India. The letter is seen as a note of suspicion on the genuineness of the citizenship
of Indian Gorkhas even also of the addressee who was the Ex-Member of Parliament.
But several stalwart members of Parliament not belonging to Indian Gorkhas community
were kind and sympathetic to the issue for a place in the Eighth Schedule of Constitution
for Nepali language. A comprehensive account of the struggle encompassing thirty six
years fight for the recognition of Nepali Language still has not been written in any of the
Indian Languages. The narration made as above is nothing but some flashes of the
events at the decisive hours of the inclusion of Nepali Language in the holiest book of
the greatest democratic institution of the world. Thus the achievement of the recognition
of Nepali Language in no case should be construed as a history of successful movement
fought and carried only by political parties, social organisation, writers, artists and
intellectuals from Darjeeling only. The language movement, started from the middle of
the fifth decade of the twentieth century, had gained its momentum from the beginning of
seventh decade and since then several known and unknown souls are found to have
made immense physical, material and intellectual sacrifice and contribution for the cause
of recognition of Nepali Language. The acknowledgment and appreciation of those
sacrifices and contributions in writing in the form of historical account seemed to have
been ignored by writers, intellectuals, literary personalities and laureates belonging to
Nepali nationals of Indian origin. It is seen that either a sort of inertness or an indolent
mindset infested with indifference to the glorious achievement seemed to have weighed
down the creamy intelligentsia of the community for writing a comprehensive history of
the thirty six years of struggle that accorded linguistic identity to the Gorkhas numbering
approximately twenty million in India. The national identity of Gorkhas as Indian
accorded and granted by recognition of their language is the fruit of struggle of three and
half decades. And in achieving it a fratricidal war was thrust upon but it is only the
patience and forbearance of one side, a war of far reaching consequences was avoided.
Still arrangement and provision for speaking in Nepali and simultaneous translation in
other languages in Parliament and state Legislatures is in dire need.
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EVOLUTION OF NATIONAL (ITY) CONSCIOUSNESS
National consciousness, instead of being the all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes
of the whole people, instead of being the immediate and most obvious result of the mobilization of
the people, will be in any case only an empty shell, a crude and fragile travesty of what it might
have been.
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
The great political upheaval caused by the division of Bengal in 1905 had its
flashes in Darjeeling too. It is on record that secret organisations such as Sadhana
Samity, Sarhid Samity and Anushilan Samity etc. were in function in Bengal against the
imperialist. The secret organisations were operated by some of the revolutionaries of the
then Calcutta. A similar type of organisation having a political tinge named Gorkha
Samity Library was believed to have functioned in Darjeeling by evading the eyes of the
Intelligence Department of the British during those days. The functioning of Gorkha
Library Samity was followed by the formation of Gorkha Hill Community on 8th June,
1913 by some intellectuals at Kurseong. Later on the Gorkha Hill Community is found to
have been converted into Gorkha Jana Pustakalaya. Till today it is in existence and
functioning as the first and oldest organisation of intellectuals of Darjeeling in India. It
seemed that the intellectual chord of the elite of Darjeeling was moved on being
acquainted with the movement down in the plains against the partition of Bengal. In spite
of being inspired from the movement of the plains the elite and intellectuals of Darjeeling
are found to have started expressing the political and administrative urges as a
developing nationality of India from the region in their own style. The fact and subject
requires a thorough study and research. When they were following a tract for
expression in an organised way, the first conflagration of destruction named as First
World War in the history of civilization engulfed the human realm. The Nepali speaking
Gorkha Community numbering two lakhs also got engaged defending the empire where
the SUN had remained ever shining. During this war Gorkha Soldier earned the
recognition and reputation of being the Brave of the Bravest and invincible as a result of
the sacrifice of the lives of five thousand and injury to twenty thousand Gorkha Soldiers.
At the close of the First World War the Gorkha soldiers earned the applause and
recognition from across the globe. At about the same time Darjeeling was trasnforming
into an epicenter of socio-politico consciousness of the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in
India. The three ethnic groups "Lepchas, Bhutias and Gorkhas representing the opinion
of the people of the Darjeeling" were found to have made a joint political body for the first
time. As in the capacity of the "representatives of Darjeeling District" on 8th November,
1917 they had submitted a memorandum to the Chief Secretary, Government of Bengal,
demanding "creation of a separate unit". The signatories of the memorandum were:
"Bhutia-S.W. Ladenla, Lepcha- Dr. Yen Singh Sitling, Nepali-Khadga Bahadur Chhetri,
Prem Kumar Kumai, Meghbir Singh, Lachuman Singh, Narprasad Kumai, Deonidhi
Upadhyaya and others." The memorandum contained a demand for Separate
Administrative Arrangement for the region comprising the whole of Darjeeling district and
the portion of the areas taken from Bhutan in 1865 and tagged to Jalpaiguri. The
demand of the representatives of Darjeeling District is found to have been based on the
incontrovertible data and facts of distinctiveness of the history, culture and geography of
the place which being the homeland of the nationalities speaking and following entirely
different language, custom, tradition and mindset to that of Bengal. The demand is
regarded as the expression of the first political aspiration of the people and place. In
spite of the Memorandum being the first document of political demand made from
Darjeeling, it is widely accepted that first political demand for having their own homeland
was raised in the year 1907 by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling. The mover of the
demand of the hill people was to be understood as the representatives of Lepcha, Bhotia
and the Gorkhas. The raising of the demand in the year 1907 was mentioned in a
memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during his visit to
Kalimpong on 29th August, 1952 by the President of All India Gorkha league, Sri
Narbahadur Gurung. While tracing the political aspiration of the people of Darjeeling Sri
Narbahadur Gurung is found to have stated that "as long ago as 1907 before the MorleyMinto Reform, the leaders of the Hill people of Darjeeling submitted a memorial to the
British Government demanding a separate administrative setup for the District of
Darjeeling". The copy of that "memorial" has not been seen in Darjeeling and same may
be lying concealed in dust in the archives of Delhi and London. The region for which the
demand of separate administrative setup was made by the Hill people in 1907 is found
to have already been segregated from Bengal during its division in 1905. As a place
Darjeeling in the then Bengal, had been segregated and tagged with BHAGALPUR OF
RAJSHAI DIVISION in 1905 but at the time the annulment of the division of Bengal, the
region again got reverted to Bengal. Thus it is evident that the Hill people were not
happy even being tagged with Bhagalpur having a little affinity of language but difference
in culture, tradition and historical identity. Hence, they might have submitted the
"memorials" so as to have the political power and authority for carrying socio-political
activities in a manner as enjoyed by other people elsewhere during the time. From the
time of the submission of memorandum by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling in
1907, the region and its people are found to have been persistently making prayers and
representation, to the various authorities, for having a separate administrative
arrangement. The most important thrust for the separate administrative arrangement
since 1917 is given for the separation of the region from the administrative and political
clutches of Bengal on the fact of the distinctiveness of history, geography, language,
culture, tradition, behaviour and mindset of the people. In the modern parlance, the
separate administrative arrangement is to be understood a Separate State in India as
per the provision of the Constitution in force.
In the direction of the persuasion of the case for separation of the region from
Bengal "meetings were organised and petitions were signed. One meeting on 13th
March 1920 was attended and supported by many of the European tea-planters and
other residents of the District". In spite of support by the European tea-planters also for
the separation of Darjeeling from Bengal, it was kept with Bengal against the wishes of
the people even under the reforms measures put forward by Montague-Chelmsford
Reforms in 1919. Darjeeling District was treated as a Backward Tract and had proposed
its exclusion in the execution of some of the developmental activities under the provision
of the MONTAGUE-CHELMSFORD REFORM, 1919. On learning about it, the
representatives of Bhotia, Lepcha and Nepali of Darjeeling District had sent a petition to
Edwin Montague, the Secretary of state for India, London on 11th February 1920. The
petition stated that "It appears to us that our case has been somewhat obscured by
including it in the Despatch under 'Backward Tracts', and our prayer for separation from
Bengal has been misunderstood as regards exclusion from general Reform Scheme. We
had merely prayed for the creation of a New Hill Province of our own with fullest possible
measure of Reform Scheme as granted elsewhere in India. As regards the inclusion of
our District among 'Backward Tracts', we disclaim the description altogether. In some
respects ours is an advanced Tract and is in no way inferior to any other community, our
people are as vigorous as any under the Government of India, the percentage of the
literate population is well above the average for the Presidency. We would, therefore,
emphasise our desire for the fullest possible measure of the Reform Scheme to enable
us to contribute most effectively to the welfare of India and the British Empire" The
petition further in support of a separate administrative unit states that "The comparatively
small population of our district may be urged as an argument against constituting it a
separate unit. But our population is increasing at a phenomenal rate and it is more for
our descendants than for ourselves that we are so earnest in the matter. Moreover, if our
original proposal be adopted, namely, that the portion of Jalpaiguri District which (along
with the Kalimpong Sub-Division) was annexed from Bhutan in 1865, should be
excluded from Jalpaiguri and included in our unit, then, we should have a population
about as large as that of New Zealand" ( Nicholas and Deki). Sadly the petition could
not disengage Darjeeling District and the Dooars from the political and administrative
scrabble of Bengal.
After the submission of the above memorandum for the separation of the region
from Bengal, several major political events took place. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
was emerging as the soul of the freedom movement in India. When his Non-Cooperation
Movement took a violent shape at Chaurichaura, Gandhiji suspended the movement.
The stalwarts of Congress Messers Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das, being
dissatisfied on the suspension of the movement by Gandhiji, were inclined to continue
the freedom struggle in a way different to that of Gandhiji. The subscribers of the line of
the two stalwarts were called "pro-changers". The "pro-changers" founded SWARAJ
PARTY in 1922. The Swaraj Party after winning the Calcutta Corporation election,
Chittaranjan Das became its first Mayor in 1924. The next year he came to Darjeeling
with a desire to recorporate from his failing health and "on his arrival at the Railway
Station Darjeeling on 16th April, 1925 he was welcomed by a large crowd" {Sanjay}.
When Chittaranjan Das was in Darjeeling, the soul and conscience of the independent
movement, Mahatma Gandhi also landed in Darjeeling and had stayed for five days with
him. During the sojourn of Gandhiji in Darjeeling the representatives of Darjeeling, who
were pressing the Government for the separation of the District from Bengal, had not
made it a point to meet and apprise the exigency of separation, but a school teacher
Paras Mani Pradhan, who in the meeting of Planters Association, European Association,
the representatives of people of Darjeeling and others held on 13th March, 1920, had
vehemently opposed the PROPOSAL FOR SEPARATION OF THE DISTRICT FROM
BENGAL, MET GANDHIJI IN DARJEELING. It becomes clear that the representatives of
Darjeeling who were making forays with memorandums for the separation of the area
from Bengal had conviction and faith of getting justice from the British. The Congress
Party led by Dalbahadur Giri since 1918 was spear-heading the freedom struggle in
Darjeeling was also adverse to the proposal forwarded by the representatives of the
people of Darjeeling. Might from the dawn, the aspiration of having a separate
administrative setup by severing the unnatural politico-administrative umbilical chord had
its opponent. The umbilical chord today has become an unnatural excrescence from the
body of Darjeeling for its people. In spite of lacking support for the separate
Administrative arrangement for Darjeeling from the erstwhile political leadership,
Dalbahadur Giri and teacher Parasmani Pradhan, the informal body termed as
representatives of the people of Darjeeling gradually turned into a concrete form of Hill
men's Association for pursuing the issue more vigorously. Thus the newly formed Hill
Men's Associations of Darjeeling and Kalimpong along with Gurkha Officer's Association
and the Gurkha Library of Kurseong submitted a JOINT MEMORANDUM to Sir Samuel
Hoare, P.C, G.B.E, C.M.G, the Secretary of State for India, London, on 25th October,
1930 for formation of a separate administrative set up for Darjeeling District. This
memorandum also had the same fate as that of earlier submissions. The political
scenario of India was developing with rapid stride on account of the intensified
movement for Independence of the country. The British with a view to lengthening the
tenure of their rule in India had been taking measures one after another. Among those
measures, the years "between 1930-1932 three consecutive Round Table Conferences
were held in London, and on the basis of the discussions held in those Conferences, the
British Parliament passed an act which came to be known as the "Government of India
Act, 1935." (Chaudhuri). When the Act was brewing, there was apprehension and also
anxiety of the possibility of overlooking the long cherished desire of the people of
Darjeeling as "there was no one at the Round Table Conference and subsequent Select
Committees in London to voice the cause of this band of loyal and devoted people living
in mountain fastnesses on the spurs of the Himalayas" (Hillmen's Memorandum). Hence,
the Hill Men's Association as its last effort is found to have made representation on 6th
August, 1934 to Sir Samuel Hoare, the Secretary of State for India, London, and Sir
John Anderson, P.C, G.B.E, G.C.I.E, the Governor of Bengal with a request for making
adequate provisions in the Statute Book for the protection of the interest of the hill
people by way of safeguards or "the District of Darjeeling should be totally excluded from
Bengal by creation of an Independent Administrative Unit with an administrator at the
head of the area assisted by an Executive Council representative of all interest in the
area and the area should be placed directly under the Central Government, the
Governor of Bengal acting as an Agent to the Governor- General. No legislation passed
by the Central-Government should apply to the area unless certified by the Administrator
in consultation with his Executive Council." (IBID: NO.5) The signatories of the
memorandum were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, President of Hillmen's Association,
Darjeeling, Gobardhan Gurung, Vice-President of Hill men's Association, Darjeeling and
Madan Thapa, Secretary Hillmen's Association, Darjeeling. The absence of the
signatories from Kalimpong, Kurseong and the representative of Lepcha of the Hillmen's
Association to the memorandum are conspicuous that also shed light to the fact of "the
deteriorating fraternity among the Lepcha, Bhotia and the Nepalis. This began with the
demand by the Nepalis to introduce "Nepali" as a medium of instruction in schools,
which in turn was a response to the Nagpur Resolution of 1920 by the Indian National
Congress on the Linguistic principle of reorganisation of provinces" (Subba), but the very
spirit of the reorganisation of province as propounded by the Congress in its Nagpur
Session weakened the unity of the demand for the separation of Darjeeling and its
contiguous areas from Bengal, on the fact of difference of language, culture, tradition,
history and geography with the rest of Bengal. Foreseeing the impending political
disadvantages on account of the lack of unity among the dominant hill community of
Darjeeling, a meeting was held on 23rd December, 1934 in Darjeeling and a body
named as "Hill peoples' Social Union" for the social development of Nepali, Bhotia and
Lepcha by nurturing fraternity among them was formed. The Hill Peoples' Social Union in
its efforts of realising its objectives formed a committee on 9th February, 1935 entrusting
it the responsibility of publication of a Nepali monthly named ‘NEBULA’. The dominant
original inhabitant, consisiting of the Nepali, Bhotia and the Lepcha community were
codified as NEBULA, but it is believed that the Hill peoples' Social Union and its monthly
NEBULA had disappeared on account of its inability to sustain against the subtle
diplomatic design against. The writers, artists, intellectuals and social activists of
Darjeeling are found to have organised a Social Body named GORKHA DUKHA
NIVARAK Sammelan {GDNS} on 3rd June, 1932. It was the first social organisation of
Indian Gorkhas in India. The Sammelan had been arranging education for the orphans
and many of them have become successful in attaining good post and position in the
different public and private fields of society. Besides it, the GDNS as of today has
produced several artists, musicians, dramatists, script-writers, and talents of high repute.
Many of them are found to have carved a niche of excellence outside Darjeeling and
India. A similar type of organisation was functioning in Punjab at the corresponding
period, but later on they fought for the safeguard and upkeep of the Sikh nationality and
their religion. Today they have an organisation called SGPC which is regarded as a
symbol of unity, solidarity, esteem and glory of the Sikh as Nation, but Indian Gorkhas in
general and more precisely socio-politically conscious, educationally advanced and
culturally resilient Darjeeling was unable to form a body that could embrace the entire
Indian Gorkhas.
Thus the period from 1907 to 1935 is seen as the first phase of ushering of a
political demand by the social elites and gentry of Darjeeling without forming a formal
political organisation. The British Government instead of conceding to the demand of the
Hill Men's Association; Darjeeling was made partially excluded area, so as to facilitate
holding of election a for electing representative to the undivided Bengal assembly from
Darjeeling as well. The listing of district into a partially excluded area and facilitating the
holding of the maiden election in Darjeeling resulted in a fierce competition among the
exponents of separate administrative arrangement for Darjeeling district. Thus in the first
election in the district of Darjeeling, the contestants were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla,
Gantshering Sitling, Rai Sahib Hari Prasad Pradhan and Dambersing Gurung. The
former three were the ardent supporter and advocates of the separate administrative
unit; as they are found to be the signatories to the memorandum submitted by the Hill
men's Association to the then British Government for the creation of a separate
administrative arrangement for Darjeeling District, along with the portion of Jalpaiguri
District, having majority of Nepali population in the region, which was taken from Bhutan
in the year 1865 as per the Sinchula Treaty. During the campaign, as of today the first
and last Nepali speaking Superintendent of Police and the defacto ambassador to Lhasa
of the erstwhile British Government Mr. Sonam Wangfel Ladenla left for eternity. The
death of S.W. Ladenla left the field for the three contestants. Among the three
contestants Rai Sahib Hariprasad Pradhan was a celebrated personality of his day in
Darjeeling. Mr. Gantshering Sitling was a renowned social activist of the period and Mr.
Damber Singh Gurung perhaps was the first advocate of Nepali Community of
Darjeeling. In that maiden election of the District of Darjeeling Mr. Damber Singh Gurung
got through and then came to be known as ‘VOTEBABU’.
Thus in the history of Darjeeling District, the first election as per the provision of
the Government of India Act, 1935 was held in the year 1937. The election smashed the
amity among the leadership of the people who were spearheading the demand for of a
separate administrative arrangement. The demise of Sardar Sonam Wangfel Ladenla
during the period of election campaign is believed to have sealed the process of
arresting the rift. A "cursory glance at the various memoranda discussed above indicates
a tremendous strain that Laden La, the key figure in the region until mid 30s, had taken
to keep the Hillmen's Association true to its name" (Subba), but it is said that "the old
order changeth, yielding place to new." (Coleridge), and taking the PLACE BY THE
NEW the following Rainbow of the political and historical events engulfed the sociopolitico arena of the Gorkhas in India.
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FORMATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL ISSUES
The unit of Indian National Congress in Darjeeling was the first political
organisation formed by the Gorkhas in India. As in the year 1918, there was a Party
Congress of All India National Congress in Calcutta, and "Dalbahadur Giri had attended
the Congress at Calcutta and after the Session was taken in a car by Mahatma Gandhi
for an exclusive talk. Dalbahadur Giri was a changed man when he returned to the hills,
after meeting Gandhiji in Calcutta. The return of Giri from the Calcutta Session of Indian
National Congress with the blessing and advice from Mahatma Gandhiji gave Darjeeling
ita first political organisation. After "the death of Dalbahadur Giri in 1923 Jangbir Sapkota
from Kalimpong, Gagatshering and Jangbir Raut of Darjeeling, Sabitridevi alias Hellen
and Mayadevi from Kurseong and Sivamangal Singh from Siliguri, all devout leaders had
carried the movement for independence of India with dedication and sacrifice" {B.B.
Gurung}. Among them Mayadevi Chhetri was elected as member of Rajya Sabha of
Indian Parliament on 3rd April, 1953. Subsequently in 1959, she became the first and
last Indian Gorkha Lady to have succeeded in occupying the post of Vice-Chairman of
Rajya Sabha {Bomjan}. Similarly the Member of Parliament elected from Darjeeling, Mr.
T. Manen, in early 60's of twentieth century, had occupied the post of the General
Secretary of All India Congress Committee. It was the culmination of highest political
achievement of the Congress Party from Darjeeling without having any discernible result
for the socio- economic and political betterment of the place and people. Since then it
seemed that it was the policy of the party to make the leadership happy and pleased by
ignoring and undermining the plight of the people.
The political party of the Indian Gorkhas by the Indian Gorkhas for the Indian
Gorkhas to supplement and complement the struggle for the Independence of Mother
India was established in the year 1924 at Dehradun, the Uttaranchal of today.
"Immediately after the Disobedience Movement of 1921-23, Thakur Chandan Singh
started a national forum for the Indian Gorkha. He invited representatives of Indian
Gorkhas from various regions of India and founded the now famed ALL INDIA GORKHA
LEAGUE in Dehradun on 15 February, 1924" (Lama). The All India Gorkha League led
by Thakur Chandan Singh is recorded to have extended its branches in Assam, Bhagsu,
Darjeeling, Kashmir, North West Frontier, Calcutta, and Bombay within a short span of
time. It had carried a brisk activity for giving Indian Gorkha a share in the national
movement for integrating the Gorkha Society into the national mainstream. In spite of
having led a brisk socio-politico activity for six years the All India Gorkha League
seemed to have suffered from a disease of decay due to betrayal from some of the office
bearers, intra-organisational problem and financial constraint.
Thus from the time of extinction of the All India Gorkha League till the beginning of
1930, the socio-political scenario of Darjeeling was not encouraging for the political
protagonists of the region. The mutual distrust among the dominant communities was in
the rise and the Government of India Act facilitating the maiden election in Darjeeling
added fuel to the fire in declining the socio- political amity. However, in such inflammable
circumstances the spirit of amity and the exigencies of unity for socio- politico survival
inculcated by the Hill men's Association were hunting the minds of the elites of
Darjeeling. "In such a situation, there emerged a young lawyer from Calcutta, whose
very concern for his people had inspired him to study law. Damber Singh Gurung soon
grew as the Messiah of the Gorkhas. He began to meet noted person from Kalimpong
and Darjeeling and discuss the problems of the hillmen, in particular the Gorkhas. After a
couple of such discussion a meeting was held on March 7, 1943 at George Mahbert
Subba's school in Siliguri. The Hill Men's Association had become defunct by then, but
its spirit had not diminished. Thus, some 60 odd Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalis gathered
there and resolved to form an association called All India Nepali, Bhutia and Lepcha
Association. Rupnarayan Sinha, its first Secretary and a busy lawyer, however, could
not pay much attention to this Association.
As days passed the Bhotias also withdrew themselves from this Association as
they found little role to play in it. Thus on May 15, 1943 this Association was renamed as
ALL INDIA GORKHA LEAGUE (AIGL) in a formal meeting held at Rink Hall ,Darjeeling
and D.S. Gurung was made its first President" (Subba). "Though Jnan Tshering Sitling
(Lepcha) was the only non-Nepali member in this League, the propagators of its
ideology did not ignore the Lepcha and Bhutia, which they could have, given their
absolute majority (Ibid)." Thus the AIGL came into existence under the leadership of
Damber Singh Gurung. "While as a member of Bengal Assembly he had learnt the futility
of a lone representative to the house from Darjeeling for obtaining socio-economic and
political safeguard of the place and people. Hence, he endeavoured for organising AIGL
in a firm footing for infusing a political sense in the community. He was convinced of the
darkness of the future of the people of Darjeeling as long as they remained in Bengal.
So, in order to get rid of the darkness the All India Gorkha League under his leadership
had postulated/enunciated an idea of merging the region with Assam" (N.B. Gurung).
The postulation was popularized by slogan that was buzzing as ASSAM CHALO. The
concept of forming a separate zone by merging Darjeeling with Assam was on the basis
of physical similarity and mental trait of the people of the two regions. And, to a great
extent the proposition seemed viable against forcibly tagging of the place and people
with entirely different region and population undermining the historical, cultural and
inalienable political and natural aspects of the former, but it remained a mere wishful
thought of a microscopic minority of India in Darjeeling.
When India was about to win independence, the renowned lawyer Rupnarayan
Sinha came forward with an idea of making the Darjeeling District as Chief
Commissioner's Province outside Bengal. There was a tacit support to the idea from the
Planter's Association and British Association also. The proposition of the Chief
Commissioner's Province was a novel idea for the disengagement of the region from the
political and administrative fang of Bengal, but the issue was raised when India was at
the very threshold of independence. The All India Gorkha League under Damber Singh
Gurung, the then member of Bengal Assembly from Darjeeling, forgetting his earlier
pronouncement of not having socio-economic and political safeguard in Bengal,
knowingly or unknowingly opposed the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal. And,
labelling the move as the SALE OF DARJEELING, the organisational might of the AIGL
was set in motion for opposing the proposal of Chief Commissioner's Province. Rup
Narayan Sinha might have been subjected to intimidation and threat also, but there was
no such vehement opposition from any quarter in spite of having differences and also
absence of amity on the issue of the separation of the region from Bengal till the time of
floating the idea of Chief Commissioner's Province. The proposal, however, received stiff
opposition that facilitated the design of keeping the place and people under Bengal. The
All India Gorkha League had put four alternative suggestions against the demand of the
Chief Commissioner's Province. The alternatives were "1. Inclusion of, the District of
Darjeeling in Bengal in its entirety. 2. Separation of the District from Bengal, forming a
separate Chief Commissioner's or Governor's province. 3. Separate North Eastern
Frontier with Darjeeling Duars and Hill tracts of Assam extending upto Sadia and 4.
Inclusion of Darjeeling in Assam. After a full debate lasting for four hours, the conference
was unanimously of the opinion that the fourth alternative namely inclusion in Assam
was the best one in the interest of the hill people. This resolution was taken on 22nd
December, 1945." (Chiranjib Kumar Kar), but during the squabbles on the proposal of
the Chief Commissioner's Province and its alternatives, the last election in British India
took place in 1946 in which "Damber Singh Gurung was re-elected as M.L.A. on a
Congress ticket. Later on he became a member of the Constituent Assembly. “In his
endeavours, to become a member of the Constituent Assembly he had much
correspondence with Kiran Sankar Ray, Leader of the Congress Parliamentary Party"
(Bhai Nahar and Kirpal Singh). In that election as per Bhagirat Rout, "Messrs.
Rupnarayan Sinha and D.B. Khati had contested against him as independent candidates
but with the wise support of the Congress and the popularity established in the masses
led to his easy victory." But a year after this victory, the same Damber Singh Gurung
was found to have become disillusioned and frustrated M.L.A from Darjeeling. In a
meeting held in Kalimpong on 17th May, 1947, he said that- "India is going to get Swaraj
very shortly. The Britishers are quitting India by June, 1948 and the Nepalis must
prepare from now on to face the situation. He had learnt through experience that
Gorkhas could not get anything from Bengal. The Britishers have treated us like animals
but the Bengalese are worse than Britishers. The Bengalese will be our administrators
and will try to keep us down all the time" (Bhai Nahar/Kirpal Singh). Thus with the defeat
and disappearance of the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal of Rup Narayan
Sinha, the All India Gorkha League and its President Damber Singh Gurung, who had
opposed tooth and nail the proposal is found to have been overwhelmed with
disillusionment. But, it was like "after Death the Doctor" because by this time the
physical infirmities with a failing health stood on his way. Hence, the leader intending to
struggle for the political survival of his community could not withstand, as other mortals,
the warrant of death that was served on him on 7th April, 1948.
After the premature demise of the President and Legislator Damber Singh Gurung,
the All India Gorkha League was found to have made an attempt of segregating the
region which was clawed by West Bengal in Independent India. And, in the direction of
unfastening the politico-administrative claws, the AIGL is found to have placed a
proposal of forming UTTARKHAND PRADESH through a public meeting held on 30th
October, 1949 at GITANGAY DARA, DARJEELING. The meeting was presided over by
no less a person than Rupnarayan Sinha who was the mover of the proposal for Chief
Commissioner's Province which was opposed with organisational might of the AIGL
under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. But the conception and enunciation of
the SEPARATION from Bengal with different nomenclature {Uttarkhand Pradesh} is
found to have been advocated by the same party which had opposed the separation in
the name of Chief Commissioner's Province. The INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT on
the very meeting in which the proposal of forming of UTTARKHAND PRADESH
comprising Darjeeling District, SIKKIM, JALPAIGURI and COOCH BEHAR was placed,
submitted a written report -"today, their voices do not reach the ears of Legislators in
Calcutta, for they are only three in the midst of 250 but it would not be so in the new
Pradesh where they hope to do a great deal. Discussing the pros and cons of the
movement from the economic point of view, the speakers compared there would be new
province with Himachal Pradesh saying that the population of the later was 8 Lacs,
while that of UTTARKHAND would be 21 Lacs. The annual income of Darjeeling District
is near about 80 Lacs, from quinine, forests, amusement tax, excise etc. The annual
income of Jalpaiguri is Rs 60 Lacs, Cooch Behar one crore and eight lacs and Sikkim 9
Lacs. When Himachal Pradesh can pull on with a meagre sum of Rs 8 Lacs, there is no
reason why this Uttarkhand Pradesh would not do so, whose income is three times
greater than that of the former. Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Sikkim are
abundant in natural resources, besides an annual income of 2 crore pounds of tea from
the district of Darjeeling alone. Judging from the financial point of view, the speaker
stated that they can easily run the new Province which would be far better off than other
provinces, for it would be a party of Mongolians having similar nature and habit" {Ibid}.
The proposal of the Uttarkhand Pradesh was moved and placed by Randhir Subba on
behalf of the All India Gorkha League and it was endorsed and supported by the leaders
of political parties from different strata as the mover had stated that "the AIGL leaders
are prepared to withdraw its leadership if other communities, including Bengalis, are
willing to fight for Uttarkhand province. This province will have {given the first alternative}
7,832 square miles and 19, 95,068 persons out of which the "Nepalis" will be about 4,
39000 or 22 percent only. Thus, no community will be either in absolute majority or
minority and even the Bengalis will have the opportunity to sustain their culture". {Subba}
But "the Uttarkhand movement initiated by Randhir Subba of All India Gorkha League
and Rupnarayan Sinha of Hill-men's Association on being encountered by a thunderous
reprimand from the first Deputy Prime-minister of India Sardar Ballavbhai Patel, the
proposal mangled into pieces" {Pradhan}. But the same "Patel had been prepared to
concede partition even before Mountbatten's arrival. He was ageing, he'd suffered two
heart attacks, and he wanted to get on with it, to end these ceaseless debates and get
down to the task of building an independent India. Give Jinnah his state, he argued, it
wouldn't survive anyway. In five years the Moslem League would be knocking at their
door begging for India's reunification" (Collins and Lapierre). Thus, it is obvious that the
man who was agreeable and amenable to the partition of India was extremely against
the formation of Uttarkhand within India for the people of the region on the ground of
weakening the country by such formation.
Thus, the period from the inception of AIGL to the disappearance of the demand
for Uttarkhand Province, the first generation of leadership also seemed to have been
over. In the following years, the strong and resourceful All India Gorkha League having
organisational strength gradually immersed into the din and dirt of West Bengal's
electoral politics and in the game of the electoral politics that required two pronged move
of winning the good will of the master of Bengal at Kolkata and the hoodwinking and
bluffing of the naive electorates of Darjeeling. In the strategy of targeting two different
points of electoral politics thrust upon Darjeeling in independent India of West Bengal,
Deoprakash Rai, the Leader of the new generation representing the All India Gorkha
League is found to have excelled and outsmarted all his opponents. He represented the
Darjeeling 23-Assembly Constituency for a quarter century uninterruptedly without
effecting any tangible improvement for the upkeep of the place and people. During his
tenure, of representation, the earlier and initial commitment of All India Gorkha League,
of the total separation of Darjeeling District had been modified to be under West Bengal
by affecting an administrative mechanism called District Autonomy. In order to realise
and achieve the proposed District Autonomy, no concrete course of action was followed
except placing of verbal demand and representations from time to time. And, in pulling
the people on the tract as desired by him with such a hollow assurance and
commitment, Deoprakash Rai successfully carried the mass along with him by his
witticism and demagogy for twenty-five years. There was no dearth of explicit and
implicit help in the direction of his endeavours. Hence, so long as he was in the helm of
political affairs, Kolkata seemed to be worry-free and unfettered on their self-styled claim
of Darjeeling as the crown of Bengal. The party under his leadership had the capacity
and sway of marginalizing and also expulsion of the forces and elements which could be
detrimental to the cause of the ruler of the state. There were several inner-party push
and pull but in each case he is found to be victorious till his death as there is record that
not a single opponent had been able to stand in AIGL as long as he was alive. Leaders
who dared to challenge his style of functioning and performance were made like a fish
thrown on sand. He was the first Gorkha Leader to occupy the post of Cabinet Minister
in West Bengal of Independent India in 1967. The holding of the portfolio of Cabinet
Minister had created a high hope and expectation in the minds of the people of
Darjeeling, but knowing the mood of the people and being a shrewd politician and
loquacious in his game, it is seen that the "All India Gorkha League in the District
Conference held at Darjeeling on 13th May, 1967" had adopted a resolution on the
Autonomous District Councils "The people of the District have raised their voice for
Autonomous District Council within West Bengal through All India Gorkha League and
other political parties of this district but so far it has remained unheeded. It is a pity that
very important minority of India living on the sensitive border has not been given any
hand or say in the administration of its own affairs. When similar minorities living in other
states who raise their voice much later have been offered wide autonomy, why not the
hill people of West Bengal? This is a discrimination about which the people are feeling
very sore. This meeting of All India Gorkha League, therefore, reiterates its demand for
Autonomous District Council and resolves that the issue will not be allowed to be kept
shelved much longer. We will take all action for achievement of the object of
Autonomous District Council within Bengal at a time it thinks opportune". {Chiranjib
Kumar Kar}. That opportune moment never came for the people of Darjeeling despite his
becoming a Cabinet Minister for two terms in the days to come. During his tenure of
Cabinet Minister-ship it is seen the issue of Autonomous District Council was not
pursued by him either in the Cabinet or in the Assembly, though had earned recognition
and respect not only in Darjeeling but in the capital of the state. Thus, it was an
unpardonable error that undermined the political future of the Gorkhas at large. Most
unfortunately, it had occured during the perpetuated ERA OF GORKHA LEAGUE IN
DARJEELING UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF DEOPRAKASH RAI FROM 1952 TO
1980.
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FORMATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
There was the 'GREAT BENGAL FAMINE IN 1943'. It is estimated that the
calamity had taken the lives of three to four million men, women and children. The
situation was further aggravated by the most terrible Second World War in human
civilization. There was involvement of sixty one countries with a total population of one
hundred seventy crore. The war had taken lives of twenty eight lakhs soldiers out of
which seven thousand five hundred forty four Nepali speaking Gorkha Soldiers were
sacrificed at the altar of the war. Twenty three thousand Nepali Speaking Gorkha
Soldiers sustained physical injuries out of which a good number of them became
physically disabled for ever. In spite of sustaining such a great loss the Nepali Speaking
Gorkha Soldiers earned the recognition and was applauded for BRAVERY in the history
of the WAR-FARE of the World.
The scarcity of food, starvation and death had become the order of the day in
Bengal. In such hours of shocking catastrophic situation the Political Parties were
obliged to carry freedom struggle on the one hand and on the other reaching the rural
mass for organising movement against the hoarders and blackmarketeers. The
Communist Party of India {CPI} had started a programme as good as an expedition for
organising People's Relief Committee in different parts of Bengal. Sushil Chatterjee
made a dash to Darjeeling on being detailed by the CPI for organising the movement in
Darjeeling District. During the period there were the nascent All India Gorkha League
and the adult Indian National Congress in Darjeeling but they had not taken any
progamme against the hoarders and blackmarketeers so as to ameliorate the plight of
the people, but a driver, Ratanlall Brahmin, who was also known as MAILA BAJAY with
some of his friends had been making dare-devil activities of breaking the godowns and
plundering the hoarded items for distribution to the famine starved people of Darjeeling
town. On hearing the activities of Ratanlall Brahmin, the leader of CPI, Sushil Chatterjee
deputed to Darjeeling was eager to meet him. Thus, a seasoned and literate political
leader found a courageous and daring hill boy who was well suited to the mission for
which he had come. Ratanlall Brahmin too was impressed and influenced on hearing the
ideals of the Communist Party from Sushil Chatterjee. The Communist Party helped
establish him a leader and in turn he made the Communist Party in Darjeeling District.
As "for the first time DRIVER UNION came into existence under the leadership of
MAILA BAJAY and it followed the formation of Gariman Union, Rikshaw-man Union, Din
Majdoor Union, Chattra Federation, Mahila Samity and Kisan Sabha one after another.
As it was remarkable that the Party started in 1943 had extended its influence in the
intellectual circle more particularly among the student community" {R.B}. The Gariman
Union is to be understood as the union of Bullock Carts which used to ferry in between
Siliguri and Darjeeling during those days for carrying provisions. Hence, the present
national highway 55A was known as Hill Cart Road till early 1990. The Rikshaw-man
Union was the union of RIKSHAW PULLERS, as in those days manually pulled
rickshaws were in service in Darjeeling town. With the advance of civilization the manpulled Rickshaw has disappeared from Darjeeling town but not from Kolkata city. In a
short span of time the erstwhile Communist Party of India had taken a shape of well
knitted cadre based strong organisation in Darjeeling.
Immediately after the Second World War, THE LAST ELECTION OF British India
was held in 1946 in Darjeeling, in that election, Darjeeling was allotted two
constituencies against earlier one. In the General Constituency the AIGL candidate
Damber Singh Gurung the former lone representative, had won the election with the
support of the Indian National Congress. And in "the Labour Constituency, that was
comprised of Twelve Tea Gardens, the contestants were Gaga Tshering of Indian
National Congress, S.K. Tshering sponsored by the owners of tea gardens and Ratanlall
Brahmin of CPI. In that election for Darjeeling, the CPI had issued eleven points
proposal in favour of workers to be realised from the owners of the gardens and won the
election with thumbing majority by polling 85 percent of the total polled votes" {R.B}. The
election of the 1946 ushered three representatives of the Communist Party of India into
the Assembly of undivided Bengal. They were Jyoti Basu representing the Railway
Constituency of Calcutta, Rupnarayan Roy elected from the reserved seat of Dinajpur
and Ratanlall Brahmin from Labour Constituency of Darjeeling. India then was at the
very threshold of attaining independence after two hundred years of British rule. The
Communist Party of India, the Darjeeling District Committee being overwhelmed of its
victory in the election, held the first District Conference in a house called Topsitia owned
by Snehangshu Kanta Acharya at Jalapahar. The conference was attended by Saroj
Mukherjee and Bhawani Sengupta on behalf of the Bengal Provincial Committee. In that
conference a political resolution was adopted and it had stated as "the demand of
independent Gorkhsthan in independent India submitted from time to time by the District
Committee is being upheld and reiterated. The demand of the Gorkhasthan was not the
wishful thinking of Ganeshlall Subba, the then Secretary of CPI Darjeeling District
Committee and Ratanlall Brahmin, the CPI MLA from Darjeeling, but keeping in mind the
erstwhile national and international situation and the ideological and theoretical line of
party, in the context of the politics of Darjeeling the demand is found to have been made"
(R.B). The adoption of that resolution FOR THE FORMATION OF GORKHASTHAN in
the first conference of the Communist Party of India, Darjeeling District Committee in the
presence of the leaders of the PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE clearly shomed that the
demand was being supported and consented by the Provincial Committee of the CPI.
Hence, it becomes obvious that Ratanlall Brahmin M.L.A. from Darjeeling and the
District Secretary of the party Ganeshlall Subba dared to submit a memorandum for the
formation of Gorkhasthan for the Nepali Speaking Gorkha on 6th April 1947 to the
Constituent Assembly of India. The copy of the memorandum was endorsed to interim
Prime Minister Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru and Mr. Liaquat AIi Khan the Finance Minister of
the interim Government and also the leader of Muslim League. In the memorandum
citing various geographical, political, historical, cultural, linguistic and ethnical facts and
figures, had urged and demanded as “The Communist Party of India, therefore,
demands that after making necessary revisions of the existing boundaries, the three
contiguous areas of Darjeeling district, southern Sikkim and Nepal be formed into one
single zone to be called GORKHASTHAN." Thus, the erstwhile Communist Party of India
operating in Darjeeling is found to have made the demand on the basis of the Right to
Self Determination of Nationalities as propounded by Lenin and adopted by the then CPI
for different nationalities of India. The Communist Party of India FOR DARJEELING
DISTRICT had published a magazine titled BIR GORKHA which bears the map of
GORKHASTAN ON ITS FRONT COVER PAGE, but the same Communist Party of India
and its other off shoots today have become voracious opponent for the formation of
separate state within India as per the provision of the Indian Constitution for the National
minority Gorkhas of India dominantly inhabitating Darjeeling and its contiguous areas for
reasons best suited to them. The ruler of the state of West Bengal from 1977 till today,
the Communist Party of India [Marxists] popularly known as CPM, an outfit of CPI had
moved a Resolution in West Bengal Assembly in the year 1978 and 1981 urging the
Government of India for making arrangement to grant Regional Autonomy to the District
of Darjeeling and the areas attached to it having the dominance of the people with
different language, culture, tradition and mind set. The resolutions were passed and
adopted in Assembly without any opposition. The Member of Parliament Ananda Pathak,
elected for the Eighth Lok Sabha in 1984 from Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency on
CPM ticket being armed with the resolutions unanimously passed by the West Bengal
Assembly, moved a private member bill number 122 in the Lok Sabha of the Indian
Parliament on 9th August, 1985, seeking regional autonomy for Darjeeling District and
its contiguous areas having Nepali population in majority with the full consent of his
party. But the Bill after debate was defeated by 47 vote against 17 votes only in spite of
having CPM 22 MP, CPI 06 MP, RSP 03 MP and FORWARD BLOCK 02 MP (altogether
33 Members of Parliament belonging to Left Front for that particular Lok Sabha as they
were elected from across the country.) The composition of the Eighth Lok Sabha from
1984 to 1989 was as follows: the Indian National Congress led by Rajiv Gandhi had 397
MP, Telugu Desam 29 M.P, CPM 22 M.P, CPI 06 MP, RSP 03 MP, Forward Block 02
MP, Janta Party 13 M.P, Asom Ganaparisad 06 M.P, Lok Dal 05 M.P, AIDMK[I] 07
M.P, AIDMK[II] 03 M.P, Akali Dal [Badal] 03 M.P, Akali Dal [Barnala] 02 MP, BJP 02
M.P, DMK 02 M.P, National Conference 02 M.P, Kerala Congress 02 MP, Sikkim
Sangram Parisad 01 MP, Muslim League 02 MP, Peasant and Workers Party 02 MP,
Plains Tribal Council 01 MP, Independents 06 MP, Nominated 02 MP, Unattached 10
MP, 15 vacant seats. Thus it is clear from the voting pattern and the composition of the
house that neither the mover nor the sponsors of the bill for regional autonomy for the
people of Darjeeling and adjoining areas nor the ruling and other parties were serious on
the issue of the conferring of minimum political right to the Indian Gorkhas.
The demand of separation from Bengal made by Darjeeling and its people from the
very day of the birth of political consciousness was avoided one way on the other by the
British. The same demand at the time of independence of India,by the then Communist
Party of Inidia made was into a demand for a country called Gorkhasthan, by the then
communistp party. And the same Party after the independence of the country is found to
have modified the Gorkhasthan into a Regional Autonomy, but the demand of Regional
Autonomy on the basis of ethnic composition and other aspect related to it is not in
conformity with the provisions of the Indian Constitution in force. In order to materialize
the Regional Autonomy as wished by the Communist Parties of West Bengal the Indian
Constitution requires to be amended by the two third members of Lok Sabha.
Subsequently, the amendment has to be ratified by the majority of States legislatures.
Hence, the Regional Autonomy is nothing but juicy grape that dangles as an offer made
to political jackals by advanced and major ruling community as a ploy to perpetuate their
Administrative and Political Hegemony over the Region.
The Communist Party along with other national party were not sincere to the
political cause of the people of Darjeeling and its contiguous periphery, where the non
Bengali people dominantly reside. The people are subjected to exploitation and
deprivation in a systematic way. The exploitation and deprivation are more subtle and
serious in Dooars and Terai than in the hill areas of Darjeeling. The Nepali and Adivashi
community constitute the overwhelming majority of workers in tea gardens, but the posts
above the workers are being held by the people belonging to the ruling community of the
state in almost all gardens. There is utter negligence in the establishment of schools for
the children of Gorkhas and Adivashis in comparison to the running and management of
Bengla medium schools. In some of the Nepali Medium Schools, Bengali teachers are
found to have been appointed despite the availability of educated unemployed Nepali
national in those areas. It is a widely held belief that in the fitness of majority population,
there is the presence of overwhelming number of under-trials and convicts in the
Correctional Homes of Jalpaiguri and Siliguri belonging to other than the ruling
community. And, really the thickness and density of the particular communities could be
felt and seen in the rallies and public meetings of political parties as well as at the time of
forming a disciplined queue on the day of polling in different booths. But in terms of
employment in the offices of the different Departments, the ratio between the ruling and
ruled communities are exactly the reverse, if compared with the numbers that have been
made to participate in rallies, public meetings for slogan shouting and standing in queue
as stated above. This is due to the social, cultural, economical and political
backwardness of the concerned people and group. Thus, in order to be employed, the
competition between the advanced ruling and the backward ruled communities has
become like a race between an Olympian and a Village Champion. The village
champions are lacking safeguard and protection. However, they are as always obliged
yet immune to the drawing of systematic political move. Their only consolation is to rely
and believe in the result of their own faith.
It seems that there is no way out in sight to the end of this exploitation and
deprivation. The imposition of the will of the dominant community over the national
minority having different culture, tradition, language, history and geography have so far
refused to acknowledge exploitation and deprivation, rather they feel, it is their
prerogative to subjugate and rule the people and place.
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POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY AGAINST THE PEOPLE AND THE
REGION
The socio-political and geographical constitution of modern Darjeeling District and
the Dooars are the out come of the physical strength and perseverance of the inhabitant
with the administrative-political knowledge of the British. Thus, in a sense it could be
said that British made the region and laid the foundation of development that is still going
ahead but with a tempo, which is far less than a snail's pace in this age of computers,
but the stride of development activities was fast during the British days. While comparing
the progress and development of the British days, with that of the present day Darjeeling
in independent India, there is a notion and feeling that the British were more sensitive
and sympathetic to the people and place than the present rulers of the state of West
Bengal. In terms of development, the feeling and notion could be regarded as true to
some extent for it does contains some substance, but, as regards to the conferment of
political right and assuring a guarantee of the socio-economic upliftment of the people of
Darjeeling, the British and rulers of the place of Independent India belong are different
faces of the same coin. "Mohammed Ali Jinnah converted Pakistan from a slogan into
reality in seven years" {Bhattacharjee}. The people of Darjeeling had not demanded a
sovereign country like Jinnah but had represented to the British authorities for a
separate administrative arrangement of the region by segregating them from Bengal
where they have been tagged against their wishes and conscience. But the persistent
demand for forty years {1907 to 1947} for separating the region from Bengal failed to
attract a mere consideration of the British, and at the time of leaving India unmindfully,
the region is found to have been thrust into the administrative- political mouth of wolf
like Bengal. There are people who extol and describe the magnamity of British for
making deposit of Twenty Lac Pounds in the Bank of London after the first and second
world wars for the welfare of Gorkha Soldiers. They take it as an expression of
generosity and love towards the Gorkhas. But "King Mahendra, without feeling a shame,
had got transferred the amount in the account of his wife Ratna" (Krishna Abiral). Thus,
the transfer of the money that was meant for the welfare of Gorkha Soldiers embezzled
into a royal, private account, did not attract the attention of the so called benign British.
The generosity and munificence of the British towards the Gorkhas is seemed as
superfluous and if it had not been so the Gorkhas of Darjeeling region would have
certainly obtained political justice from them at the time of their departure to London. The
Gorkha had given sweat and blood for making modern Darjeeling by sincerely assisting
the British. However, Darjeeling region is found to have been given and tacked to Bengal
by the British despite knowing well, that the people and place were adverse and against
the idea to be in Bengal. The people of Darjeeling region had worked shoulder to
shoulder with British for making Darjeeling a replica of London and they were attuned
and acculturated with the manner, deportment of the British and had acquired education
as that of the British, but at the decisive hour of arranging and ensuring socio-political
security of the place and people who were by-product in culture, manner and education
were thrown into the lap of usurper stepfather and departed for London for ever. It could
be claimed and acknowledged that the British would not have been able to make
Darjeeling their second home, had there been other people in place of the loyal,
amenable, trustworthy Nepali speaking Gorkhas. As "it is clear that prior to the entry of
the British in the hill region of Darjeeling district, no Hindu king of Hindustan and the
Muslims who had maintained seven hundreds years rule could dare to set their foot in
the region" {Gurung}, but the British came, saw and won the love of the inhabitants
through subtle diplomacy, intrigues, deceit, betrayal and war also. They ruled the region
as "Sikkim was betrayed by her native son, Chhibu Lama, then Darjeeling too has been
let down by numerous native sons. The district was merged with Bengal and thereby
with India" (Wangyal).
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THE STATE REORGANISATION COMMISSION AND
DARJEELING
Even if you prevail over them, they are not going to concede to your essential superiority
or your right to rule them despite your evident wealth and power. The history of this
stand-off is manifest throughout colonies where white masters were once unchallenged
but finally driven out. Conversely, the triumphant natives soon enough found that they
needed the West and the idea of total independence was a nationalist fiction designed
mainly for what Fanon calls the ‘nationalist bourgeoisie’, who in turn often ran the new
countries with a callous, exploitative tyranny reminiscent of the departed masters.
Edward W. Said, Culture And Imperialism.
The region being "merged with Bengal" after the departure of the British, the plight
of the people and place under the new master started in a new scale with the possible
newest designs. In spite of the formation of the FIRST STATE REORGANISATION
COMMISSION {SRC} in the early fifties of twenty century, the long cherished aspiration
of the people of Darjeeling is found to have been betrayed. For the purpose of the
formation of the State Reorganisation Commission, {SRC} the first "Prime Minister of
Independent India Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru on 22nd December, 1953 had made
statement in Parliament that a Commission would be appointed to examine objectively
and dispassionately the question of the reorganisation of the states of the Indian Union
so that the welfare of the people of each constituent unit as well as the nation as a whole
is promoted" {SRC-Report}. The statement was followed by the resolution of the Ministry
of Home Affairs, New Delhi, the 29th December, 1953 with announcement of the
formation of the SRC and in the resolution it was mentioned that "on the attainment of
Independence, India was partitioned and the independent State of Pakistan was
created. A process of merger and integration took place in regard to what was then
called the 'Indian States'. This integration of the old Indian States which was brought
about within a very short-period was an event of historic significance" {Ibid}. Thus,
constituted SRC accordingly invited representation so as to reach them not later than
24th April, 1954. The SRC and its notification for representations was the God sent
opportunity for the People of Darjeeling for realising the long cherished desire of getting
separation from Bengal and to have its Own Administration as Other Communities of
India. But the God sent opportunity got intercepted by the redoubtable political ghost.
The political ghost had inherited the responsibility, of keeping Darjeeling under West
Bengal by all means that were under their command and disposal. And, as a means of
keeping Darjeeling with West Bengal against the wishes of the inhabitant of the
Darjeeling, a ploy for setting aside the claims of the people of Darjeeling seemed to have
been hatched in a very meticulous way. The SRC, in consideration of the various
representations stated that "in our examination of the various proposals for
reorganisation we have mainly relied on statistical figures as given in the Censuses of
various years. The Census figures for 1951 have been compiled according to what is
known as 'Census Tract'. It has, therefore, been difficult to estimate the mother tongue
figures on a taluk or tehsil-wise basis. We were given to understand that it might be
possible to make estimates of taluk or tehsil-wise figures on the basis of certain
statistical assumptions. Having regard, however, to the controversies which surround
such assumptions, we took into consideration only the figures as printed in different
Census reports in our conclusions" {Ibid}. Thus, it is crystal clear that the SRC had
heavily relied on the census report for consideration and awarding the justification on the
various representations. Being full aware of the modus operandi of the SRC, the
Government of West Bengal headed by the Chief Minister Dr. B.C. Roy, so as to deprive
and debar the long cherished aspiration of the people of Darjeeling for separation from
Bengal, the CENSUS REPORT 1951 OF DARJEELING WAS TACTFULLY
DISTORTED. In that distorted CENSUS REPORT of 1951 the total number of Nepali
Speaking Population of Darjeeling District was shown as 88,958 only, and the Nepali
Speaking population was shown 19.96 percent only. It was the mathematical jugglery of
the Government of Dr. B.C. Roy, as only the Brahmin, Chhettri and the Scheduled Cast
only were counted as Nepali Speaking People of Darjeeling District and the rest having
their own dialects were not treated as Nepali Speaking People. The dialects spoken in
their families were regarded as their mother tongue. In the preceding census Nepali
speaking population of Darjeeling district was recorded as 94 percent. In the year 1920,
while making demand of separation of Darjeeling region from Bengal, the memorialists
had stated that "we should have a population about as large as that of New Zealand"
{Nicholas & Deki}. But after thirty five years the same population in Independent India at
the decisive hour of the formation of separate STATE through SRC was found to have
been made a minority in their own land by a stroke of pen that was at the disposal of the
Government.
The SRC had received 1, 52,250 representations and in order to dispose off the
cases it had visited 104 places of the country interviewing nine thousand people. In
Darjeeling the All India Gorkha League {AIGL} and the Communist Party of India {CPI}
had submitted representations. But in the final report of the Commission there is no
mention of a single line regarding the submissions made by those two parties. When the
SRC visited Darjeeling there was the political dominance of AIGL as the representatives
to West Bengal Assembly from the district were elected from the AIGL. The Communist
Party of India had submitted a memorandum to the commission on 20th May, 1955
making a demand of autonomy by amending the Constitution of India. The AIGL also
placed a demand in the line of the Communists. The Communist Party that had placed a
demand of a separate country, GORKHASTHAN to the Constituent Assembly and the
same party after eight years are seen to have been making a demand for autonomy to
the SRC, but the responsibility of the SRC was not to consider the case for autonomy
but to create separate STATE through reorganisation of states. Thus the Demand of
Autonomy made by the Darjeeling District Committee of CPI to the SRC seemed to be a
tutored Demand in the Interest of West Bengal. During that period Satyendra Narayan
Majumdar, a member of Rajya Sabha, was in-charge of Darjeeling District Committee of
the Communist Party of India, from the provincial committee of West Bengal. The man of
the status of Satyam Majumdar knowing well the terms of reference of the SRC would
not have made the demand of regional autonomy if he were really concerned for the
socio-political interest and safeguard of the people of Darjeeling. Thus, it is not difficult to
discern that his inchargeship of the Darjeeling District CPI was to organise and
strengthen the party base by concealing the prime interest of West Bengal on Darjeeling.
The Indian National Congress Party had its representatives in the Lok Sabha and Rajya
Sabha from Darjeeling when the SRC visited Darjeeling, but the party as of today is not
clear in regard to the political issue of Darjeeling. It is understood that the Congress
Party of Darjeeling had maintained its stand of neutrality when the SRC had visited
Darjeeling, but the All India Gorkha League having a nationalistic fervor in its programme
and campaign also seemed to have been dragged knowingly or unknowingly in the tract
followed by Communist Party of India. Hence, it is the irony of the political fate of
Darjeeling that the All India Gorkha League had its representatives in the West Bengal
Assembly elected from Siliguri, Kalimpong, Jorebunglow and Darjeeling constituencies
during the decisive period of SRC's visit to Darjeeling, failed to register a mere presence
to the First State Reorganisation Commission but the Government of BIHAR had made a
claim of Darjeeling to the State Reorganisation Commission for merging it with Bihar.
Rejection of the claim made by Bihar, the SRC has noted that "the Bihar Government's
claim to Darjeeling and some other districts of West Bengal and to three districts of
Orissa which are contiguous to Bihar, to which reference have been made in the
opening paragraphs of this Chapter, are not justified on the ground of linguistic or
cultural affinity, administrative necessity, or any other special reason. It is not, therefore
necessary for us to examine them in any detail" {SRC Report page 171}. Thus, it is
clear that the claim of Darjeeling by Bihar has been turned down by the SRC on the
ground of dissimilarity of language and culture. In terms of language and national
behaviour Darjeeling has a near proximity to Bihar, but there was and is also total
dissimilarity of language, culture, mindset of the people of Darjeeling with that of West
Bengal. If Darjeeling were West Bengal and had Darjeeling kept them and ruled, then in
that case they would not have remained there even for a day, but Darjeeling and its
people had been kept and ruled in independent and democratic India for more than six
decade against their wishes. The grip is so firm that the first State Reorganisation
Commission remained incapable of unfastening the grip as the task seemed to have
become as difficult as snatching out a prey, from the mouth of a hungry wolf.

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THE YEAR 1955 AND DARJEELING
The year 1955 has left important political marks in the history of Darjeeling in
independent India. In this year, the political parties and its leaders of Darjeeling could not
withstand the political, diplomatic and administrative onslaught of the government of Dr.
B.C. Roy. The people had become like a wounded tiger, on being hurt their emotions.
The discontentment was rumbling and the situation was becoming extremely twitchy.
Thus, a vulnerable situation was being built. The vulnerability was compounded by state
of affairs in the the tea gardens. The Plantation Labour Act was framed and approved in
1951 for looking after the safeguard of workers of Tea Gardens, but the provisions
contained in it were partly implemented only from the April 1954. Despite the
independence of India, the management of the tea gardens was in the habit of running
the garden according to their whims. The managements of the Tea Gardens, from
inception to the leaving of the British, were regarded as the absolute master. During the
British days "isolation from the mainland especially the urban towns such as Darjeeling,
Kalimpong, Kurseong and Siliguri enabled the planters to barricade the plantation. To
maintain this even a para military force known as North Bengal Mounted Rifles [Sarkar
and Lama: 1986:19] was kept in the plantation. By doing so, the workers were
barricaded within the jurisdiction of the plantation. There were clear cut instructions to
the top ranking managerial cadres, not to mix up with the workers, except in the working
hours of the industry. This could be possible due to the colonial policy of the British
Government which adopted a position which would favour the plantation owners only."
{K. Sharma}. But the dawn of independence and the legislation of the Plantation Labour
Act had done very little for the workers of Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. Hence the Shramik
Sangh, a Trade Union wing of All India Gorkha League, and Mazdoor Union of the
Communist Party of India, jointly submitted a charter of Demand on 8th May, 1955 to the
owners of tea gardens and the Government. The major demands contained in the
charter of Demands were the wages for the workers of Darjeeling Tea Gardens at par
with Dooars Tea Garden be Workers, Bonus on the basis of profit, amendment in the
provision of the Standing Order, abolition of the order of eviction of the workers on flimsy
pretext at the whims of the managements etc. The management and the government
paid no heed to the joint demand put forward by the two unions. And on being aware of
the attitude of the management and the government, the two unions decided in a joint
meeting held in Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan {GDNS} on 9th June, 1955 to
observe General Strike from 22nd June, 1955 in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. After
the announcement of the general strike the Assistant Labour Commissioner held
meetings on 15th and 17th June, 1955 with the representatives of the Trade Unions but
the meetings failed to bear fruit and the two unions were forced to stick to the gun of the
strike scheduled to begin from 22nd June, 1955. Arrest Warrant was issuued on 20th
June 1955 against the leaders of the unions that had called the strike. "The All India
Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) which is the
strongest umbrella organisation of today were not in existence during that time in
Darjeeling. The leaders Monoranjan Roy, the District Secretary of Mazdoor Union;
Ananda Pathak and the Vice-President of Shramik Sangh, L.B. Lama were arrested.
Ratanlall Brahmin and Deoprakash Rai had gone underground along with other leaders.
The strike took place as scheduled but on 25th June, 1955 at 3 P.M. the police opened
fire on the peaceful procession at Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. In the police firing
Amrita Kamini 18 years, Moulisova Raini, 23 years who was pregnant, Kancha Sunuwar
22 years, Padambahadur Kami 25 years, Kalay Limbo 14 years, Jitman Tamang alias
Majhi became martyrs in the historic movement of tea gardens of Darjeeling. On the day
of the cremation of the six bodies on 27th June, 1955 in Darjeeling, the administration
had clamped Cr. P.C. SECTION 144 but defying the prohibition and restriction, there
was an assemblage of thirty thousand people in the funeral procession" {R.B}. The
gathering of such a large number of people was the show of solidarity and unity of the
people of Darjeeling against the apathetic attitude of the government and the
management towards the tea gardens workers. The brutal killing of six people at a time
by the police was an event of the first of its kind in Independent India as well as in the
annals of working class movement. For, in spite of torture, exploitation, suppression and
deprivation even during the British period, no such horrendous and condemnable act
had taken place in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. The event had erupted as a neorevolution in the history of workers movement in Independent India, as it had the support
of the entire people of Darjeeling. Prior to the event, the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas were
considered as mercenaries only, used by the British for suppressing the peoples'
movement, but the Strike of 1955 and the involvement and participation of the people
from all walks of life clearly washed away the stigma of mercenaries fighting for the
cause of others only, as the movement was a fight for their own cause and against
exploitation and deprivation of the workers of tea gardens. As on being hit by bullets on
their chests they had remained undaunted. The Government and the management was
ultimately compelled to succumb before the unity and solidarity of the people for the first
time in the one hundred years of the history of tea plantation in Darjeeling. The warrants
of arrest issued against the leaders of the callers of the strike were withdrawn and the
arrested leaders were also released that facilitated a meeting on 28th June, 1955 for
negotiation which followed the consideration of most of the demands. Thus in
independent India for the first time the owners, forces, bullets and the government that
supposedly shielded exploiters were defeated by the workers of the Tea Gardens of
Darjeeling on June, 1955 in the Kurukchetra at Margaret's Hope. If the event had
occured elsewhere in the plains, several books and write-ups would have come
immortalizing the historic victory of the working class. The party which had spearheaded
the movement along with All India Gorkha League through their Trade Unions was on its
three decades rule in the state of West Bengal when the Golden Jubilee Year 2005 of
the historic event took place. The Party as well as the Government seemed totally
unaware and unconcerned of the Golden Jubilee year of the Margaret's Hope Police
firing and the victory of the workers of tea gardens of Darjeeling, but in 1955 the West
Bengal Assembly was shaken by the thunderous attack by the leader of opposition, Jyoti
Basu who had squarely blamed the government of Dr. B.C. Roy for the Margaret's Hope
Police Firing and made a demand for immediate inquiry on the happenings in Darjeeling.
And, the same Jyoti Basu and the Government of West Bengal led by his Party seemed
totally apathetic on the attainment of Golden Jubilee Year by the Historic Margaret's
Hope Police Firing which had happened while the workers were carrying the banner of
Red Flag bearing the symbol of the CPI.
A simple and modest memorial has been erected at the spot where the police firing
had taken place, resulting into the killing of six unarmed and innocent people at one so,
It is also an irony that the memorial was being constructed by the unit of the Indian
National Congress during whose rule the firing and killing had occurred. It was during the
period of Emergency of Indira Gandhi, the Congress Party as a ploy of wooing the
people is found to have constructed the memorial, but the Left Front Government being
a true friend of Workers, has not thought it prudent to construct a befitting memorial in
memory of the martyrs. The six people, who received bullets on their chests, were
carrying the RED FLAG which had been RAISED by Communist Party of India
(Marxists). However, in the Golden Jubilee Year (2005), of the Historic Margaret's Hope
Firing, the TRINETRA a voluntary body of the writers and artists of Darjeeling Town had
made a TELEFILM of the Historic Event, in the Workers Movement in Darjeeling. The
Telefilm, titled THE YEAR 1955, has won applaud and appreciation from people across
Darjeeling Hill. It is learnt, that the making of the telefilm was made possible due to the
responsibility and sponsorship of R. B. Rai, the General Secretary of the Communist
Party of Revolutionary Marxists and B.S. Subba, the Headmaster of Busty Gaon Primary
School, Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. As of today the Margaret's Hope Event has been
regarded as a beacon light for unity, organisation and struggle of the workers of the tea
gardens of Darjeeling. The event, role and attitude of the related party, parties, group
and individuals on the subsequent incident has become a subject for research and
presentation in the form of comprehensive work, but no scholar and academician has
ventured so far for producing a solid work except making contribution in short writings
and mentioning of some flashes in few novels.

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
THE DARJEELING ENQUIRY COMMITTEE
There was pervasion of resentment, discontentment and distaste across the
Darjeeling Hills against the Government of West Bengal after the police firing at
Margaret's Hope Tea Garden and killing of six people. And, the Government being fully
aware of the mood and sentiment of the people of Darjeeling, a Committee was
constituted on 9th November, 1955 vide Resolution No 8417-P. The reason and aim of
the constitution of the Committee was for assuaging the emotion and feeling of the
people. However, in the resolution it was stated 'to examine the various problems
affecting the hill areas of the Darjeeling district" and the committee was named
Darjeeling Enquiry Committee headed by the erstwhile Labour Minister, Kalipada
Mukherjee as Chairman, the other members were: Atulya Ghose, Maitraye Bose,
Rabindra Sikdar, Laxmiranjan Joshi, Ramasankar Prasad, T. Wangdi, N.B. Gurung, T.
Manen, R.K. Sharma and Siva Kumar Rai. The Committee met a cross-section of the
people and visited different places of Darjeeling and submitted its recommendations to
the Government. The Government published THE REPORT on 18th July, 1961 and it
contained thirty seven recommendations made by the Committee on various subjects
and actions taken on some of the recommendations.
The Darjeeling Enquiry Committee, being acquainted with some of the pressing
problems of the people, had made several suggestions and recommendations for the
socio-economic upliftment of Darjeeling Hills, but the Government, in the implementation
of the recommendations seemed to have been besieged with usual administrative
procrastination. There are several instances of tardiness on the part of the Government
and its administration for the implementation of the recommendations of the Darjeeling
Enquiry Committee Report. The Committee had recommended "the construction of an
all-weather jeepable road from Bijanbari to Rimbick should be taken immediately" It was
mentioned by the government, the inclusion of the roads in Second Five-Year Plan, but
the execution of the work was seen in the later part of eighth decades that is nearly after
a quarter century. Similarly, regarding games and sports the Committee had
recommended "the Hill people are very sport- minded. The construction of a stadium
with adequate facilities for the different sports organisations and clubs should be taken
up as early as possible. The difference of opinion as regards the location of the stadium
should not be allowed to delay the matter and the Deputy Commissioner should bring
the local people together and take an early and final decision." On this recommendation,
the Government had stated that "the site has now been finally selected at the Lebong
and Mineral Spring Tea Estate off Darjeeling -Lebong Road. Construction works for the
leveling of the ground have already been undertaken and are in good progress". But
construction and completion to the serviceable extent of the same stadium was done in
the year 1989 only. Thus the "good progress" of the work for the construction of a
stadium took nearly three decades for making it serviceable. Further the committee in its
report had recognised and remarked that "the hill areas of Darjeeling are famous for
hundreds of varieties of flowers some of which are rare. The question of marketing of
such flowers should be given special consideration." The government had responded the
recommendation of the Committee stating that "a Flower Board has since been set up
and the matter is being pursued by them. Till now Rs. 2, 100 worth of flowers grown in
the hills have been sold in the Calcutta market through the Board". But today there is no
sign of existence of the Board and the enterprising floriculturists of Darjeeling hills are
carrying on their business without being guided and promoted by the Board. Many
youths and promising entrepreneurs in various fields have successfully carved a niche
from Darjeeling hills even without political and administrative support. Thus the
constitution of Darjeeling Enquiry Committee and its recommendation was nothing but a
political design of the Government of Dr. B.C. Ray so as to douse the ignited feeling of
the people against West Bengal Government without giving anything to the people and
the place. This was clarified by one of the members of Darjeeling Enquiry Committee
N.B. Gurung in Para 29 of the draft recommendation, which was prepared by the
Chairman of the Committee on the basis of the figures supplied by the Deputy
Commissioner, Darjeeling, "on a scrutiny of the figures supplied by the Deputy
Commissioner, Darjeeling and other departments it was however, found that the
representation of the hillmen in the services in the district was not inadequate" But
disputing the figures he {N.B. Gurung} had submitted his view and argument in writing
precisely in the interest of the hill people. "I do not agree with this. During our discussion
in the last meeting held in Calcutta I raised this point and objected the figures"…. "Thus
if a correct investigation is made into the services in various Government departments in
the three hill sub-divisions of the district, the representations of the hillmen in the lower
cadre executive services and clerical posts will be found less than 40 per cent"… the
deficit in the hillmen representation in Government services within the district be raised
to 70 per cent as demanded by the various political parties including the District
Congress… the hill people who constitute a distinct race having special features in West
Bengal in the hilly district of Darjeeling is looked with the spirit of oneness and nonparochialism as expressed in the said Paragraph" (Gurung). But the submissions were
not taken into consideration by the Committee. It was simply given a place in the
Annexure.
It is also a fact that no representations was made to the Darjeeling Enquiry
Committee for the separation of the region from West Bengal as persistently demanded
by the predecessors since 1907 till the existence of the Constituent Assembly.

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

THE SUBTLE ASSAULT
Even prior to the beginning of the story of the LOLLYPOP dangled by the
government of Dr. B.C. Roy in the form of the Darjeeling Enquiry Committee, it had
proceeded with the pushing of a subtle wedge in the politico- organisational set up of the
All India Gorkha League {AIGL}. The party true to its prefix in its name had its
organisational base throughout India. Since the period from the dawn of Independence
to the mid-sixtieth was the political organisational hay day of All India Gorkha League.
The period is considered by some of the political analysts as the renaissance of the
Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in India. But during this vivacious youth of AIGL, it was
surreptitiously stung by a sharp political diplomacy of the then Congress under Dr. B.C.
Roy. The poison injected by the sting resulted into an inner party push and pull of a
serious nature. The quagmire in the party was in between the leadership of the
organisation and the elected representatives to the West Bengal Assembly. The nittygritty of the issue for tug of war in the All India Gorkha League was the offer and
acceptance of berth in the ministerial cabinet of the Government of West Bengal by the
representative elected on party ticket. Further, it also aggravated the situation due to the
proximity with Indian National Congress as maintained by the representatives without
the consent and authorization of the party and its leader. Thus the question of the
relationship with Congress and a berth in the Government caused a flutter and division
in the line of thinking among the All India Gorkha League leadership and their
representatives. The difference of thoughts in regard to West Bengal Congress and
Government headed by it led to create an irreparable fault line in the formidable
organisational house of All India Gorkha League immediately after the first general
election of free India. Gradually the politico-organisational activities of All India expanse
of AIGL shrank and got confined within the perimeter of Darjeeling district only, but the
shrinkage in politico-organisational activities of all India dimension did not end the
wrangling in the house of All India Gorkha League. The event of the Margaret's Hope
firing on 25th June 1955 had culminated into the expulsion of "three M.L.As namely
Shiva Kumar Rai M.L.A, Deputy Labour Minister, D.B.S Gahatraj, M.L.A and George
Mahabert Subba , M.L.A ON 29th August, 1955 from Party" (Gurung). The reason for the
expulsion of the M.L.As from the Party was their inability to speak against the Police
Firing and killing of six people in Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. The inertness of the
three M.L.As in the assembly of West Bengal,to act against the gruesome act of the
police and the expulsion of the M.L.As from AIGL was the success of the subtle design
of the advanced and big nationality against the developing national minority, so as to
weaken them organisationally and politically. The remaining lone M.L.A Narbahadur
Gurung elected from Kalimpong constituency too was expelled from AIGL on 2nd
December, 1956 on the charges of anti party activities {Ibid}. It was not only the bullets
that pierced the body of six workers of tea gardens, but also the cost of rice which was
enhanced from fourteen paise per seer to twenty eight paise per seer in the following
year, the year Shiva Kumar Rai was inducted as Deputy Labour Minister in the Cabinet
of Dr. B.C. Roy). During those days the quantity of food grains was measured in seer
instead of kilogram. It was seen that the Deputy Labour Minister Shiva Kumar Rai was
put on the job for persuading the workers of Darjeeling Hill and making them agreeable
to bear with the burden of the increased price of the ration. While carrying the
assignment, the loyal Deputy Minister made an appeal to the workers of the tea gardens
of Darjeeling through radio. In order to listen to the appeal from the Minister, some
management of gardens had assembled the workers around their radio set on the
appointed day in their respective gardens. Radio sets at that time were owned only by
some affluent people only and few managers of tea gardens were seen to be in
possession of radio sets. The radio set has become obsolete and nowadays television
and cable network has reached nook and corner of the region. But even, today, more
than half a century years later, H. B. Rai, Ex. M.L.A [1982-91] and the former member of
West Bengal Provincial Committee CPM as well as his contemporaries living in different
Teas Gardens are found to have been cherishing vividly the speech of the Minister on
radio. One of the senior-most trade unionists and political leaders of Darjeeling presently
{2007} belonging to Indian National Congress, Mr. P. P. Rai at the age of 82 years had
also confirmed to this writer the veracity of events that was stated by Ex M.L.A, H.B. Rai.
The Minister had appealed to the workers of the tea gardens for extending support by
bearing with the increased price of the rice for a period of six months only; it was not six
months but several years. The price index didn't fall to the workers' expectation.
It was followed by the second general election that was held in the year 1957. In
that election the three expelled M.L.As from All India Gorkha League contested as
independent candidates from the constituencies of Darjeeling hill with the support of the
West Bengal Congress. Eexcept N.B. Gurung from Kalimpong others had lost the
election. He becomes a Deputy Minister in the West Bengal Cabinet. The strength of All
India Gorkha League from four, M.L.A.s in 1952 came down to one in the election held in
1957. The lone winner of All India Gorkha League in 1957 election was Deoprakash Rai,
who subsequently attained a stature of an indomitable regional leader of All India
Gorkha League from Darjeeling. The party having a pan-India base was thus reduced to
a regional party. It was the result of the socio-political superiority of the advanced and
majority ruling Congress Party, being backed with the politico-administrative set up of
the state against the region dominantly inhabited by developing national minority. And
since then the All India Gorkha League has not been able to retrieve its pristine glory of
all India Stature, in spite of winning three and four seats in 1967 and 1979 elections
respectively for West Bengal State Assembly from Darjeeling district under the
leadership of Deoprakash Rai.
Besides AIGL, two national parities namely the Congress and Communist had
been playing their role in Darjeeling according to time and situation, but solely in the
interest of Bengal. From its existence (1981) the Indian National Congress is not in
possession of any assets worth mentioning and has naught to show as their contribution
to the socio-economic upliftment of the people of Darjeeling. In the long history of the
party, it has produced members for Parliament and members to the West Bengal
Legislative Assembly from Darjeeling but not a single member has so far succeeded in
bringing about a tangible result in the sphere of socio-economic upkeep of the place and
people. It is being severally claimed that the foundation of modern West Bengal was laid
by the Royal Bengal Tiger Dr. B.C. Roy but the very same person in respect to
Darjeeling was found to do politicking only for the denial of justice.
The Communist Party also stands identical to the Congress with respect to the
socio-economic development of Darjeeling. The party, after a decade of its formation,
was nearly decimated as a reason of its defeat in the first general election of 1952. To
rejuvenatieg the party, the West Bengal State Committee of CPI is found to have taken a
decision for sending one of its leaders to the Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling. In spite of
knowing the fact that Darjeeling is a region mostly inhabited by Nepali Speaking People,
the Communist Party of India had selected a Bengali named Satyendra Narayan
Majumdar who was working along with Ratanlall Brahmin, Ganeshlall Subba,
Bhadrabahadur Hamal and others for building the party in Darjeeling. In view of the need
to fulfill the academic criteria, intellectual prowess and sensitivity to politics from the
Marxian angle; Ganeshlall Subba was the fittest and ablest person among them, to be
elected as the member of Rajya Sabha. But in place of consideration of suitability,
fitness and utility to help consolidate and strengthen the party organisation in Darjeeling,
the state committee of CPI being dominated by the leaders belonging to the Bengali
Community, the choice to elect Ganeshlall Subba was ignored. Thus the selection of
Satyendra Narayan Majumdar against Ganeshlall Subba was the victory of
communalism over the Marxism in Darjeeling. The victory of communalist spirit in an
expansive field of Marxism was the reason that the West Bengal state committee looked
askance on Ganeshlall Subba for his loyalty to them instead of Marxism. "And the
reason of being skeptical was that the Darjeeling District CPI being routed in the first
general election of independent India in Darjeeling had held a review meeting in which
Ganeshlall Subba is believed to have placed a political thesis on the organisational and
political line exclusively for the District but in conformity with the Marxian principle. The
crux of the thesis is believed to have been directed against the nationalistic chauvinism
of big and advanced ruling class of the state. And it could not become a riddle to Bengali
Leadership in the Communist Party of Darjeeling District for understanding the elements
of disadvantageousness contained in that thesis of Comrade Ganeshlall Subba to
safeguard the interest of Bengal and Bengali speaking community in the region in
discreet way. But the Nepali speaking District Committee members of the erstwhile CPI
mostly culled from the workers group being unable to comprehend the profundity of the
thesis supposedly swayed by the Bengali speaking leaders present in the meeting"
[Report from R.B. RAI but not chronicled]. In the following years some others also were
marginalized and forced to leave the organisation on account of being vocal with
forethought in the interest of the region and people. Thus, the Communist Party of
Darjeeling has become stigmatized of not grooming and promoting leadership from the
local literate and intellectuals circle in the interest of Bengal and its people. The
Communist Party was not able to wash away the stigma till the formation of the first Left
Front Government in West Bengal in 1977 under the leadership of Communist Party of
India {Marxists}.
After the Ganeshlall Subba episode Bhadrabahadur Hamal was elected [1957-62]
as M.L.A for the West Bengal Assembly and Ratanlall Brahmin for Lok Sabha [1971];
both of them, belonging to working class, were successful to a great extent in justifying
the post for which they were elected. However, the elite gentry and literate circle
remained aloof from the Communist Party in Darjeeling. In spite of the aloofness and
isolation from the informed and influential section, the Communist Party could be
regarded as the political preceptor for Darjeeling. The Communist Party of India, being
guided by the leaders from the then Calcutta was found to have learnt of organising
Rallies, Gherao, Hartal, forming cadre based association/organisation and militant trade
unions. In order to carry forward the activities as mentioned here the workers, cadres
and leaders from Nepali Speaking People of Darjeeling were ordained in
internationalism for the unity of working class only, concealing the Right to Self
Determination of Nationalities as determined by Lenin. The internationalism for unity of
workers of globe acted like political anaesthesia in the heart of ordained Nepali
Communists of Darjeeling, which made them to engross on the thought and feeling of
class struggle, unity of the workers of the world, dictatorship of proletariat and
establishment of socialism etc. Gradually they were made inebrious for internationalism
only in the name of Marxian ideology by building an imperceptible restrain for the entry
of saner, literate and conscious political minded people into the Communist Party. Thus,
the Bengali preceptors of Marxism is found to have taught its proselytized Nepali
Communists of Darjeeling the doctrine and theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao in
its syllabus minus the chapter on the Right to Self Determination of Nationalities coined
and propounded by V.I. Lenin after the exit of Ganeshlall Subba. The process under
which the Communist Party took its shape in Darjeeling led to form distaste in the minds
of literate circle that regarded the Communist Party as a PARIAH. But in stead of taking
steps for establishing acceptability and dispelling the Pariah tag the process of
indoctrination of Marxism as suited to the preceptors was carried without taking any note
of dictum that states "you can fool some people all the time, all the people for some time,
but you cannot fool all the people all the time".
The installation of the first Left Front government preceded by murky days of the
emergency has had to a great extent helped in not being the communist considered as
PARIAH in Darjeeling Hills. Thus the organisational strength of the communist party had
unexpected growth. The growth had embraced a section of peasants, workers,
employees, writers, artists, teachers and intellectuals, and on enlisting the support from
the section of the literate and informed layers the effort and role of R.B. RAI, the lone but
well read left intellectual in the house of the Communist Party of India {Marxists} in
Darjeeling was commendable and enthusiastic. Within a short span, the Communist
Party of India {Marxists} abbreviated as CPM had its Minister, M.L.A and also the
members for Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling. The people who were
reposing faith on CPM had high hope and expectation for socio-economic and political
upliftment of the place from the Government of West Bengal led by CPM, but the habit of
hoodwinking the people of Darjeeling had become the nature of CPM as it was
monitored and directed from Kolkata. Only these docile and loyal to Bengal, were
chosen for carrying the responsibility of public representatives and political leadership by
Kolkata. In this manner the socio-economic aspiration of the region went further to be
neglected which gradually took one shape of a political cauldron, but the Government
seemed unmindful of the formation of cauldron, as the movement launched by PRANTA
PARISAD for formation of separate state was crushed with the use of police force
Krishna Subba and Deoraj Sharma fell to police bullets on 7th September 1981 at
Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. It was the erstwhile Pranta Parisad which highlighted the
demand for a separate state in an organised way for the first time since the origin of the
demand. While pushing the demand, the Pranta Parisad had successfully enlisted the
support and backing from a good chunk of the intelligentsia. In the history of struggle for
having socio-political administration of Gorkhas in India, the movement of Pranta
Parisad was the first endeavour backed by intellectual with concrete data based on
history, politics, economics, socio-cultural aspect and the mindset of the people
inhabitating the region, but the Government of West Bengal having perceived the
preparation of Pranta Parisad on the different ingredients required to make the demand
of a separate state, left no stone unturned to crush the movement. Thus Pranta Parisad
could not withstand the shots fired from the administrative, political and diplomatic guns
of the government machinery. The movement and the Pranta Parisad met premature
death. This emboldened the government and the CPM and instilled confidence on their
own strength and capability to face eventualities. The confidence and estimation of the
situation resulted into an enormous blunder for them, when the Gorkha National
Liberation Front {GNLF} under the leadership of a derelict soldier Subash Ghisingh
started a movement {1986-88} by making the demand of GORKHALAND. The
involvement and participation of the people at the very outset of the movement caught
the Government napping. However, the Government being confident of its might on
barrel and bullet used the same for killing people in Kalimpong and Kurseong. The killing
of innocent people resulted in a mass upsurge in Darjeeling hill which turned into a
formidable challenge to the West Bengal Government and its machinery. The use of
force led to more and more involvement and participation of the people with surcharged
anguish and resentment. Thus, seeing the mass protest, the Government startled
lebelled the movement for Gorkhaland led by Subash Ghisingh as "ANTI-NATIONAL".
During this stage the Congress Government at the centre, inclined to harass the Left
front Government of West Bengal under the Communist seemed interested to use
Subash Ghisingh as a pawn in the POLITICAL CHESS BOARD of West Bengal. As
Subash Ghisingh himself had disclosed "the home ministry's invitation for the January 28
meeting in New Delhi was delivered to him at his Darjeeling residence by an assistant
director of the Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau {SIB}. Inder Jit came with a proposal. I
went along. I also visited Inder Jit's house in Delhi. Inder Jit was around when Ghisingh
handed over the memorandum to Rajiv Gandhi in Darjeeling on February 7. But the
person Ghisingh first shook hands with after handing over the memorandum was not
Inder Jit, but Partho Bhattacharya, Assistant Director, SIB, based at Siliguri. The
involvement of Central Intelligence agencies in GNLF affairs is now well-known. Apart
from SIB, the Research and Analysis Wing {RAW} allegedly has a finger in Ghisingh's
pie. A senior congress-I politician told the Weekly, on express condition that his name
would not be published: 'RAW is, of course, playing a role in GNLF'. What he did not
state was that the Centre decided to harness RAW's services around May 1986, with the
express purpose of guiding the GNLF agitation along the lines which would cause
maximum embarrassment to West Bengal's Left Front government" {The Illustrated
Weekly of India, February 1987}, but the Government of West Bengal being led by
renowned Communist Leader, Jyoti Basu, knowing well the move of the Congress
Government under Rajiv Gandhi, left no stone unturned in matching the challenges
posed by Central Authority through Subash Ghisingh in the name of GNLF. Thus,
Darjeeling seemed to have been made a battlefield of a subtle nature between the two
political heavy weights. In the course the Left Front Government of West Bengal led by
the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu took every possible measure to turn the table against the
Central Government under Rajiv Gandhi. Thus, the demand for the separate State of
Gorkhaland and the movement for its realisation becomes a political gambit between the
Congress Government at the Centre and the Left Front Government of West Bengal till
the holding of the West Bengal Assembly Election in 1987. The GNLF under the
leadership of Subash Ghisingh out signalling leaders, cadres, supporters of the
Communist Party of India {Marxists} belonging to the party of Jyoti Basu and let loose
individual and mass attacks that resulted in violence, arson, murder, kidnapping,
intimidation, terror, threat, extortion, social boycott, eviction in the entire Darjeeling hill
and parts of Dooars areas for twenty eight months. In the name of movement for
realisation of Gorkhaland it was not only the leaders and cadres of CPM, but even the
common people having sympathy to the CPM party were subjected to harassment of
severe nature. Thus, a situation was developed in which armed rowdies, criminals and
hoodlums associated with GNLF took the lead of the movement targeting CPM and its
supporters as well as sympathizers. In the name of Gorkhaland Movement the armed
attacks by GNLF on CPM and its supporters and taking of defensive measures by the
later, there ensued a war of fratricidal nature. The attack, defence and counter-attack
had become the order of the day of the Gorkhaland movement that cost the lives of
several hundred helpless and innocent people. A good number of victims became
physically disabled, public and private properties worth several crore of rupees were
reduced to ashes, but the people making such huge and unprecedented sacrifices were
not in the know of the source, from where they were made to fight. Two group of people
having the same language; culture and mindset were seen fighting explicitly for the
formation of separate State of Gorkhaland. One was carrying aggressive attacks on their
fellow brethren for the interest of Congress of Delhi and another in the name of selfdefence was fighting for the concern of CPM of West Bengal for their survival in the
state. Thus, in the name of formation of a separate State to be called Gorkhaland by
segregating the region from West Bengal, a prompted hostility was thrust upon the
people. The hostilities and the proposition of the formation of Gorkhaland by segregating
the region from Bengal was termed and attributed by the CPM as a ploy and handy work
of Congress Party against Bengal and Bengalese. Thus, termed and coined attributions
were made the main plank of campaign by the CPM for the election to West Bengal
Assembly scheduled to be held in March 1987. In the plain areas of Bengal, a
tumultuous campaign was carried by CPM alleging the Congress Party as a designer
and plotter of proposed Gorkhaland for the division of Bengal and that easily put the
Congress in a tight spot. In the political and diplomatic push and pull the Chief Minister
of West Bengal Jyoti Basu outwitted the young Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi and
achieved a thumbing victory for the third consecutive term in the election for West
Bengal Assembly in 1987. Had there been no Gorkhaland Movement in Darjeeling then
it would have made difficult time of wresting of power by winning the third term for the
Left Front. After the victory of Jyoti Basu for the third time, the negotiation with the "Antinational Agitationist" for Gorkhaland got expedited on the initiative of the Government of
India at the behest of the erstwhile Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The leader of the
Gorkhaland Movement Subash Ghisingh, being like a got defeated by the political,
administrative and intellectual supremacy of Jyoti Basu. Being a wounded and frail
soldier he was made to surrender the demand for the SEPARATE STATE OF
GORKHALAND by putting signature to an agreement which stated as "in the overall
national interest and in response to Prime Minister's call the GNLF agree to drop the
demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland" (Dutta). (EMPHASIS MINE). After
surrendering the demand "GNLF President Subash Ghisingh seems to have mastered
the art of making unusual requests. He had asked Jyoti Basu to send him a video
cassette of the ceremony at Raj Bhawan on the occasion of the signing of the Darjeeling
Accord. Readers will recall that after signing the accord, Ghising had requested the then
Union home Secretary, C.G. Somaiha, to destroy the dossier compiled by the
Intelligence Bureau, detailing his alleged links with foreign countries and the sources of
GNLF funds. While the dossier still exists, Basu is unlikely to disappoint Ghising"- The
Illustrated Weekly of India, October 2, 1988, page 43 under a captioned as DEEP
THROAT}. Further the same Illustrated Weekly of India in its October 14, 1990 issue is
found to have written under a captioned as PLAYING FRANKENSTEIN that "he [Subash
Ghisingh] was a non-commissioned army gurkha who was singled out by RAW to be
used as a tool to defy the CPM government of West Bengal. Buta Singh as Home
Minister was keen to clip the Marxists' wings. The Gorkhaland agitation launched by
Ghising and his followers became steadily more violent and the hill region had to suffer
years of unrest and turmoil. Every time Ghising came to Delhi for talks, he was put up by
the IB and RAW. A senior Delhi journalist served as his philosopher and guide". Thus
the issue of a Homeland for the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in independent India, and
twenty eight months violent movement for achieving the same, was made a toy to be
played by Delhi and Kolkata for their political and diplomatic interest only. Against
unprecedented sacrifices the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council came into being in lieu of
Gorkhaland, as a mechanism for the socio-political development of Darjeeling hill areas.
The GNLF and its President, Subash Ghisingh on occupying the chair of the
Chairmanship of the DGHC spend most of his faculty and energy so as to flabbergast
and hoodwink the general masses of Darjeeling hill. In doing so he is found to have
raised the legal status of Darjeeling and a times calling it a no-man's land, ceded land,
filing of a suit in the International Court of Justice in Hague for ascertaining the legality
of Rulership of India over the region of Darjeeling. And he also had filed a petition in the
Supreme Court of India on 19th October, 1994 praying that " the Hon'ble Court may be
graciously pleased to direct the Respondent to discharge its constitutional obligations by
passing the necessary legislation as per Articles 2 and 4 read with Article 253 of the
Constitution of India so far as the territories of Darjeeling including Kalimpong, Assam
Dooars and Bengal Dooars are required to be formally absorbed/admitted in the Union
of India as envisaged by Article 1-3[C]." (The Writ Petition). But after the dismissal of the
petition he was fund of tagsing the region with Bangladesh and at time expressing wish
of merging the region with Bihar. The West Bengal Government and the CPM had
branded the GNLF as Anti-national when it was making a demand for Gorkhaland, but
when the same party and leader after dropping the demand of Gorkhaland was making
detrimental statement as well as conducting activities being seated on the Chair of
DGHC after taking oath of office from the Governor of the State, the CPM and the
Government of West Bengal we seen to be unperturbed and comfortable for reasons
best known to them. With regard to Subash Ghisingh and his Party the GNLF, the
Government of West Bengal is found to have shelved the Rules, Act, Cr.P.C and IPC as
well.
The DGHC had to run as per the provision of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act
1988 which was enacted by the West Bengal Assembly. But in running and
administering the DGHC, the Act is taken as a scrap of paper only by its Chairman
Subash Ghisingh. The DGHC in its third tenure of five years that ended in 2005 was
running without holding a single formal meeting. Similarly the School Service
Commission [SSC] is a body formed as per the Act passed by West Bengal Assembly
for each district. And the SSC for DGHC area also was formed but due to the opposition
from the GNLF, the body has been made defunct. Thus the writ of GNLF was allowed to
prevail against the Act passed by the West Bengal Assembly. The Sarva Sikshya Aviyan
programme has been carrying on throughout India as an expedition for providing a
facility of schooling to the children. The same programme was executed and
implemented by DGHC in Darjeeling Hill Areas. In taking up of the Sarva Sikshya Aviyan
propramme by the DGHC, the misuse and misappropriation of Rupees five crore
fourteen lakhs and fifty thousand came to the notice of the general mass. The greatest
corruption in the thirty years rule of the Left Front Government in Darjeeling under
DGHC has been entrusted for investigation to the CID of West Bengal Police. The
investigation instead of booking the culprit seemed to be shielding the involved.
There is a clear provision in the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act for the
existence of TWO TIER PANCHAYAT BODIES under the Article 31[1] of the DGHC Act
which was Legislated and passed by West Bengal Assembly, and the same Act, except
the provision of the Panchayat, is also in force for the DGHC. Keeping in view the
intolerance of Subash Ghisingh to the existence of the Panchayat Bodies in the Hill
areas of Darjeeling, the Government of West Bengal held election for one Tier Gram
Panchayat only. The holding of the one tier Panchayat election was also done out of
compulsion as the Seventy Third Amendment of the Constitution of India in 1993 has
made the existence of Panchayat Institution a compulsory for the states. In that seventy
third amendment of the constitution under article no 243M clause no 3, it is stated
without any ambiguity for Darjeeling that
{3} Nothing in this Part-
{a} relating to Panchayat at the district level shall apply to the hill areas of the
District of Darjeeling in the state of West Bengal for which Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council
exists under any law for the time being in force:
{b} shall be construed to affect the functions and powers of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
council constituted under such Law.
Hence, it is clear from the provisions of the Constitution of India as stated here
above under article 243M, clause {a} and {b} in respect of Darjeeling that the existence
and functioning of Panchayat below the District level is a must. The Panchayat below the
District Level means the PANCHAYAT SAMITY and GRAM PANCHAYAT AS EXISTED
AND FUNCTIONED IN West Bengal according to West Bengal Panchayat Act, but
during two decades of the existence and functioning of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, it
was only the one tier Panchayat election for two consecutive terms. After the expiry of
the tenure for the second term of the Gram Panchayat, no election for Panchayat was
held, but the TENURE EXPIRED GRAM PANCHAYAT has been kept functioning even
without making notification for the extension of the tenure of the Gram Panchayat. Thus
in regard to Panchayat in Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council region, it was seen that the
Government of West Bengal was neither in a position to hold election nor had the guts to
notify the extension of the tenure of the Gram Panchayat. The uncertainty of existence
and functioning of the ‘term expired’ Gram Panchayat in Darjeeling hill was nothing but
the result of Subash Ghisingh's aversion to Panchayat. Hence it was crystal clear that
the Government of West Bengal seems to have succumbed to the whimsical, illegal and
unconstitutional wishes of Subash Ghising by keeping in abeyance the rules, acts and
the provision of the constitution. Darjeeling District was also brought under National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act which was popularlys called as {NREGA} enacted by
the Government of India for providing HUNDRED DAYS EMPLOYMENT for the people
of rural India, from the financial year 2006. But a crisis in regard to the executing agency
for hundred day’s work, as contemplated in the Act had crept in. The Scheme being
centrally sponsored one under a Central Act for the rural people (who were keen for
having the scheme). The Scheme was supposed to be executed through Panchayat.
Thus, on one side the eagerness of rural people and on the other the scheme coming
from Central Government a compromise was arrived at between the Government of
West Bengal and Caretaker Chairman of DGHC Subash Ghisingh. The compromise was
to have arrived by making some distortion and modification in the guideline issued by the
Central Government for the implementation of the hundred days work in a year under
NREGA, but in the execution of the Scheme, the sluggishness and procrastination was
made to lead the order of the day till the expiry of the half year 2007. Further uncertainty
was looming large in the execution of the scheme under NEGRA in Darjeeling. Thus in
the scheme of things, the Panchayat and its functioning has become casualty in
Darjeeling. It is not only the Panchayat which has been made a mockery in Darjeeling:
when the election for the fourth term of DGHC was due in 2005, the President of Gorkha
National Liberation Front and the Chairman of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, Subash
Ghisingh started making hue and cry to with hold the election. He had wrote letters to
the Prime Minister of India and the Chief Minister of West Bengal on 6th October, 2004,
stating that " the law and order situation in the said areas is now under deadly threat and
further it is likely to go out of hand of State Govt of West Bengal just like in the case of
neighbouring country, as created by the above master minds with a view to destabilize
the whole region of Himalayan belt and the North-East of India. There are still so many
youths from these regions who are taking underground training in Bangladesh Camps.
From reliable sources, North Bengal is the biggest main HQ of International Spying
Agencies which covers the vast areas of North Bengal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Nepal,
Bangladesh, Assam, Bihar and Darjeeling District which is known to all and also known
to the state and the Central Govt of India." Thus it appears from the content of the letter
that Subash Ghisingh is found to have out-smarted and flower over the Intelligence
Agencies of the Governments of India and West Bengal. The Government of West
Bengal in stead of holding the election for Darjeeling Gorkha Hill council, as scheduled
under the provision of the Act and Rules, took the trouble for amending the Darjeeling
Gorkha Hill council Act so as to appoint him as Caretaker Chairman of DGHC by issuing
a fresh order after every sixth months. Since 2004 the renewal of Caretaker
Chairmanship had been made a normal feature for running the affairs of Darjeeling
Gorkha Hill council, till 10th March, 2008. On that date he tendered resignation on being
told by the Chief Minister, Buddhadev Bhattacharjee who was pressurised for removal of
Ghisingh by GJMM. The details of the happenings have been dealt under a chapter
Emergence of Bimal Gurung in this book.
There were one hundred and twelve Gram Panchayat in the entire Darjeeling Hill
areas and they were in operation even after the expiry of their tenure. The government
of West Bengal had not taken any initiative for holding Panchayat Election on account of
the abhorrence of Subash Ghisingh towards panchayat in Darjeeling hill, as he was
critically intolerant to the existence of any statutory authority except himself. The
government being in the know of the attitude of Subash Ghisingh had preferred to shelve
the provisions of the West Bengal Panchayat Act and Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act
solely to placate him. Out of one hundred and twelve Gram Panchayat only six Gram
Panchayats were controlled by CPRM and the rest had total allegiance and affiliation to
GNLF. After the removal of Subash Ghisingh from the care-taker chairmanship of DGHC
all the Gram Panchayat except the ones controlled by CPRM switched over their loyalty
and allegiance to GJMM and its president, Bimal Gurung. During the hey day of Subash
Ghisingh they were the pillars of organization of GNLF for the rural villages. This time
the Pradhan, Upa-pradhan and members of the Gram Panchayat become active
organizer of GJMM in the countryside of Darjeeling hill. But in spite of their contribution
for the organizational expansion of GJMM they were asked to quit their posts so as to
provide fillip to the Gorkhaland movement launched by GJMM by way of not cooperating
with the West Bengal Government. The turned coat Pradhan, Upa-pradhan and
members of the Gram Panchayat being unable to defy the directive tendered resignation
in the month of May 08, but the CPRM controlled panchayats did not submit their
resignation as per the unilateral decision and directive of GJMM and had argued that it is
not only Panchayat but the Chairman, vice-chairman and members of Municipalities also
should tender resignation as the same was functioning under the provision of West
Bengal Municipality Act and their functioning implied of the cooperation to West Bengal
Government. Several Pradhan and Upa-pradhan who had tendered resignation were
seen to be supporting the stand of CPRM controlled Gram Panchayat in private, but the
CPRM taking stock of the situation had come to the conclusion that the dissolution of
Gram Panchayat only would not provide any impetus to the movement for separate state
of Gorkhaland rather it could cause difficulties to the people of rural areas in several
count. However, it felt that the need of the hour was showing unity and solidarity of the
people of Darjeeling and on the basis of felt necessity of the hour decided and directed
the Gram Panchayat to submit resignation by convening a meeting of Gram Sabha so as
to apprise the people the urgently needed unity and solidarity of the people and
organizations of Darjeeling. Accordingly, the CPRM controlled Gram Panchayat also
submitted resignation at the end of June 08. Thus, a situation of non-existence of
Panchayat was created in Darjeeling hill but Government and its administrative
machinery seemed to have remained unperturbed and unmoved on the state of affairs.

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
STILLBORN SIXTH SCHEDULE AND PEOPLE'S ANATHEMA
The modern, secular nation-state adopted as a political model demands a certain flattening out of
differences and the imposition of a structure that does not consider small or anomalous groups of people…
If nations have to be imagined into being, the people of the north-east may represent the most remarkable
failure of that imagination in regard to India.
Siddhartha Deb, Fragments from a Folder.
On getting the appointment of the Care-taker-Chairmanship of the DGHC, the
issue of the International Spying Agency had disappeared from the region and the
Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the Caretaker Chairman of
DGHC Subash Ghisingh were seen to have made an agreement on 6th December, 2005
to give the status of Sixth Schedule to the existing DGHC for which many parleys were
carried on camera. The result of the conclave was nothing but the provisions of the
existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council were to be incorporated in the proposed Sixth
Schedule by changing the nomenclature only. While executing the agreement for the
Sixth Schedule status to the existing DGHC a clause stating that "this in principle
Memorandum of Settlement is the full and final settlement of the Darjeeling Hill Areas
issue and no further demands in this regard would be entertained" { The clause no 11 of
the memorandum of settlement made on 6th December 2005 between Government of
India, Government of West Bengal and Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council for creating a
new Council for the hill areas of Darjeeling District, under the Sixth Schedule of
Constitution of India} was inserted. Thus, it was clear that the agreement was aimed and
purported for sealing the political aspirations of the people of Darjeeling by the
Governments through Subash Ghisingh. The mandate received by Subash Ghisingh had
expired in the year 2004 and then after he had become an appointee of the Government
of West Bengal, as caretaker chairman of DGHC enjoying facilities and perk from the
public fund. Knowing well the implication and intricacies, of appointmenting Subash
Ghising as Caretaker Chairman of DGHC; the acceptance and acknowledgment of as
representative of the people of Darjeeling hills by the two governments for signing an
agreement, was a serious disregard and disrespect of all democratic principles and
system. If the Governments were sincere then the agreement would have been made
with the representatives of the West Bengal Assembly and the Member of Parliament
elected from Darjeeling in stead of signing an agreement with the person appointed by
the West Bengal Government. During the British period, the Rules and Acts framed and
enacted by Calcutta and Delhi had a tradition of necessary modification for application in
Darjeeling so as to make their applicability attuned to the place. But on the attainment of
Independence the Rules, Acts, Planning made in Kolkata, though incompatible to the
ground reality of Darjeeling, has been invoked in ditto. Further, in the twenty first century
of democratic India, it was seen the governments taking all possible steps to force upon
Darjeeling the political leader of their choice.
Five days after the signing of agreement with the Governments of West Bengal
and India for the Sixth Schedule status to the DGHC, the GNLF had organised a public
meeting at Chowk Bazar Darjeeling on 11th December 2005 purportedly to explain
before the people the details of the agreement. While addressing the public meeting
Subash Ghisingh, the Care taker Chairman of DGHC, brazenly tried to silence the media
and the political parties. As he said that, "reporters have been noted in my eyes. Do not
think you can get away with your arrogance. If I become angry, God help you. Report the
truth; you all have to live here after all. Till now my party's [GNLF] branch committee has
been dealing with media sympathetically. But if I take up the matter, I won't be forgiving.
I am an ex-armyman and I know how to use the weapon". Further mentioning the names
of the leaders of Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists R. B. Rai and D. S.
Bomjan, Subash Ghising issued threats of dire consequences, in case they indulge in
the criticism of the GNLF and the Sixth Schedule. He also called upon his followers to
annihilate opposition leaders and assured them that it is not an offence and it was not
tantamount to any criminal act. Inciting the crowd and justifying the threat, he said "when
Ram killed Ravana it was not a sin." The threat, intimidation and domination by Subash
Ghisingh in that public meeting was telecast on the night of 11th December, 2005 by a
local channel of Darjeeling and the local and national newspapers of 12th December,
2005 had covered the essence of his speech.
The administration of Darjeeling, the different Intelligence Agencies and the
Government of West Bengal pretended to be unaware of the public meeting and the
speech made by Subash Ghisingh. On knowing the attitude of the government and the
administration, Darjeeling Press Guild sent a complaint to the then President of India, Dr.
APJ Abdul Kalam on 12th December, 2005 evening. The copies of the complaint were
endorsed to the Prime Minister, Home Minister of India, the Governor and Chief Minister
of West Bengal, Indian Journalists Union, the Press Club of Kolkata, National Human
Right Commission and State Human Right Commission. The Press Club, Kolkata also
issued statement on 13th December, 2005 "We strongly condemn Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
Council Administrator Subash Ghising's reported threatening statements against the
media during a public meeting on 11th December, 2005. Such statements are nothing
but brazen attempts to browbeat the media, stifle freedom of expression as guaranteed
by the Constitution and certainly go against democratic principles. We are confident that
as before, representatives of the media in Darjeeling will not be cowed down by such
threats and will continue to report truth with courage". The leaders of the Communist
Party of Revolutionary Marxists namely R. B. Rai and D. S. Bomjan lodged strongly
worded diaries on 13th December, 2005 to Sadar Thana, Darjeeling against Subash
Ghising for his inflammatory speech. The diaries were accompanied with newspaper
cuttings which had carried the details of the inflammatory speech made by Subash
Ghisingh on that day. The copies of the diaries with enclosures were also sent to the
District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police, Darjeeling as well as to the Home
Secretary, Government of West Bengal. The diaries were treated like scraps of paper
and the authorities did nothing to apprehend the culprits. Seeing the unmindful attitude
of the administration and their inhibition for taking steps on the basis of dairies, the
Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists organised a MASSIVE RALLY and public
meeting on 15th December, 2005 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling town for infusing and
instilling courage and confidence in the minds of people, party cadres, workers,
supporters and the media. The rally and public meeting was the most befitting reply to
the threats and intimidations of Subash Ghisingh in a highly organised, polished and
disciplined manner that turned the whole exercise of Subash Ghisingh to silence the
opposition into a fiasco.
Thus the attempt of imposing the terms and conditions of the settlement in the
name of the Sixth Schedule Status for DGHC took a shape of central issue of politics in
Darjeeling. Gradually the political parties and the informed layers of society started
analyzing the pros and cons of the Agreement held among the Governments of India,
West Bengal and Subash Ghisingh for the conferment of the Sixth Schedule Status to
the DGHC. By that time there followed a report "PMO forms panel to review areas under
Sixth Schedule" and and there was the possibility for the panel to visit Darjeeling for
meeting a cross section of the people before the introduction of a bill in Parliament in the
winter session 2006 for confer the Sixth Schedule Status to the DGHC. The Communist
Party of Revolutionary Marxists prepared its suggestion and proposals in regard to the
proposed Sixth Schedule and had sent the same to the Prime Minister, Home Minister of
India, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Care taker Chairman DGHC, the member of
Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha of Indian Parliament from Darjeeling, the leaders of
opposition in Lok Sabha etc. The party had intended to submit the same to the panel
formed by the Prime Minister Office on their visit to Darjeeling. The panel so formed did
not come to Darjeeling. The Trade Union of Hill Employees Association under the
leadership of Amar Rai held a seminar on the proposed Sixth Schedule on 6th January
2007 in Darjeeling. In the seminar, the lone speaker Dr. Mahendra P Lama, the
Chairman of the Centre for South East Asian and South West Pacific Studies of JNU's
School of International Studies, Delhi, explicitly highlighted the drawbacks, weakness
and ineffectiveness of the proposed Sixth Schedule as per the terms and condition of the
agreement and settlement made on 6th December, 2005 in Delhi by Subash Ghising. In
order to make it workable for meeting the minimum socio-political aspiration of the
people of Darjeeling he expressed the urgent need of amendment in the clauses of the
agreement made on 6th December, 2005. Many of the suggested amendments were in
tune and line of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists. Later on he drafted the
requisite amendments showing the weakness and flaw in the Agreement made by
Subash Ghisingh with the Governments of India and West Bengal for the conferment of
Sixth Schedule Status to DGHC. Several new items related to finance, planning and
administration were also incorporated in the draft proposal made by him. The draft
amendment named as JANTA BILL was published by local dailies, also posted into the
Internet and its copies were circulated to the political parties and other organisations.
Thus the endeavour made by Dr. Mahendra P. Lama was appreciated and applauded by
a wide section of the people including the supporters of the GNLF minus Subash
Ghising and his close cohorts.
The All India Gorkha League, notwithstanding a political ally of the Communist
Party of Revolutionary Marxists during the period, had reservation on the line pursued by
CPRM and the Janta Bill of Dr. Mahendra P. Lama. The All India Gorkha League had left
no stone unturned in opposing and condemning the Sixth Schedule. They claimed the
settlement made by Subash Ghisingh for the Sixth Schedule Status was nothing but a
got off ploy for clinging to the chair of the care- taker- Chairmanship of DGHC by
deferring the election of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. They were of the view that the
proposed sixth schedule in no case could meet the aspiration of the people of the region
for separate state of Gorkhaland. Opposing the sixth schedule with carping tongue and
making hue and cry for a separate state of Gorkhaland, the All India Gorkha League
under the Presidentship of Madan Tamang neither placed an alternative proposal
against sixth schedule nor a programme for achieving a separate state of Gorkhaland.
However, holding of public meetings in different places as a part of political activities of
the All India Gorkha League had surpassed other political parties from the last quarter of
2006. The result was not very encouraging since the people seemed to be cynical of the
move. Thus, in spite of having made an agreement, the Sixth Schedule Status to the
existing DGHC did not come to light even two years after the signing of the agreement.
During that period the Principal Secretary of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was found to
have issued an order as- "In terms of the posts created vide Order No.
89/CO/CPS/DGHC dated 16th June, 2007 the following persons are hereby engaged in
the newly set up "Ecclesiastical Department" on contractual basis with immediate effect
upto 31st December, 2007 at the monthly pay and other terms and conditions as shown
against each". The creation of ECCLESIASTICAL DEPARTMENT by Darjeeling Gorkha
Hill Council under the Caretaker Chairmanship of Subash Ghising was clearly against
the Secular Spirit and Principle of the Indian Constitution. The person chosen and
appointed by the Left Front Government of West Bengal for running the day to day
affairs of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council had created a Department for looking after the
Religious Matter and its promotion exclusively on the fund provided by the government,
it had made the Secular and Secularism professed by the Left Front a Mockery, but the
Government instead of making Subash Ghisingh accountable and responsible to the
public in the larger interest of the region and also for the sake of the country was seen to
have gone out of their way to appease him. Similarly, the Government that had taken a
nap failed to grasp the public mood that had developed a strong dislike and resentment
against Subash Ghisingh from the second week of September, 2007 on account of his
oblivious and cold attitude towards Prashant Tamang, who was a contestant for Indian
Idol from Darjeeling. In the campaign rallies for sending SMS to Prashant Tamang for
ensuring his victory, slogans against Subash Ghisingh were heard in Darjeeling Hills.
Four days before the declaration of the result of Indian Idol Contest, Subash Ghisingh
left for Indonesia. During his absence the victory of Prashant, Tamang had set
exhilaration and euphoria in the entire Darjeeling, but it was marred by the heinous event
of Siliguri on 28th September, 2007. The happenings led to develop a situation, in
Darjeeling under which there was every possibility of demonstration and protest against
Subash Ghisingh on his return from Indonesia. In such a situation the United
Progressive Alliance Government of India that was surviving on the outside support of
the Left Front of West Bengal, apparently at the behest of supporter, its Union Minister
Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi on 1st October, 2007 made an announcement: "Cabinet Nod to
Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling" with an intention of making the entry of Subash
Ghisingh smooth and devoid of protest. The announcement of the Union Minister Priya
Ranjan Dasmunsi provided a strong pretext to the disheartened supporters of Subash
Ghisingh to assemble at Bagdogra Air Port on 2nd October, 2007 to welcome him on his
return with Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. But it was easy for the common people
to realise that the Cabinet’s nod to the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling was a ploy
manufactured by the Union Minister at the will of the party, on whose support the
Government at the Centre survived. The supporters of the Central Government seemed
to have made an effort to divert the wrath of the people by assuaging them with an
anointment of the Cabinet Approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. This was
because, two years from the date of signing of the Agreement on 6th December, 2005 to
the announcement of the Cabinet Nod to the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling on 1st
October, 2007 more than half a dozen Sessions of Parliament were over. During those
sessions of Indian Parliament not a single word was uttered with respect to Sixth
Schedule Status for Darjeeling and with the passing of these two years of the agreement
for Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling, the mood of the people was against Subash
Ghisingh. Therefore, the Union Minister thought it fit and prudent to announce the
approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling immediately after the Monsoon Session
of Parliament, 2007 was over. Hence, the announcement of the Cabinet Approval to
Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling after two years of the Agreement seemed to have
have been made after keeping in mind the protection of Subash Ghisingh from his
flaccid moral and political decline. The political parties operating in the region taking into
account the different aspect of the developments related to the issue had come forward
and made Outright Rejection of the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling and expressed
the strong desire of not to accept any thing less than a Separate State. Further, the
Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists had stated that the announcement of the
Union Minister was nothing but an eye wash as otherwise he would have made an
Ordinance in the interest of the people and place. Thus, in place of issuance of an
Ordinance the announcement of the Cabinet Approval to Sixth Schedule Status for
Darjeeling after two years of Agreement was to undermine the intellectual and political
acumen of the citizens of the region.
The cabinet approval of the sixth schedule status, to the existing Darjeeling
Gorkha Hill Council caused an euphoric merriment in the infirmed Gorkha National
Liberation Front but other political parties, intelligentsia, artists and writers as well as a
large section of people that counted more than ninety percent of the total population of
Darjeeling Hills were against the proposed sixth schedule. The sixth schedule proposal
was taken by the informed layer as a subtle design of the Government of West Bengal at
the behest of CPM and imposing the same on Darjeeling and its people against their
wishes and conscience. In order to translate the subtle design into reality the muscle
power of the GNLF would be enforced so as to steamroll and crush the public opinion at
large. Thus, there was pervasion of distaste and dislike for the role of GNLF not only
from the informed circle but from within its party as well.




EMERGENCE OF BIMAL GURUNG
AND FORMATION OF GJMM
I am Joaquin.
I must fight
And win this struggle
For my sons…
I am the masses of my people and
I refuse to be absorbed…
Rodolfo Gonzales, I Am Joachin(1967).
The dubious role of the GNLF in accepting the sixth schedule and an attempt to
enforce the same, as an alternative sabotaging the demand of a separate state of
Gorkhaland was vehemently opposed by one of its heavy weights Bimal Gurung. But in
order to silence the protest as well as stop its spreading among the rank and file of the
party, Bimal Gurung was expelled from GNLF on 3rd October, 2007. This expulsion led
to the formation of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJMM) which was announced on 7th
October, 2007 in a meeting attended by large number of people at Chowk Bazaar,
Darjeeling. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha within a short period swelled and turned into
a mass based party that posed a real challenge to the GNLF. The Gorkha Jana Mukti
Morcha led a massive rally for the gherao of Lalkothi, the head quarters of Darjeeling
Gorkha Hill Council, demanding the ouster of Subash Ghisingh, caretaker appointed by
the West Bengal Government without holding election for the last two and a half years.
The massive rally was obstructed by a heavy police cordon about half a kilometre away
from Lal Kothi on 7th November, 07. The winter session of Parliament too was
scheduled to begin from 15th November, 2007 and it was publicized through press
statement by the CPM and its minister Asok Bhattacherjee and Rajya Sabha M.P,
Saman(aka Suraj) Pathak that the sixth schedule bill would be placed and passed in
that very session of Parliament. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha under the leadership of
Bimal Gurung announced a programme of burning the COPIES OF MEMORANDUM OF
SETTLEMENT MADE IN BETWEEN GOVERNMENTS OF INDIA, WEST BENGAL AND
THE CARE TAKER ADMINISTRATOR OF DGHC, SUBASH GHISINGH APPOINTED
BY WEST BENGAL GOVERNMENT, and FOR THE CONFERMENT OF SIXTH
SCHEDULE STATUS TO DGHC. The burning of the copies as announced took place on
15th November 07 throughout the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council areas as a joint
programme of the newly formed Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJMM) and the Communist
Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM). It was seen that the burning of the
memorandum was carried with much enthusiasm and commitment by the participation of
the general public. But, much to the expectation of the political analyst the copies of the
bill of the proposed Sixth Schedule were distributed to the members of the Lok Sabha on
20th November, 2007 with an object of holding discussion on the bill on 4th December,
2007 for its approval. The Central leaders of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh were in Delhi
and set themselves in motion to engage in diplomatic exercises: While so doing, they
began educating the the leaders of political parties and the members of Parliament
about the hidden agenda of the Government of West Bengal concealed in the proposed
Sixth Schedule and the extent of damage it would cause to the solidarity and unity of the
different communities of Darjeeling Hills.The ‘state’ itself had become an enemy of the
constitution. The President of GJMM, Bimal Gurung was also intending to leave for
Delhi, but could not go, because the former councilor of DGHC, K.B. Gurung belonging
to GNLF was attacked by some miscreants and the GNLF had lodged FIR mentioning
involvement of Bimal Gurung despite his not being present in the spot of the attack. But
a warrant of arrest was issued on the allegation of attack on K.B. Gurung and an
indefinite strike was declared in Darjeeling by the GNLF as a pressure tactic for his
arrest. Later, he succeeded in securing the Anticipatory Bail. But, prior to securing the
same, he had deputed a team to Delhi and it met the Chairperson of the Parliamentary
Standing Committee, Home affairs, Smt. Sushma Swaraj, the leader of opposition Sri.
L.K. Advani and others. Thus, the Delhi foray by the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh and
the team of GJMM with necessary support and guidance from Dawa Narbula who was
Congress M.P. from Darjeeling and Nakul Chandra Rai, the Lok Sabha Member from
Sikkim and many others from different political parties successfully knocked the doors of
leaders and the stalwarts belonging to the both houses of the Parliament. In order to
approve the proposed bill for Sixth Schedule in the Parliament, it was mandatory to
garner the support and consent of the main opposition BJP. Hence, the Chief-Minister
Buddhadev Bhattacharjee was reported to have visited the Durbar of the leader of the
opposition L.K. Advani, forgetting his earlier carping statements against the BJP, for
begging his support. But Advani refused to support the bill pointing out the break of
Parliamentary precedent of taking the consent of Standing Committee prior to its
introduction in Parliament. Thus, unable to enlist the support of the main opposition, the
Home-Minister Sri Shivaraj Patil was compelled to refer the bill to the Parliamentary
Standing Committee. As per schedule, the Home Affairs on that very day was supposed
to have discussed and passed the bill in the Parliament.
Thus, the effort and exercise of bulldozing the people's aspirations and opposition
to the imposition of Sixth Schedule on Darjeeling by managing the Government at the
centre by the Left Front Government of West Bengal, under the leadership of
Buddhadev Bhattacherjee was thwarted. As it was the result of united opposition by the
people of Darjeeling and the lobbying and diplomatic exercise carried out in Delhi. The
might of the Left Front Government was humbled for the first time by the lovers of
Gorkhaland. And the people from all walks of life from Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars
region started sending representations to Smt. Sushma Swaraj, the Chairperson,
Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home Affairs, with requests of rejecting the
proposed Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling. The Lawyers of Darjeeling District Court also
formed a Legal Awareness Forum chaired by Amar Lama and the Forum also opposed
the proposed Sixth Schedule. The different social organisations functioning in Darjeeling
also came forward by sending letters opposing the proposed Sixth Schedule. The
Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home Affairs formally invited (a) Gorkha National
Liberation Front, (b) All India Gorkha League, (c) Communist Party of Revolutionary
Marxists, (d) Gorkha National Liberation Front C, (e) Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha and (f)
Gorkha Rastriya Congress to place their points before the Committee on 20th
December, 2007 in Delhi. All the invited parties except Gorkha National Liberation Front,
who had done every thing possible to impose the Sixth Schedule Bill, went to Delhi with
requisite papers and documents for opposing the imposition of the proposed Sixth
Schedule. The parties submitted a joint memorandum and also individual representation
to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs against the proposed Sixth
Schedule on 20th December, 2007. But the Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League was not the
signatory to the joint memorandum submitted to the Parliamentary Standing Committee.
However the united representation to the Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home
affairs, Government of India, by the Parties against the proposed Sixth Schedule was
given more impetus, when Dawa Narbula, the Congress M.P. from Darjeeling too made
a verbal submission to the Parliamentary Standing Committee against the proposed
Sixth Schedule and apprised the committee, that the formation of a separate state would
be the only Political solution to Darjeeling's political problem. Thus the solidarity and
unity in approach and representation was made for the first time in Delhi by the political
parties and public representatives from Darjeeling. This show of solidarity and unity was
also carried from the Parliamentary Standing Committee to the Jantar-Mantar Ground of
Delhi, where the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh had organised a day's Dharna on 21st
December, 2007 for pressing the Government of India for the creation of Homeland for
the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas of India. In that One Day Dharna, the participants and
delegates from twenty two states of India along with the delegation of the Parties from
Darjeeling joined in. Thus, in the political history of Nepali Speaking Gorkhas of India,
the Dharna was first of its kind, in voicing the demand of a Homeland that is a Separate
State, as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution. And in order to bolster the
demand, a two day programme comprising of a seminar and convention was held in
Delhi on 22nd and 23rd December, 2007, in the Constitution Assembly Hall, Delhi. The
leader of Telengana Rashtriya Congress, renowned journalists, academician, retired
army personnel, leaders of the Forum for the formation of Smaller States and
bureaucrats addressed the seminar lending their support for the cause of Homeland for
Indian Gorkhas. Among them, notable speakers were P. Nehru, Advocate Supreme
Court and the leader of the proposed Telengana State, Col. P.R. Reddy who was also
leading a movement for the formation of Separate Telengana state. He stressed the
need of the united movement for achievement of a Separate State of Telengana and
Gorkhaland, and suggested to make the demand of Gorkhaland simultaneously with
Telengana and vice versa by the concerned people and the leaders leading the
movement. The journalist Sanjay Hazarika commanding national repute and Awadhesh
Coomar Sinha wielding a credit for lecturing in the different universities of world were
also the speakers, who favoured the cause for having a homeland in India for the Indian
Gorkhas by highlighting the contribution and the role of the Gorkhas in making modern
India. Sri Om Gupta from North Eastern Hill University and General (retd) Ashok Mehta
were also in support of the demand for a homeland of the Indian Gorkhas. The leader of
the Forum for Smaller States Babu Ramdeodey Maji also assured the help of his
organisation for achievement of a separate state of Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas.
But after the return from Delhi, the All India Gorkha League organised public
meetings in Darjeeling, Kurseong and kalimpong town where the president of the party,
Madan Tamang made a vitriolic attack on the GJMM and other opposition parties that
had gone to Delhi. The tone and the line of speech was a clear indication that the All
India Gorkha League and its president was not in tandem with the unity and solidarity as
formed and maintained in Delhi. But other parties who were the signatories to the joint
memorandum that was submitted to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home
Affairs were unanimous in maintaining unity and solidarity and in the days to come by
they would stand together to oppose the proposed Sixth Schedule Bill and to realise the
demand of the separate state of Gorkhaland. Thus, the CPRM being apprehensive of
role of the ABGL and much concerned over the opposition unity, issued statement
signed by Party's General Secretary R.B. Rai on 31st December, 2007 thereby urging
the people to be vigilant and judicious against the move that could be pernicious for the
welfare and well-being of the people in maintaining unity for the achievement of their
long cherished goal.
On 6th January, 2008 at Lebong the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha organised the
biggest rally in the history of Public Rallies in Darjeeling. The Central Leaders of GJMM
were made to swear in public as a confirmation of their allegiance to the party and
programme to be pursued by it for achieving Gorkhaland. While addressing the historic
crowd the President of GJMM, Bimal Gurung, announced a series of agitational
programmes against the proposed sixth schedule and in favour of Separate State of
Gorkhaland for the following three months. The CPRM also organised a public meeting
on 12th January, 2008 at the historic Gitangay Dara, Darjeeling and announced its full
support to the GJMM's programme to commence from 14th January, 2008 and the
speakers also expressed resentment and concern against the activities of ABGL and
warned against the idea of jeopardising the solidarity and unity of the people. The GJMM
as announced honoured their words on 14th January, 2008 to carry and implement the
Non-Co-operation Programme by closing the Government offices in the entire Darjeeling
till 18th January, 2008. The Darjeeling Municipality, after the demise of Bal Dewan was
scheduled to elect a new Chairman on 14th January, 2008 by ignoring the Non Cooperation Programme of GJMM. But a large number of people surrounded the entire
Municipality Office Complex till the evening by breaking section 144 imposed by the
district administration. The Darjeeling Municipality, having an absolute majority of GNLF,
seemed to have undermined the Non-Co-operation movement of GJMM and the
administration had imposed section 144 by deploying a heavy police personnel so as to
facilitate the election. But the combined strength of the GNLF and the District
Administration was defeated by the solidarity of the people that resulted in the
postponement of the notified election. The closing of the government offices, for five
days had unprecedented success too.
The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs was scheduled to visit
Darjeeling on 6th and 7th February, 2008 for assessing the ground reality in regards to
the proposed sixth schedule. The District Administration had also held a meeting on 30th
January, 2008 with the Political Parties in respect of the scheduled visit of the
Parliamentary Standing Committee. The meeting was attended by the representatives of
all political parties except the GNLF. The GJMM decided to request the Parliamentary
Standing Committee on home Affairs for annulment of the proposed sixth schedule by
arranging unprecedented welcome to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home
affairs as a mark of aversion to the sixth schedule by the people of Darjeeling, Terai and
Dooars. But the Government of West Bengal was made paranoid by the solidarity of the
people of the region, against the proposed sixth schedule which it wanted to thrust upon
them, against their wishes. Accordingly they managed the cancellation of the scheduled
visit of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs, and arranged to send
Subash Ghisingh, the caretaker administrator of DGHC, appointed by West Bengal
Government along with the Chief-Secretary to Delhi, where they made their deposition to
the Parliamentary Standing Committee on 6th February 08. The GJMM termed the
cancellation of the visit of the Parliamentary Standing as a conspiracy of Left Front
government of West Bengal for depriving the people of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars to
apprise their repugnance and refusal to accept the proposed sixth schedule to the
Parliamentary Standing Committee, it announced a series of agitational programmes by
placing demands for removal of Subash Ghisingh from the caretaker-administratorship
of DGHC. At the same time they wanted to ensure the visit of the Parliamentary
Standing Committee to Darjeeling and enlighten them about the prevalent situation of
Darjeeling Hills. As a measure of exerting pressure a group of twenty-five, each from
Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Kurseong started Fast-Unto-Death from 7th February 08. The
health condition of some of the participants deteriorated to an alarming extent, but they
refused to take medical help. The GJMM as a pressure tactic declared the closure of
Central, State and DGHC offices from 12th February 08 for an indefinite period that
brought the district administration to a stand-still. The Chief-minister of West Bengal Mr.
Buddhadev Bhattacharjee during a visit to Darjeeling for holding talks with the Caretaker
Administrator, Subash Ghisingh in the middle of 2007 while refusing an appointment to
the Opposition Political Parties had stated that there were no Opposition Political Parties
in Darjeeling and he had no knowledge of the presence of Opposition Parties. But after a
couple of months the Left Front Government led by him were made to bow before the
GJMM by its four days movement and he even invited them to Kolkata on 13th February,
2008 at 3 P.M. for negotiation. A delegation comprising Roshan Giri, Anmol Prasad, Alok
Kanta Thulung, Tilak Chandra Roka, Madhukar Thapa and Bimal Darjee led by Kaman
Singh Ramudamu, the Vice-President of GJMM reached Kolkata and attended the
meeting with the Chief-Secretary Amit Kiran Deb, Home secretary, Prasad Ranjan Roy,
the Divisional commissioner B.L. Meena and the Darjeeling District Magistrate Rajesh
Panday at the Writer's Building. The delegation stood firm sticking to their guns that led
to seek two days time (14th to 15th February 09) by the Government of West Bengal for
removal of Subash Ghisingh whom the Government had pampered and allowed to
declare the self-styled king of Darjeeling. The meeting had facilitated the withdrawal of
Fast-unto-Death in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. But after the expiry of time
begged by the government, the Chief Secretary Amit Kiran Deb made it clear through
media the non-acceptance of the demand of GJMM. The following day the GJMM
resumed its 'Fast-Unto-Death' as earlier in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. On the
very day of the resumption of the fast on 16th February 08, the Election to the post of the
chairman of Darjeeling Municipality lying vacant due to the demise of the chairman in
office was scheduled to take place. But the GJMM as a part of their movement decided
to obstruct the proceedings for that scheduled election by way of picketing the premises
of the Municipality Office. The fifteen Commissioners belonging to GNLF made their
entry into the Municipality office around 2 A.M on the scheduled day locked the doors
from inside to obstruct the entry of thirteen Commissioners belonging to GJMM. On
being informed of the development, the people picketed the entire Municipality Office
complex till 9 P.M. and the Observer to that scheduled election deputed by government
along with thirteen Commissioners could not take part in that forcefully manipulated
election. However it seemed that the Government was inclined to accord its approval of
the Election keeping aside the Democratic norms and principal.
After the rejection of the demands by the West Bengal government, the GJMM
resumed Fast-unto- Death movement from 17th February 08 in Kalimpong, Darjeeling
and Kurseong. But on the same day Subash Ghisingh arrived at Siliguri Pintail village
after lobbying in Delhi and told the media that there was every possibility of passing the
sixth Schedule Bill by the Parliament during the Budget Session that was scheduled to
begin from 21st February, 2008. On hearing the arrival and press-meet of Subash
Ghisingh, the supporters of GJMM prepared to blockade every entry point and prevent
him from reaching Darjeeling. On the next day, 18th February, 2008 the supporters of
GJMM and CPRM started pouring down to Siliguri from early morning, demanding the
Removal of Subash Ghisingh from the Caretaker-administratorship of DGHC and
cancellation of the proposed Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling. But large contingents of
armed police forces with arms obstructed the masses at several places for not allowing
them to reach Pintail Village where Subash Ghisingh was lodging.
It seemed that the Government of West Bengal was determined to impose Sixth
Schedule against the wishes of the people and to keep Subash Ghisingh on the politicaladministrative affairs of Darjeeling. Thus, the GJMM being forced to mount their
pressure on Government declared indefinite strike from 20th February, 2008. The strike
was total and peaceful. But the CPM from Siliguri sent a number of people led by Mukul
Sengupta to Salbari for opposing the strike, despite knowing well that the area was
predominantly inhabitated by Nepali speaking People. Mukul Sengupta dared to tell the
people of Salbari to withdrawing the strike, as the area was not being included within
DGHC. But the people resisted him telling that Salbari is a part and parcel of Darjeeling
district and he along with his men was escorted back to Siliguri by police.
The callous and unmindful attitude of the West Bengal government and subtle
attempt of the CPM to ferment a divide in between the people of hills and plain of
Darjeeling district compelled the GJMM to take a decision of organising a Fast-untoDeath programme at the premises of the Sub-divisional Office at Siliguri from 21st
February, 2008. A group of people left for Siliguri from Darjeeling hill in the early morning
for taking part in the hunger strike at Siliguri. The news spread like wild-fire and the
people from Darjeeling hills and the periphery of Siliguri started going to the proposed
site for extending their moral support to boost the spirit of the participants. But the police
began to barricade and blockade the different points of roads connecting Siliguri and
arrested indiscriminately the people having Mongoloid Face who had reached the
proposed site of Fast-unto-Death at Siliguri. However, people pushing the barricades
reached Darjeeling More which is situated two kilometres away from the sub-divisional
office of Siliguri and the arrested people numbering forty six started Fast-Unto-Death
inside the police Hazat. At such a critical juncture the administration took the decision of
holding negotiations that ultimately settled the unconditional release of the arrested and
allowing for sitting in Fast-unto-Death at Dagapur, three kilometres away from the earlier
proposed site. The reason for not permitting the programme of Fast-unto-Death to be
held at the premises of the Sub-divisional Office, Siliguri was mentioned by the
Municipality and Local self Government minister Asok Bhattacharjee that the protesters
Gorkha were 'outsider' in Siliguri. The ‘so-called’ responsible government officials from
Kolkata and Siliguri had also stated in the same vein to that of the minister. One of the
police officials RJS Nalwa went to the extent of telling that "the protesters would be
arrested--- they will not be allowed to go on a hunger strike in front of the S.D.O Office in
Siliguri"-(The Telegraph 21st February, 2008). It seemed that their intellect, reason,
wisdom and common sense, of propriety was politically blinded, as because the fact
remains that Siliguri is a sub-division of Darjeeling district and the Assembly
Constituency of Siliguri included Mirik Block which is a part of Kurseong Sub-division.
The minister Asok Bhattacherjee was in the council of ministers of West Bengal, on
being voted by the electorates of Mirik. But the same electorates coming from Mirik for
taking part in hunger strike in the premises of SDO Office Siliguri were debarred, denied,
arrested and blockaded giving the reason that they were OUTSIDERS IN SILIGURI. In
the defence and security of Mother India, dead bodies of soldiers covered with the
national tricolour reach Darjeeling hills with the honour of martyrs after every war, or
skirmish since Independence through the days of the Kargil War. But the kith and kin of
those very martyrs were labeled as OUTSIDERS in Siliguri and not allowed to sit in
hunger strike by the government of West Bengal at the behest of the CPM that seemed
to be intoxicated with Bengali chauvinism.
The administration carried the diktat and performed the duties to the fullest
satisfaction of the political masters. In doing so, the law of the land and the right
conferred by the Indian Constitution Article 19 to citizens seem to have been trampled.
As because every citizen of India has the right to express his/her resentment for seeking
justice by holding public meeting, rally, gherao, dharna, hunger strike etc. anywhere
within India. But, Siliguri in spite of being a sub-division of Darjeeling within India the
people from Darjeeling hills were denied obstructed and arrested for their attempt to sit
in hunger strike on the ground that they were OUTSIDERS IN SILIGURI THAT WAS
PRESUMED BY POLITICAL LEADERS. It was a naked violation and denial of
constitutional, democratic and human rights of Nepali Speaking Citizens of India by the
majority and ruling community of West Bengal with the administration at their command.
But the parties, individuals, associations claiming to have been working for the protection
and safeguard of the democratic and human rights of the people remained dumb
spectators in the events of Siliguri before the administrative and political might of the
CPM backed by rabid Bengali chauvinism. As a means of concealing and diverting the
focus Subash Ghisingh was flown to Kolkata on 23rd February 08 in a planned way from
Pintail village where he was holed up.
In presence of such vulnerable circumstances the leaders of CPRM namely,
Taramani Rai, Gobind Chhettri, Arun Ghatani and Kishore Pradhan under the
instructions of the party started contacting different political parties operating in Siliguri.
In their effort, they succeeded in taking with the leaders of CPI (M-L), SUCI and CPI-M-L
(Liberation) to the place of Fast-unto-Death at Dagapur to offer flowers and Khadas to
the participants of the hunger strike on 22nd-23rd February, 2008 for their morale
boosting and addressing a joint press conference for condemning the attitude of the
government and lending support to the movement. The move further consolidated by
waiting upon a deputation to the Additional District Magistrate, Siliguri for immediate
removal of Subash Ghisingh from the care-takership of DGHC, scraping of the proposed
sixth schedule and maintaining peace, solidarity and harmony among the different
communities of the region. Leaflets in Bengla and Nepali were distributed and a massive
rally of the four parties was also held on 29th February, 2008.
In Darjeeling, the Hill Employees' Union formed with the employees working in
different Government and Semi-Government departments also decided in their meeting
to resign in mass from their respective posts in case of imposition of Sixth Schedule by
the Governments. The retired army personnel from officer to jawan held a meeting in
Darjeeling Gymkhana Club where they decided to lend their moral and physical support
to the movement led by GJMM. The meeting further resolved of pushing forward the
demand for a homeland for Indian Gorkhas. Accordingly, the ex-servicemen organised
meeting, dharna and rallies in Darjeeling, Siliguri and Delhi making a demand for a
homeland for the Indian Gorkhas as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution.
The Fast-unto-Death embraced a greater dimension, as it spread to the premises
of the eight Development Blocks of entire Darjeeling hills and token fasting also started
in front of Mal Police Station in the Dooars. The Fast-unto-Death, indefinite strike,
deteriorating the health and conditions of the majority of the participants massive rallies
in different parts of Darjeeling followed by snowballing of the support to the movement
from the entire region, left no alternative for the government except to hold negotiations.
Thus, the Left Front Government succumbing under pressure invited the GJMM for talks
with the Chief-Minister at Writer's on 27th February, 2008 at 6.30 P.M. And much
awaited the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs submitted its Report on
28th February, 2008 with a note of caution and warning too to the government. Further,
it is seen that the Committee had suggested the taking stock of situation in Darjeeling
along with constitutional and political implications contained in the proposed bill of Sixth
Schedule for Darjeeling. Thus, the adverse note of the Parliamentary Standing
Committee on Home Affairs and the protest from Darjeeling gaining a nature of mass
movement, the UPA Government thought it wise to freeze the proposed Sixth Schedule
for Darjeeling in an explicit manner. And, in Kolkata the inflexible and big-headed Chiefminister setting aside his busy schedule took the pain of holding rounds of hectic parleys
with the delegation of GJMM comprising Rosan Giri, Pradip Pradhan, Dr. C.K. Subba,
D.K. Pradhan, Anmol Prasad and Amar Lama led by Bimal Gurung and also
confidentially with Subash Ghising. Finally the result of the parleys was made to be
known by written press-release from Chief-minister on 29th February, 2008, wherein it
was mentioned that Subash Ghisingh was given time till 10th March,2008 to resign.
The flashes of news from the press-release of the Chief-Minister and direction from
the GJMM Leaders led to the withdrawal of the indefinite strike and the Fast-unto-Death.
There were 234 participants in the Fast-unto-Death and they had refused taking medical
help during the hunger strike. Hence, many of them were rushed for hospitalization after
the withdrawal of fasting. Any protest, movement and expression of resentment by the
people of Darjeeling against the unpalatable policy and decision of the government used
to be taken as Anti-Bengali and Anti-plains people, by some ministers, bureaucrats,
leaders, intellectuals who seemed to be clouded their own rabid chauvinism. But as a
panacea to that kind of ill-conceived notion the Fast-unto-death movement from 17th to
29th February, 2008 was a mirror. As because among 234 participants in the Fast-untodeath there were 6 Marwari, 4 Bihari, 2 Bengali, 5 Muslim and one Harijan who were
born and brought up in the region for which they were aspiring and struggling for
separation from the administrative and political dominance of West Bengal. But the
coverage of the movement in its right perspective has been deliberately or accidentally
overlooked by most of the national media belonging to public and private sectors.
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
THE ADVANCED AND “BIG NATIONAL’S” PERCEPTION AND
PRACTICE OF MARXISM OVER THE NATIONAL MINORITY
The newly-independent nation can find itself administered by an indigenous middle class that uses its
priviledged education and position cheerfully to replicate the colonial administration of the nation for its own
profit.
J. McLeod, Postcolonialism.
The Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists was formed in 1996 by breaking
the CPM, a ruling party of West Bengal on the grounds of ideological and political
differences. It was the second break up of the party in its thirty-two years of existence.
The first break in the house of CPM had taken place in 1967 and both the splits in the
solid organisational-political foundation were occurred in the district of Darjeeling. The
first split had taken place on account of a movement at Naxalbari, Darjeeling that led to
the formation of Naxalite group of Communist popularly known as CPI [M-L]. As "the
peasant struggle in Naxalbari had developed since the early 1950s, but attained a new
level of organisation and militancy when it was programmatically linked with the struggle
of tea plantation workers in the neighbouring gardens. The peasant struggle at that time
was being led by the Siliguri unit of the Krishak Samiti composed mainly of CPM
members. The largest proportion of poor people in the Naxalbari areas consisted of
Santhal, Oraon and Rajbangsi sharecroppers tilling the jotdar's land on terms which was
perhaps the most oppressive in all of West Bengal. The formation of the United Front
government in March, 1967 was followed by widespread rumours among most of the
landowning classes in the area that the government would dispossess them and grant
ownership rights to share-croppers. As a result, there was large-scale eviction of sharecroppers" (Chatterjee}) The eviction led to court case and non compliance of the court
order by the owners of the land took the form of movement for land rights of the
peasants in Naxalbari.The Darjeeling District Committee Member of CPM, Charu
Majumdar, who led the Naxalbari movement became the single most influential leader of
the CPI [M-L]. When the momentum was gained by the peasant struggle, he
emphasised that the chief feature of the Naxalbari struggle was that the peasant fought
neither for land nor crops but political power. And the political power, the CPI [M-L] had
attempted to wrest with arms. He (Charu Majumdar) was not hesitant of telling that the
President of China was the President of his party.
But the formation of CPRM in Darjeeling, the second split of CPM was not for
political power as wanted and pursued by Charu Majumdar and his men. The protracted
ideological struggle within CPM ultimately led to the formation of CPRM in 1996, on the
issue of the right of nationalities for having their own STATE within India as per the
provision of the Indian Constitution. The leaders of the Communist Party of Bengal had
supported a demand of the independent Gorkhasthan for the Gorkhas of Darjeeling at
the time Independence. But the same leaders showcaused and expelled R.B. Rai M.P,
Lok Sabha, Dawa Lama M.P. Rajya Sabha, D. S. Bomjan, Taramani Rai, Gobind
Chhetri and Sawan Rai from the CPM for demanding a separate State within India.
When there occurred a possibility of the splitting of CPM and leading to the formation of
CPI [M-L] on account of Naxalbari armed Struggle led by Charu Majumdar, the CPM had
made several endeavours for assuaging the rebel leader and his supporters. The
erstwhile Land and Land Revenue Minister and others were dashed to Siliguri from
Kolkata for holding conclave with the leader who was leading a revolt. But at the time of
formation of CPRM by revolting against the ideological principle linked to the rights of
nationalities for having their own State within India, the same leadership of the CPM
from Kolkata made no effort of listening and assuaging the leaders and cadres belonging
to national minority group. Thus at the time of first split the CPM took every effort to
mollify the rebel but in the second time it remained apathetic and indifferent as because
the revolting leaders and cadres did not belonging to their own community as in the
earlier case. Hence, it was clear that the party and its leaders from Kolkata seemed
concerned for the rebels of the party carrying armed struggle in Naxalbari but the same
party and its leaders had no botheration for the rebels who were making the demand of
separate state within India in accordance with the Leninist principles. But still they are
regarded as true Marxists not communal, and the leaders and cadres, who were
differently treated, are the communalists not Marxists as available in the DICTIONARY
of the CPM. Hence, in the Marxian political terminology, Communalism is made to be
understood as a word whose use is monopolised by the big and advanced but
unenlightened ruling sub-nationality of West Bengal.
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MICRO-COMPARTMENTALISM
'It is not a mere accident that the nineteenth century, the century of the invention of
modern means of transport was also the century of emerging nationality (A.R.Desai).
The "nationality is a historically evolved stable-community of people formed on the basis
of a language, territory, economic life and psychological make up in a common
culture"[J. Stalin]. Thus, in the evolution of nationality the essential ingredients, the
territory, economic life, psychological aspect and cultural affinity are bound together by
the thread of common language. But in spite of the language being a major factor for the
formation of nationality it could not be the sole agent, nevertheless it is regarded a
dominant cause of cohesiveness. The Bengali Language of Bangladesh and West
Bengal of India is one and the same, but the Bengalese of West Bengal and Bangladesh
though having similarity of language and facial look, they are two distinct and separate
entities. As the Hon'ble Delhi High Court had asked the Government of India to submit a
report "whether alleged illegal Bangladeshi migrants were operating firms from West
Bengal and fake exports to Bangladesh were being used as a cover for siphoning off
money through hawala channel." And, in response to the Hon'ble Court's directive the
Union Home Ministry had submitted that "a population census to identify Bangladeshi
nationals staying illegally in India is not feasible because they have similar ethnicity,
language, culture, dressing and food habits as those of Indian nationals belonging to
eastern parts of the country" (The Statesman, dated 27th March, 2007, a English daily
published from Siliguri, Kolkata, New Delhi, Bhubaneswar). Despite the existence of
such inseparable similarity between the two identical people they are distinctively two
different nationals in regard to their nationality question. There is no difference in the
spoken language of America and England as well as their dressing code, but they are
two different nationals. Similarly there is no difference in the Nepali Language used in
Nepal and India but the Nepali national of Nepal and Indian Nepali National are two
different and separate entities, evolved through a distinct historical, socio-economical
process leading to psychological make-up of their own type with common means of
communication nurtured for years together. But India, being a country of continental
dimension with multi ethnic population as it is recorded that "of the 5653 communities in
India, 635 are tribal. Of the later, a little over 200 categories are found in the Northeast"
{Verghese}. In the ocean of such varied ethnic groups spreading in an expanse
extending from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, the Indian Gorkhas are found as a microscopic
minority, except in West Bengal, Uttaranchal and North Eastern India. As a result of the
scattered settlement in the midst of several ethnic groups, it is only the language which
is found to have played a dominant role in the evolution of Nepali.Nationality in the
context of India would be Indian, sub-nationality - Nepali/Gorkhali, Bengali, Punjabi etc.
nationality in the context of Nepal would be Nepali. Hence, the language is one of the
strongest cementing components for the historically evolved Indian Nepali. And in the
process, the emergence of nationalism of nineteenth century had its effect in Darjeeling
too. As the advantage of compact settlement within discernible region different castes
having their own dialect had "successfully preserved and developed Nepali language in
Darjeeling even while facing adverse circumstances. The Nepali Nationality of Darjeeling
would not have come into existence if the Nepali language had not been preserved as a
means of communication and expression of thought and feeling by the educationally
backward and majority of workers" { Dr. Kumar Pradhan}. Hence, the role of Darjeeling
region in the evolution of the Indian Nepali and shaping the socio-cultural identity and
forwardness in political activities is of paramount importance with wide significance in
India for the entire Indian Nepali. Keeping in view the importance and significance
Darjeeling was regarded as the nerve centre and also the capital of Indian Gorkhas for
social, cultural, educational, literary and political activities. But along with the flow of
water from Teesta, Rangeet and Balasan from the hills of Darjeeling to the plains of
Bengal, the recognition as nerve centre is on the wane due to the play of various internal
and external factors. As the inability of retaining recognition, of the nerve centre by
facing the odds and the challenges posed by those factors could be on account of sheer
backwardness, docility and carefree mental make-up of the people of Darjeeling. Taking
advantage of it, the clever and developed and arrogant ruling majority community has
had been taking every chance of using "SAM, DAM, DANDA VHED" for making the
people a "victim of their own ignorance".
The incessant stratagem employed by West Bengal for wearing out the endeavour
of getting the region separated from the political and administrative clutches of Bengal
has several manifestations. As, instead of making a united move for the realisation of
political aspiration, the different castes/ communities comprising Nepali Speaking Indian
Nationals are moving in centrifugal direction. The play of the centrifugal forces is the
resultant affect of the Mondalisation of Indian politics during the Prime-Minister ship of
V.P. Singh. As prior to it, the different caste associations of Darjeeling were confined to
the sphere of cultural activities except All India Tamang Buddhist Association. As it had
obtained, the status of Tribals in 2002, as a result of twenty five years of struggle. But,
after the constitution of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, it has gradually followed the
sprouting of several organisations bearing the names of caste and community by whom
they were formed. Further, many semi-defunct associations went into activation. The
formation of organisation/association such as Gedung for Tamang, Kirat for Rai, Lafa for
Magar, Newar, Limbu, Sunwar etc. etc. are found to have taken place in Darjeeling. The
objectives of making such different and separate organisations/associations by each
caste belonging to Nepali sub-nationality which was evolved through historical, social,
economical and political process extending a period of more than one and half century,
are mentioned for the preservation of the innate cultural peculiarities and also availing of
economic benefits by obtaining reservation in the name of caste. As the prevailing
scenario in the sphere of employment, the lucrative and prime posts are held by
scheduled tribes and castes and more so by the people from outside the district. Thus, it
is difficult for the general people to occupy the posts held by scheduled tribes/castes; the
general Indian Nepali Nationals seemed to have been prompted for fragmentation/
compartmentalisation into different associations in the name of castes out of one single
unified Nepali community solely for getting reservation as enjoyed by scheduled tribes
and schedule castes. There is practically no difference in regard to socio-economic
conditions and mindsets in between the scheduled tribes/castes and the general Indian
Nepali Nationals. But the socio-economic and administrative policy of the Government
led to form a socio-political fragmentation amongst the Indian Nepali Nationals. Rai is
the largest constituent of Nepali Community and it has few dozen sub-castes that formed
the Rai society as a whole. Given the fact that the Mandal Commission Report lists all
the Gorkhas as OBC, this fragmentation is similar to the linguistic one the government
created during the first States Reorganisation Commission. Which is tantamount to a
‘ghetto culture' the Nazi's had initiated against the Jews. But from among those several
sub-castes it is only two/three sub-castes belonging to Rai society were listed as Other
Backward Class {OBC} by the Government of West Bengal. Similar types of omissions
have been made in respect of granting the status of Other Backward Class to Chhettri
and Pradhan too. Further in order to get a Certificate of OBC the recommendation, as a
proof of applicant's veracity to the very caste or sub-caste listed as OBC, from his/her
caste association formed a precedent. The precedent of the recommendation and its
acceptance acted as an indirect encouragement for making association of caste and
sub-caste for getting a certificate with the hope of obtaining benefit and other
consideration as reserved for Other Backward Classes.
During the course of evolution of the Indian Nepali, the festival of Dasain/Tihar and
Nepali Language had become a common identity. But the process of fragmentation or
micro-compartmentalism just like binary fission associated with Amoeba, brought about
by the formation of different castes associations in Darjeeling, a dispute and controversy
for the observance of Dasain/Tihar festival has also been taking place. As the All India
Tamang Buddhist Association claiming themselves to be tribals issued a decree to its
members for discarding the Dasain/Tihar festival branding it as a festival of Hindus. The
All India Tamang Buddhist Association was the solid and unified organisation but the
issue of the Dasain/Tihar has fragmented it into two camps. And, the Akhil Bharatiya
Nepali Anusuchit Jati of scheduled caste was the strongest and solid caste organisation.
But it also stands divided into two fragments on the demand of making/ treating them as
Scheduled Tribe in place of Scheduled Caste. For the wrecking of division on the issue
of the conversion of Scheduled Caste into Tribal, the role of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
Council and its Caretaker Chairman Subash Ghisingh was perceptible. The break away
group formed an association comprising Kami, Damai and Sarki belonging to Nepali
scheduled castes group, called "KADASA" and it had been to Delhi for demanding Tribal
Status for them with the blessing and guidance of Subash Ghisingh. The Chhettri and
Bahun had their association like others named as Hitkari Sammelan but it also could not
remain aloof when the issue of conversion into tribal was floated by GNLF. The caste
associations of Rai and Gurung were endeavoring for years together for obtaining
scheduled tribe status. Even before floating the idea of the conversion of Scheduled
Caste and the constituents of Hitkari Sammelan into Tribal Status it was perceived that
Rai and Gurung would be listed as tribals. As the case files of Rai and Gurung were
believed to have been put on the administrative tract for consideration, but, neither Rai,
nor Gurung nor others could get Tribal Status in spite of making hue and cry for the
same. Finally it seemed that the different castes that were eager for obtaining Tribal
Status are not in the know of reasons that debarred them from having the same.
It was accepted fact that the whole of Indian Nepali consisted of Barah Barna
{twelve different facial outlooks} and Chattish Jat {thirty six Castes}. And in spite of
having conglomeration of such varied abstracts, the Indian Nepali National has had been
presenting a solid stance as their national identity. But the trend of forming separate
associations by different caste with an aim of realising economic benefit has caused a
fear and apprehension in the minds of some intellectuals and conscious people for the
national unity of Indian Gorkhas on the following presumption. As India has a population
of more than one hundred crore in which it is claimed the presence of mere one crore
Gorkhas in India. But as per the Government official record the population of Gorkhas in
India; it is not more than twenty Lakhs. And in those twenty lakhs, the concentration of
Gorkhas population within a specific territorial limit is found in Darjeeling Hill areas and
Dooars. The population of Darjeeling hill areas is eight lakhs as per 2001 census. As the
area being the homeland of Nepali population, its percentage in the total population
within the region could safely be taken more than ninety percent and it comes a little
more than seven lakhs. The percentage of twenty lakhs Nepali people of India in the
vast ocean of more than one crore Indian population comes around 0.2 percent only.
Thus, the seven lakhs population of Darjeeling in all India contexts becomes a
microscopic minority of 0.07 percent. Further the population of West Bengal is more
than eight crore and the Nepali speaking population of seven lakhs from Darjeeling
would be 0.875 percent in the state of West Bengal. Hence it is seen mathematically that
the Nepali Speaking Population in India and in the State of West Bengal is in vulnerable
minority. But the vulnerability has been further aggravated in Darjeeling hill due to the
process of fragmentation thrust upon them by prevalent socio- economic circumstances.
But in spite of the motion set in for fragmentation and also the forces at work, the Indian
Nepali of Darjeeling has been kept tied together, for its unity by the only one living
element that is their mother tongue, the Nepali Language. Hence the Nepali Language
has become not only a rallying point for the Indian Nepali National but also the fulcrum of
the socio-political and cultural activities. Hence, it was sloganised as "living nationals'
alive language, the Nepali Language". But the Nepali Language having the status of
second language and also official language for Darjeeling, as accorded by the West
Bengal Language Act, 1961, which was one of the major official languages during the
Raj, has not taken a practical shape in its usage in Government and Semi-Government
offices. As in the printings of Ration Cards, Nomination papers, different forms and for
correspondence as well as noting in files either English or Bangla has been used.

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
MERGER OF DARJEELING WITH SIKKIM
The issue of the disengagement of Darjeeling from the politico-administrative web
of Bengal for the formation of a separate administrative unit is the oldest political
demand in India. But taking into account the non-realisation or achievement of the
political demand for a pretty long time, a few people, who could be counted on the finger
tips of left hand, from Darjeeling with weakened standing have been advocating the
merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. The protagonists of the merger issue say that the
region for which the demand of separation from Bengal has been raised for years
together was once the part of Sikkim. It is absolutely true that, historically the region was
a part of Sikkim prior to Gorkha invasion on the province and the first British encounter
with the Gorkha. And in support of demand for merger with Sikkim, the protagonists
extracting a sentence from the document prepared by West Bengal Government in 1986
captioned as "Gorkhaland-Agitation-The-Issue-An Information-Document" has had been
using it as a handy tool. As in page number 4, Para 2 of the very document it is written
that "historically, which is known as the district of Darjeeling today was parts of two
kingdoms during the pre-British period-the kingdom of Sikkim and Bhutan". The same
CPM which accused the BJP of ‘saffronising’ history has here ‘coloured' history by
conveniently expunging from the history of Darjeeling the contents of Article 3 of the
Treaty of Sugaulee, 1815 and as also the information in the District Gazetteer compiled
by A.J. Dash. Further the same fact has been found repeated in the fourth para of the
same. Thus, the sentence clarifying the historical background of Darjeeling has been
used as pinpointed weapon to support the demand for the merger of Darjeeling with
Sikkim. Hence, it is seen that the protagonists, instead of taking care of several other
related and dominant factors, have been giving a great emphasis for undoing the
historical incidence that had occurred more than one hundred and seventy five years
back. Thus, under the historical premise they have been making the demand of the
merger of the region from where it was truncated by war, design and diplomacy. But the
demand having the intricacy in its nature of separation from West Bengal could not be
decided by a mere historical exigency. If the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim turns into
a reality on the fact of historical record then the reverse march of history does not end
there by attaining the merger. And, after merger it moves further with the truth that the
whole land was a country that belonged to the Chogyal Dynasty. Thus, the merger of
Darjeeling with Sikkim contains a perilous portent in it. This is because the separation of
the region, if considered by giving due credence to the historical fact then it is not only
the existence and solidarity of a state but India itself as Sovereign country would be at
stake.
Darjeeling district and its contiguous areas were acquired from Sikkim and Bhutan
and once Sikkim was the sole master of the region. And the master might have the right
to claim for his ceded/lost territory, if it wished so. Hence, Sikkim and its people have the
right for making claim of recovery of region which earlier was the part and parcel of their
kingdom. But the former Chief Minister Narbahadur Bhandari, who was also one of the
prime activists for the merger of Sikkim in India in 1974, was adverse to the merger of
Darjeeling with Sikkim. He "[Bhandari] dismissed the story of his seeking Sikkim's
merger with Darjeeling as a plant to discredit him. He wondered how a state could
merge with a district. With a population of 1.3 m, Darjeeling would submerge Sikkim with
only a third that number. {Verghese}. Similarly the present Chief Minister Dr. Pawan
Kumar Chamling is also not inclined towards a claiming Darjeeling but he is lending his
support for the formation of Gorkhaland, a separate state within India comprising
Darjeeling District and its contiguous areas. Further, the print media had carried a report
that he had advocated the need of the formation of separate state of Gorkhaland for the
people of Darjeeling and its contiguous areas in the meeting of United Progressive
Alliance, the ruling coalition of India from 2004, held in Delhi on 21st March, 2007. Thus
the former and present Chief Ministers of Sikkim for inexpressible reasons of
administrative and political aspect related to ethnic morphology of state seemed adverse
to the issue of merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. And few of the noticeable reasons
could be impossibility of unity in thought and approach between the peoples of the two
region that was politically, administratively and psychologically kept separated for more
than one and half century. Darjeeling has been in the Indian National political main
stream since the birth of Nationalistic Consciousness, whereas Sikkim is a new entrant
to it. The pace with which Sikkim is moving in the socio-economic transformation would
be made difficult by the amalgamation of varied ideas as a result of the merger. And
despite having an undeniable and discernible contribution of the majority Nepali
speaking people in making of the modern Sikkim they are being regarded as immigrants
in Sikkim by the elite, holding the reigns of Administration. The immigrant perception is a
deep rooted phobia, because the political and historical writers enjoying close proximity
with the successive Chogyal Dynasty have made record of the immigration of the Nepali
speaking people.Chogyal Thutob Namgyal and Gyalmo Yeshe Dolma in their ‘The
History of Sikkim’ state that, “when we came over (i.e. from Chumbi, Tibet) we had to
fight fierce battles with the Limbus and the Magars”. In both Sikkim and Bengal the
Gorkha has been 'othered’ and has been the ‘instrument of convenience’ the
'pharmakos'. The history of the Gorkhali people has always been devalued, by the
colonisers and a colonialist ideology implanted that history, culture and progress began
with the advent of the white and later the brown sahibs. As in India it has become a
precedent for applauding the valour of Nepali speaking soldier in the war field for the
defence of country and terming them immigrant during the peace period. But after
attainment of independence and merger of Sikkim with India, due to the unflinching
loyalty on the sovereignty of India and also perseverance in transforming Sikkim from
feudalistic to democratic institution have not been able to erase the stigma of immigrant.
As it is found on record that the "immigration from Nepal is steadily increasing and is
encouraged by all classes as the Nepali ryot is hard working and thrifty as a rule, pays
his taxes regularly and at the same time is a law-abiding and intelligent settler" (Sunanda
K Dutta-Ray) And further "White recorded in 1906 that in the interest of the state and of
the Lepchas themselves, the reverses north of Gangtok should be thrown open to
Gorkhas settlers {Ibid}. And thirty years after the encouragement the Chogyal 'had
written to Sir Basil Gould, the PO, as long ago as 1942 about the potential danger of
immigrants taking over the country" {Ibid}. Subsequently it had become the fear of the
erstwhile Chogyal that it was Indian policy to weaken Sikkim's Tibeto-Buddhist ethnic by
extending support to the Gorkhas Hindus who might be expected to form alliances with
their compatriots in Darjeeling {Ibid}. Thus it could be seen from the facts stated above
that the seed of mistrust and disbelief is found to have been sown prior to the merger of
Sikkim in India. That Sikkim is no doubt the home land of Lepcha, Bhutia and Nepali and
regarding socio-political status it is written that "the Lepcha remained as an appendage
of the Bhutia with hardly any political or economic leverage. Barring a few elite amongst
the Gorkhas, the vast majorities were sharecroppers or confined to petty trade or
employment as labourers or workers. Their political status was second class and their
power and numbers stood curbed by the enforced and manipulated parity with
minorities" {B.S. Das}.
Thus, in spite of having presence of Nepali population in majority they seemed like
pawns for the power equation in the chess board of ethnic politics of the State. But
despite being used as pawns, "the Gorkhas in Sikkim are neither afflicted by the ‘Gorkha
phobia’ nor aware of their potential power. They still seek their identity as Sikkimese and
work within its polity" {Ibid}. Hence the potentiality of the majority community has been
assimilated in the Tibeto-Buddhist ethnic administrative perspective keeping and
maintaining separate and distinct cultural identity. The state emblem and the
architectural bearings in the public, private and administrative buildings are found to
have been imbibed as unity in diversity by different ethnic groups. The unity and amity
has become a hallmark of Sikkim and the same has conferred the coveted status as the
most peaceful state in India. Hence it seemed that the government and intelligentsia are
not inclined to setting a ripple in 'Tsangmo' of communal harmony in Sikkim by raising a
bogey of merger of Darjeeling with it.
But prior to the merger of the kingdom of erstwhile Chogyal into the union of India,
the relation between Sikkim and India had soured to some extent. "For years, the
Chogyal and Hope Cooke, his American wife, had been building an anti-Indian platform
in Sikkim and abroad. With her contacts in USA and elsewhere, she began raising
fundamental issues like Sikkim's claim to Darjeeling which had been ceded in 1835 to
the British. She even widely circulated a pamphlet on the subject." {B.S.Das}. But
instead of getting ceded Darjeeling, the claimer, lost his own kingdom. Thus the claim of
Darjeeling for Sikkim seemed a bad portent too. However, the realignment of Darjeeling
with Sikkim was an easy proposition and possibility at the time of merging Sikkim with
India as its twenty second state in 1975. But keeping Darjeeling with West Bengal it is
only Sikkim wherein the Chogyal was ruling had been merged. And many political writers
were of the view that Sikkim being a protectorate state of India; it should have merged at
the time of the attainment of independence by India. When manoeuvreings for the
merger of Sikkim with India was hectic, there was Mr. B.S. Das as the Chief Executive in
Sikkim from Government of India and after the completion of the merger, he wrote in
1983 that "if the mistake of 1947 in denying merger to Sikkim with India could be
corrected in 1975, why could Darjeeling not be restored back to Sikkim thus fulfilling the
aspirations of a homeland for the Gorkhas?" (The Sikkim Saga). But the man who was
at the helm of affairs at the crucial hours, when internal and external process for the
merger of Sikkim with India was underway, is found indifferent on the issue of unifying
Darjeeling also with Sikkim for its final merger in India as twenty second state. Further
he was fully aware of the claim of Darjeeling made by the Chogyal and his wife. The
parties and leaders who were instrumental for the merger of Sikkim with India too did not
take note of Darjeeling for its inclusion. Similarly, politically conscious Darjeeling and
intellectuals wherefrom an expression of aspiration for joining Sikkim and thereby
becoming a Nepali Speaking State in India was not raised at the time of the merger of
Sikkim in the union of states in India. As it was the opportune moment for the people of
Darjeeling in its history of Independent India for separation from the political and
administrative clutches of West Bengal to become a separate state by uniting with
Sikkim. Thus an opportunity for the unification of Sikkim to its pristine geographical glory
had been lost in 1975. And the loss of a golden chance could be attributed as sociopolitical backwardness of the people of the entire region. Hence today it seems that
there is no way out except penitence and the penitents to regard the fish that slipped off
the clutch as the greatest catch. And knowing well the mindset and the national
psychology of the loser of the opportunity, the sympathy from the stature of Mr. Das for a
"Homeland for the Gorkhas" seemed nothing more than crocodile tears. It is, however,
the "Belated Thought" for the restoration of Darjeeling to Sikkim as Homeland for the
Gorkhas from a senior Indian Administrative Service cadre has caused psychedelic
effects on some people with impaired credibility as a Concept of Greater Sikkim. But as
of today not a single political party from Darjeeling is found to have been making the
issue of merger with Sikkim. Almost, all the political parties of region are silent on the
issue of merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim, except the Gorkha National Liberation Front
{GNLF}, at the height of Gorkhaland Movement in 1986 its President Subash Ghisingh
"[he] also added, rejecting the suggestion that Darjeeling hill areas should be merged
with Sikkim. If we are to be a part of any other state it is thousand times better to be in
West Bengal" {Darjeeling Himalaya in Flames, page no 25 Para 3} Nevertheless, if the
issue of greater Sikkim had originated and was initiated from Sikkim then it was certain
to gain momentum. But Sikkim remaining unconcerned on the issue of the Greater
Sikkim and the exhibition of an excessive interest by persons of 'weakened standing'
from Darjeeling would be like praying to a husband for withdrawing TALAK. The
production of sound could be possible with the clapping of two palms otherwise moving
of the bogey of Greater Sikkim from Darjeeling alone could be a cry in the wilderness.
Hence presently the issue has got infested with heavy inertia on account of it being
lectured in public meetings in Darjeeling only by the persons who seem to be of infected
reliability.
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ECONOMIC POTENTIALITIES OF DARJEELING
Darjeeling is endowed with tropical to sub-tropical, to Alpine climate and
temperature that gives scope for wide-ranging agricultural and non-agricultural as well
as industrial productions. But the exploitation of the prevalent situation in the interest of
the people and the region has not been carried with technical support, administrative
backing and political determination. In the modern parlance of development among the
three ingredients mentioned above the political determination is a dominant factor that
alone decides the course to be followed for development activities. Thus for the
development of any region or a country, the political vision accompanied by
administrative backing and translating them into reality has to be done with technical
support ensuring the participation and involvement of people. And it is the task
generally expected to be taken and performed by the Leader. Hence the role of the
leader seems indispensable for the development of a place and its inhabitants. As
leadership, “is not about making emotional speeches and leading demonstrations.
Leadership involves trust. And only those inspire trust, who has the ability to subordinate
their ego to the greater good." (Khera). Further the "leadership is not only demonstrated
in the battle field or in times of crisis but in every deed" {Ibid}. But in respect of Darjeeling
it is only the assurances that were being provided in abundance by the leadership for
years together. The assurance they had been giving never got exhausted, as it flowed
continuously from their honeyed tongues. As they do not stop of offering assurances
despite their inability of enlisting political support, administrative backing and arranging
technical know-how in the right direction for the development of the region.
Keeping in view the aspiration of the people for the socio-economic development
and the unmindful neglect of the same for years together, the Communist Party of
Revolutionary Marxists have published in 2000 a Booklet captioned as Economic
Viability of the proposed State of Gorkhaland. The booklet in a layman's point of view
contains several suggestions and proposals for the socio-economic development of the
region. The areas and avenues referred to in the booklet do not seem impossible for
planning and execution of the same, for the upliftment of the region.
It is an accepted fact that Darjeeling is known in the world for its TEA, with
matchless flavour and taste. It is not only Tea but almost all the products from the soil of
Darjeeling which have some peculiar, exceptional tang, flavour and extreme
compatibility to the sense of taste and smell. The oranges of Darjeeling are regarded as
the sweetest in comparison to production from other regions of India. Similarly, Maize,
Potatoes and several other vegetable products contain taste and scent as true products
of nature. And, it is on account of the region being nurtured and cared by the bracing
climate and atmosphere which is continuously released and regulated from the majestic
KANCHANJUNGA. But the yield rate of the different crops in hilly region of Darjeeling is
decidedly lower than the plains. In spite of low rate of yield the products containing
ingredients of superior quality could not reach the market and become a mere product
for domestic consumption only on account of various reasons and factors. "India is the
largest producer of fruits in the world. However, more than 30 per cent of the fruits is
wasted as it cannot reach the market and there is limited scope for processing it. In the
US, 70 per cent of the fruit produced is processed, in Malaysia 83 per cent. In India this
is a mere 2 percent {Kalam}. But in that very two per cent Darjeeling has no place.
"South Africa has half the world's gold mine and substantial portions of the earth's
diamonds. However, despite this, Africa remains poor today because the resources are
not developed to create higher value products within the country" {Ibid}. And "Israel, a
country with practically no rain, which is today a leader in many agricultural products and
milk production {Ibid}". Thus the use and exploitation of the available resources in the
optimum level alone will decide and ensure the prosperity of the people. But Darjeeling
enjoying wide possibility for creation of higher valued products in the field of agriculture,
horticulture, floriculture, pisciculture, apiculture etc. has remained virgin for their
production and marketing as ever due to absence of technical and professional guidance
to the people of the region.
There is immense potentiality for the development of the region in almost all fields.
If it is carried with sincerity backed by political determination, it could turn into a selfsufficient and richest region in the country. Darjeeling supports approximately 400
flowering plant species, including 28 rhododendrons and 322 orchids. Fifty-three of the
orchid species are listed as rare or endangered. At least 144 of the plant species are
endemic to the eastern Himalayas of which 29 are endemic to Darjeeling. One hundred
and thirty one species of mammals are recorded in Darjeeling, including the red panda,
Himalayan black bear, clouded leopard, tiger, Himalayan thar, ghoral, gaur, and
pangolin. Early records list 550 bird species. At least 125 freshwater fish and 51 reptile
and 25 amphibian species are also recorded from this area" (Fareedi/Lepcha). It is
mentioned in the Ramayana that Laxman was brought to sense with the treatment of an
herb called 'Sanjeevani' that was procured from the Himalayan region by Hanuman. And
Darjeeling being at the lap of the Himalaya, the Kanchanjunga is certainly the house of
the several 'Sanjeevani' which is needed to be explored, extracted and marketed. On the
emergence of JHARKHAND as a new state, the Science and Technology Council of the
newly born State made Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam, the President of India as its Patron for the
exploration and development of herbal drugs industry. In the capacity of the Patron Dr.
Kalam writes as "this was a new experiment for the state and also for the mission, but
one that, given our experience in mission management, offers tremendous scope for
Jharkhand to enter three areas in a big way- floriculture, herbs and herbal products."
{Ignited Minds page 161 Para two}. But in comparison of Jharkhand with Darjeeling, it is
far richer in flora and fauna which are yet to be identified and exploited for the economic
support of the people of the region and also for the welfare of the humanity at large.
Darjeeling hill region's water resources, if harnessed and exploited, could generate from
3000 to 4000 megawatt electricity as estimated by experts. As it is learnt that the
CHUKA HYDEL PROJECT of Bhutan generating 300 megawatts only sells 1500 million
units to India has been earning 30 per cent of its revenue from the sale. The water
resources is the only avenue where the investors have a guarantee of return with profit
and in the context of globalization, the perennial river, streams and rivulet of Darjeeling
surely could be a gold mine. But it requires an ambitious action plan from the
administration with political determination for the implementation of the same so as to
get positive result. As the renowned scientist and the President of the largest democracy
of the world, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam is of the opinion that "thinking is the capital, enterprise
is the way, hard work is the solution" and further he is seen to have stated as "why
cannot water from the Brahmaputra, which is in flood much of the time, be diverted to
Rajasthan or Tamil Nadu which are starved of water?" And in the same manner the
thinking for the socio-economic development of Darjeeling could turn into an enterprise
and the same could get administrative approval and support for execution with sincerity
then certainly the region would become a small part of heaven in India inhabitated by
self reliant people. But the experiences gained through years being a part of Bengal,
Darjeeling and its people have learnt to live in wintry political climate with deprivation,
exploitation and suppression. However, the present and following generations of
Darjeeling have urges, will and the aspiration for becoming the smallest member in the
VISION 2020 as contemplated by His Excellency Dr. APJ ABDUL KALAM.
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SUPPRESSION OF ASPIRATIONS
Thequestion which the colonized peoples have asked themselves has been ‘What must be done to bring
about another Dien Bien Phu? How can we manage it?’ It modifies the attitude of the colonialists who
become aware of manifold Dien bien Phus. This is why a veritable panic takes hold of the colonialist
government in turn. Their purpose is to capture the vanguard, to turn the movement of liberation towards the
right and to disarm the people.
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
The people having different language, culture, tradition and mindset from the rest
of West Bengal, have been persistently carrying a struggle for separation of the region,
so as to decide the political fate by themselves. The political parties, social organisation,
intellectuals and people from all walks of life, belonging to Nepali Speaking Gorkha
Community are aspiring for having their own Homeland in India. It is also a naked truth
that there are more than ninety per cent people in Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region
who are found to be in favour of separation from Bengal for the formation of a Separate
State of their own in India. But in spite of having such an overwhelming support for
separation of the region from West Bengal, it has not been successful. But in opposition,
West Bengal has been successful for clinging to the region through political jugglery
backed by administrative might. Thus the issue of homeland for Indian Gorkhas has
been made an odd fight between the advanced, developed and majority Bengali
community ruling the state and a suppressed and ruled national minority that is Nepali
Gorkhali Community. And in the fight, the provision of the Indian Constitution for the
formation of a separate State for the Gorkhas seemed to have been locked by a key of
'extra constitutional' PRECEDENCE OF CLEARANCE FROM THE STATE
GOVERNMENT, FOR INITIATING THE PROCESS FOR CONSIDERATION OF THE
DEMAND. As for the formation of new state there is provision in the Indian constitution
under article 3 which states that :- "Formation of new states and alteration of areas,
boundaries or names of existing states- Parliament may by law –(A) form a new state by
separation of territory from any state or by uniting two or more states or parts of states of
by uniting any territory to a part of any state; (B) increase the area of any state; (C)
diminish the area of any state; (D) alter the boundaries of any state; (E) alter the name of
any state"(Constitution of India). Thus as per the provision of the Indian Constitution the
formation of a separate state for the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and
Dooars region could easily be formed by the Parliament. As for the formation of a
Homeland for the Indian Gorkhas dominantly inhabiting the region, it seems that there is
no constitutional difficulty and legal hurdles as it is explicitly clear in the Constitution of
India under article 3 as quoted above. But the successive union governments of India
have FOLLOWED THE PRECEDENCE FOR THE FORMATION OF A NEW STATE ON
THE RECOMMENDATION OF CONCERNED STATE GOVERNMENT ONLY. Thus, it
has been made an administrative precedent for obtaining a clearance or consent or
recommendation from the concerned state before the introduction of a bill for creation of
a new state, which is not required and obligatory also as per the provision of the Article 3
of the Constitution. Hence the precedent, as long as it remains in force the aspiration of
having a separate state for the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars,
stands as an obstacle and hurdle, because expecting a magnanimity of recommendation
from West Bengal for their compatriot belonging to another ethnic group would be like
praying for mercy to the butcher by an innocent lamb.
But the history of different communities is replete with the struggles for setting free
from the political and administrative bondages. As no ruler, whatsoever be his might, has
become successful in keeping under subjugation, the people who had aspired to have a
system of self rule as guaranteed by democratic forms and norms. Similarly, West
Bengal could carry its rule in the region on some generation for some time. But there is
gradual growth of disenchantment against the rule of Bengal over the region after the
birth of every generation. And the manifestation of disillusionment and dissatisfaction
against the rule of West Bengal has been on the rise. But, as of now, the same has not
taken any ugly shape except some occurrences during the agitation of 1986-88. And it
seemed that no lesson has been taken from the happenings of the period except
intensifying the manipulative device and mechanism. The device and manipulative
technique employed by West Bengal for sustaining their rule against the wishes of the
people has been pushing the aspiration of Darjeeling towards the WALL and on reaching
the WALL an explosion of frustration might take place. Thus, the socio-political and
economical activities carried by the successive ruling parties and the neglect,
deprivation, exploitation as well as the unattended political aspiration of the region is
building into a large cauldron that is likely to head for a chaos.
The political parties, social organisation, saner and democratic minded people are
seriously concerned to avert the explosion of the political cauldron that is warming with
speed. They are very apprehensive of the possibility of the fluid political situation to be
hijacked by some ultra and subversive elements. If in case they do so, the cauldron in all
likely manners would burst. Therefore, the entry of such forces could be detrimental for
the people and the country as a whole. Hence several political, social organisations and
individuals are taking every possible initiative of making foray into the political Durbar of
Delhi. And, as of late, BHARATIYA GORKHA PARISANGH, a conglomerate apex body
of political, social organisations, trade unions and prominent individuals belonging to
various walks of life, has been making every effort to apprise and convince THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE NATION on the urgency and necessity of HOMELAND for
INDIAN NEPALESE. And, besides taking up the case of Homeland for Indian Gorkhas,
the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh as an apex body of Nepali Speaking Indian Gorkhas is
making every endeavour for working in the interest related to socio-political and
economic cause of Indian Gorkhas residing from Kanyakumari to Kashmir and Gujarat to
Assam. In the earlier days, All India Gorkha League was the ray of hope for the Indian
Gorkhas across the country but its decimation and confinement to Darjeeling Hills, the
Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity had filled up the vacuum. But the disappearance of
Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity along with the scheduling of Nepali Language in
the Eight Schedule of Indian constitution in 1992, a dire need of an All India Organisation
for the Indian Gorkhas, was felt across the length and breath of India by the Nepali
Speaking Gorkha. And there was really a vacuum in all India level especially for the
Indian Gorkhas for intervening into the day to day socio-political activities of Indian
Gorkhas. Thus there is a high hope and expectation in the minds of Nepali Speaking
Indian Gorkha across the country for taking a workable and effective shape by the
Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh. Hence a great and challenging responsibility has fallen on
the shoulders of Smt. Dilkumari Bhandari, the President, Sri C.K. Shrestha, the working
President and Sri Sukman Moktan, the General Secretary of Bharatiya Gorkha
Parisangh. In the joint mission of the trio the role and contribution of Rev. Enosdas
Pradhan of the Church of Northern India, Delhi needs to be recorded in the history of
Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh. During a short span of time it is stated that Bharatiya
Gorkha Parisangh has succeeded in organising state Committee in Twenty Two States
of India. But it is certain that the inability for carrying the Herculean task ahead by the
entrusted leadership would be counted as a failure and inability of the Indian Gorkhas as
a whole. Hence, it seems that on realising the enormousness of the burden to be
carried, they are seen engaged in the task leaving family attachments for the time-being.
But the result still has to be achieved. And the endeavor made by them is being closely
observed by the saner and committed individuals and organisations from across the
length and breath of India. This is because in the past the Indian Gorkhas were being
deceived and cheated for the cause of Homeland. Having learnt their lesson in a bitter
way, they are reminded of the adge 'once beaten twice shy'. In reality they are in no
frame of mind, to either compromise or be cheated and betrayed for the second time.
There is a strong feeling in the minds of Indian Gorkhas that in each and every
decisive hour of their socio-political safeguard, they had been laid down by the
unscrupulous leadership. The unflinching support and loyalty rendered to the Gorkha
National Liberation Front from across the country for the cause of a Homeland of Indian
Gorkhas and the betrayal of the same by its leadership has become a malignant sore in
the hearts of people. Thus, the sting of betrayal inflicted in the hearts of the people by
the Gorkhaland Agitation led by Gorkha National Liberation Front in 1986-88 has had a
nightmarish effect. As an outcome of the effect, the sincere and saner leadership,
political parties and individuals have not been able to take the people out of the grip of
that nightmare for reposing confidence in their hearts. Hence, a habit of watch and see
and the major chunk of people prefering to be fence sitter has been the socio-political
scenario of Darjeeling hills and Dooars.
There are several people who leave no stone unturned in blaming the general
mass for their inertness and apathy towards the socio- political scenario prevalent in
Darjeeling hills. As the people are facing hardships, they do not react even if they do not
get water supply for several days, there is no reaction from them for not having regular
supply of ration; the absence of civic amenities has also been tolerated with meekness.
There are several thousand people engaged by Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council on
contract basis as contract employees, without any sort of security for services rendered
by them, but there is no resentment. The corruptions and spending of several thousands
crore of Rupees by DGHC in partisan manner has been dissolved in the thick of
household gossip without a protest. The existence and functioning of Darjeeling Gorkha
Hill Council has caused little benefit but immense damage in the socio-cultural arena of
the Darjeeling hills, and very few are worried over it, and the rest are indifferent. The
unmindful and illegal constructions and unplanned development has caused
unspeakable damages to the beauty of the queen of the hills. It has become a matter of
nobody's concern. A perceptible change to the magnitude of heaven and earth in the
beauty, glamour and vivacity of Darjeeling town has taken place. Darjeeling, the summer
capital of British India, once renowned as the Queen of Hills in the world is gradually
becoming the most congested and vulnerable hill town in the world. But in the midst of
such negative attributions, Darjeeling hill is believed to be the largest consumer of
electronic goods, mobile phones and household decorative and luxurious items. Keeping
aside the worries of deplorable and wretched condition of rural roads, the latest vehicles
released by the different automobile companies have reached the remotest villages of
Darjeeling hills. In comparison to the rural West Bengal the lives, living condition, socioeducational standard of Darjeeling as whole is seen well ahead because of the inherent
quality of industriousness and entrepreneurship of the people of Darjeeling in various
fields. Very recently people in the Khashmal areas are found to have taken interest in
the cultivation and sale of green tea leaves and also manually prepared teas. And it is
seen that entrepreneur tea producers of Khashmal areas have produced much more
green tea leaves than the experienced tea planters of established tea gardens. The
professionals were out-witted by the novice in the cultivation and production of tea
leaves. Thus, the senior planters and experienced tea producers are perplexed and
perturbed by the ingenuity of the people of the rural areas. The cultivation of tea and
production of green leaves by the very few people of Khashmal areas is of recent
endeavour. Similarly the people in the different areas of Darjeeling hills are found to
have surpassed and excelled in the culture, growth, breeding, development and
production of quality ORCHID and SQUASH without any assistance, help, and guidance
from the governments in any forms. The Nepali speaking people are fond of having a
taste of living in a decent, furnished house with blooming flowers irrespective of financial
condition and social status. Thus the blooming of flowers, of different seasons around
the house of Nepali speaking people has become their inherent aesthetic trait
irrespective of the size of the land and the house they occupy and financial condition
under which they are living. In acknowledgment of the exceptional dedication and
solemnity of the people many writers and poets are found to have described the Nepali
speaking people as ORCHID BLOSSOMED IN CREVICE OF BIG ROCK BEING
BLESSED BY NATURE.
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PRASHANT PHENOMENON
Overturning colonialism, then…is also a process of overturning the dominant ways of seeing the world, and
representing reality in ways which do not replicate colonialist values.
Edward W. Said, Orientalism.
The SONY Entertainment Television Channel had been holding a programme
named Indian Idol since 2005, for finding the best singer. There were nearly twenty-eight
thousand entrants from across the country in its consecutively held third programme in
2007. The process of selection from such a staggeringly large number of contestants
was really strenuous and cumbersome. But a team of four Judges did their job with
meticulous care exhibiting their efficiency of highest order. Finally thirteen contestants
were filtered through the ear, eye, mouth, mind, sense and consciousness of the Judges
they were focussed in the Gala Round. From this Gala Round the viewers were given
the right to send votes through mobile and other telephone devices in the form of SMS to
a number specified by SONY, to his/her favourite contestant. The voting system was the
process of elimination of contestant who got the least number of votes. The process of
elimination took several weeks and finally Amit Paul from Meghalaya and Prashant
Tamang of West Bengal working in Kolkata Police from Darjeeling remained in the fray.
And before the final showdown for the crown of Indian Idol the two contestants were
made to visit their respective home town by SONY. Amit Paul on his visit to Shillong was
greeted by the State Chief Minister D.T. Lapang in a ceremony by conferring the title of
Grand Ambassador for Peace from Meghalaya and declared the support of state
Government for winning the Crown of Indian Idol by arranging Free Telephone Booth for
voting their Grand Ambassador Amit Paul. But Prashant Tamang despite of not having
Government programme was greeted by a massive number of his fans and supporters
throughout the journey from NJP to Darjeeling a distance of ninety kilometres. The
people had thought and expected that Government of West Bengal too would do
something for Prashant because he was from Kolkata Police and the State Chief
Minister himself being the Minister-in-charge of the Police Department. But the
Government remained silent and the print and electronic media were directly and
indirectly raising support in favour of Amit Paul. The Times of India wrote "voting for their
Indian Idol, Amit enjoys a clear edge over Prashant". The Statesman also wrote "while
Prashant is from Darjeeling, the other finalist Amit Paul has close bonds with Siliguri.
This foot hill town is where Amit's ancestral house is". It was also reported in the local
dailies published from Siliguri the desire and wish expressed in favour of Amit Paul for
his victory by the Sabhadihipati of Siliguri Mahakuma Parisad and the responsible
Minister Ashok Bhattacharjee who was also from Siliguri. There was display of life size
Photo, Banner, Festoon of Amit Paul in some of the places of Siliguri as a part of
campaign for his victory. But the campaign had taken a low profile when Amit Paul was
shown wearing Khasi National Dress in a state sponsored programme for his campaign
as a contestant for Indian Idol from Meghalaya. However the whispering campaign was
carried in favour of Amit Paul, till the voting line was kept open. In this manner the
people of Siliguri metropolitan city were insinuated to favour Amit Paul, while voting for
their Indian Idol. Further, to discourage Prashant fans, the Statesman Daily publishing
from Siliguri had reported "however some locals alleged that Prashant's fans in Shillong
the hometown of Amit, are not being allowed to use public booths and recharge their
vouchers to vote for him." The reportage in the contest for the Crown of Indian Idol,
Prashant Tamang seemed to have been placed in the corner. However, crushing those
sorts of rumours under foot on the day of the final contest on 14th September, 2007
Prashant did fare better than Amit Paul, who even forgot some lines of the song while
singing. The attempt of the Judge Alisha Chenoy to cover up the mistake of Amit Paul
was vehemently opposed by another Judge- Anu Mallik who highly commended
Prashant for his performance. The Voting Lines for choosing the Indian Idol were kept
open till 23rd September, 2007 evening 6 P.M.
When Prashant Tamang was selected along with Amit Paul of Shillong and Emon
Chatterjee of Kolkata as the Top Three of Indian Idol, the formation of Prashant Fans'
Club in Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Kurseong, Siliguri and other parts of India had taken
place. The placement of Prashant Tamang in the final stage of Indian Idol contest by
defeating Emon Chatterjee prompted the Fans' club and supporters of Prashant Tamang
to collect donation for sending votes by organising free booths at a war footing. The
mother and sister of Prashant Tamang realising the futility of expecting support and help
from the Government of West Bengal and the Caretaker Chairman, Subash Ghising of
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, reached the house of the Chief Minister Pawan Chamling
of Sikkim to plead for his help and obtained positive assurance for taking steps for the
victory of Prashant Tamang. Thus within a very short period the people of Darjeeling
Hills, Siliguri, Dooars, Sikkim, the different states of Indian Union and also the Nepali
Speaking Gorkha Community staying in different countries lent moral and financial
support and help for ensuring victory of Prashant Tamang in the Indian Idol contest. The
gradual improvement from the entry in the Gala Round culminated into excellent singing
and performance on the day of the finals brought victory for Prashant Tamang with
overwhelming votes which was declared by organising a Grand Finale in Delhi on 23rd
September, 2007.
The Indian Gorkhas for years had been suffering a severe dearth of recognition
and appreciation at the National Level and the emergence of Prashant Tamang on the
stage of Indian Idol acted as a catalyst for the formation and establishment of
unprecedented national unity amongst the Nepali speaking Gorkhas of the country. The
exceptional and historical surge for emotional bonding to unite together, the spirits of the
Indian Gorkhas, had sent the message of enthusiasm and elation to the Nepali speaking
Gorkhas living across the length and breadth of the Globe. All these different factors led
to the landslide victory of Prashant Tamang and its resultant impact was not simply like a
wave, but a Tsunami of merriment. The epicentre of Tsunami like merriments was
Sikkim and Darjeeling, where very peaceful, orderly and disciplined rallies and public
meetings were on. While there was a flow of gaiety and laughter of merriment a
comment as "Nepaliko Indian Idol bana diya ab hamara Ghar, Mahalla ka Chowkidari
Kaun Karega" (A Nepali has been made an Indian Idol now who will guard our house
and establishment) from Nitin a Radio Jockey of Superhits 93.5 RED FM came as an
unexpected shot on the head and heart of Indian Gorkhas. The statement was the
expression of feeling towards Indian Gorkhas by a section of people of the country and
they were unsportsmanly against accepting the verdict of the people and judges for
conferment of Indian Idol title on Prashant Tamang. As Sarmi Das Gupta, Ankita
Chakrovarty, Kalyan Ghosh and Kisholoy Roy had written letters to the Editors, the
letters were published on 27th September, 2007 in The Telegraph published from Siliguri
and Kolkata. In the letters, they had expressed the wrong choice of Indian Idol by a
flawed process. But in the choice of preceding two Indian Idols the same process was
followed and that was not flawed whereas in the choice of Prashant Tamang who
defeated a boy belonging to their community the process became faulty. Furthermore it
was seen that in the corresponding period, similar type of Reality Show Programme was
organised by Zee TV popularly known as SA-RE-GA-MA-PA. The programme was
concluded on 13th October, 2007 several days after the declaration of the result of
Indian Idol Contest. In SA-RE-GA-MA-PA Programme Anik Dhar of Kolkata became
champion by defeating Amanat Ali of Pakistan and Raj Hussain of Rajasthan by
securing 3,65,85,134 (Three Crore Sixty five Lakh Eighty five Thousand One Hundred
and thirty four) votes through SMS. The victory of Anik Dhar was not considered a wrong
choice through a flawed process and all were seen happy. But it was only during the
victory of Prashant Tamang, the yardstick was termed as flawed. Hence, it is nothing,
but a bad carpenter complaining about his tools, because they had expected the victory
of their man, otherwise they would have written the letters when the competition was on.
Even during the Gala Round in one of the episodes Prashant Tamang was shown as a
Chowkidar and the same was vehemently protested by the fans of Prasant Tamang and
the protest forced the SONY for an apology through Prashant Tamang. But in case of
the comment from Nitin, a Radio Jockey of Superhits 93.5 RED FM, the burning of an
effigy of Nitin was followed by a general strike on 26th September, 2007 in Darjeeling.
In Siliguri Prashant Fans' Club and several social bodies and organisations had held a
mammoth but SILENT PROCESSION in protest against the statement of Nitin and the
RED FM on 28th September, 2007. But an unfortunate event bearing a nature of
communal clash took place on that day. The daily Telegraph publishing from Siliguri had
mentioned the RUMOURS namely {a} "a pregnant woman kicked near hospital, {b} Man
prevented from buying medicine, beaten up and {c} Bleeding patient beaten up" as the
causes of sordid clashes that engulfed Siliguri Town for nine hours. But the three
rumours were not the causes, as some of the processionists are found to have claimed
that there was provocations for several times and ultimately some female members of
the procession were heckled by the provocateurs and the intervention by the male
members resulted in assault on them in an organised way. The English daily, The
Statesman while reporting the cause of the event had also carried a report that "they are
also expressing an acute dislike for reality shows on TV and SMS votings to elect a
champion, which to many is inciting regional sentiment at a time when the world has
shrunk into a global village". If the argument of inciting regional sentiment as stated by
the daily is to be accepted then Siliguri is a subdivision of Darjeeling District and the
Indian Idol Champion Prashant Tamang was from Darjeeling working in Police
Department in the State of West Bengal, In the context the question of 'acute dislike'
and SMS voting appears to be a hollow. Hence, the reportings of the Dailies published
from Siliguri, seemed to have been lacking the essential ingredient of the actual
happenings on the day but were tilting the balance to justify their logic. However, the
happening could be a planned handy work of communal and anti-social elements as the
pelting of stones, bricks and bottles were not only from the mob but even from the top of
the houses and buildings that was seen by some of the processionists. Hence, many
were of the opinion that the happening was a fit case for investigation by an independent
agency, so as to ascertain the fact for avoidance of the repetition in future. The
happening ought to have been condemned from all quarters, as no sane people can
tolerate the ruining of communal harmony by a few anti-social elements. Many people
were of the belief that the ugly event would not have taken place, had there been
congratulatory statement from the Chief Minister or any of the agency of the Government
of West Bengal immediately after the declaration of result of Indian Idol. But the ugly
event took place and an ineffective police arrangement turned into an opportunity for the
communalist and anti-social elements to fan the passion of communalism, which
enabled them for gathering an excited mob that kept several processionists in
confinement with repeated attempts of mass thrashing them within the premises of
Siliguri court for several hours. And, much later in order to rescue them for their safety
the S.S.B. was pressed into service. Many saner and sober people were of the opinion
that the ugly event would not have grown to the size of that alarming proportion, had the
police taken prompt, decisive and effective action, at the very moment of the
happenings. But the sordid incident took place within the premises of the administrative
headquarters of Siliguri and very near the Intelligence Office. A section of the
processionists were kept in captivity within the compound of Siliguri Court for nine hours
by the agitated mob. The same mob from time- to- time was engaged in the exercise of
passing derogatory statements on their Indian Idol Victor, with an aim to taunt and
demean the victory.
But in the midst of such blooming orchids like Prashant Tamang and many others,
the people of Darjeeling have been conditioned, while receiving the dead bodies of their
kith and kin who had been martyred in the battlefield after every skirmish. Yet, they have
gone on to defend the country's international border with utmost diligence, valour and
courage. Similarly, they are no less while dealing with the insurgents and are ever
prepared to shed their blood for the cuase of mother INDIA. There are several
memorials erected in and around the length and breath of Darjeeling hills and the
country to perpetuate the memory of martyrs from the days of undeclared KARGIL WAR.
The names of the martyrs belonging to Sino-India and Indo- Pak wars are also found
engraved on the Martyrs Column erected at Batasay near Ghoom Pahar in memory of
those brave sons of mother India from Darjeeling. But the generations of the martyrs as
of today, have not been able to hold the Post of Governors, Diplomats and Ministers in
the Union Cabinet of India. And in the field of Games and Sports, there are players of
national level but their number stands negligible. In the same way very few artists and
singers have become able in carving a niche in the respective sphere. Even in today's
most lucrative and a guaranteed earnings related game is CRICKET. But the Nepali
speaking young sportsmen have not adopted and adapted to the mode of popular and
flourishing game of cricket. But the sons and daughters of nature being blessed by the
majestic Kanchanjunga are forced to lead a life under constant negligence, humiliation
and time and again haunted by the strong sense of provocation, and contempt.
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
IGNORED BY FOURTH ESTATE
OF DEMOCRACY
The time will come when our nation will honour the memory of all the sons, the daughters, the mothers, the
fathers, the youth, and the children who, by their thoughts and deeds, gave us the right to assert with pride
that we are citizens of the world.
Nelson Mandela, First ‘state of the Nation’ address.
In terms of socio-cultural, educational, economical and political upliftment Indian
Gorkhas are really ORPHANS in Independent India. The media is regarded as a friend
and guide of the people and individuals and are also the custodians of Human Rights. In
India the role of the media in regional and national issue is really praiseworthy. As the
late Prime-Minister P.V. Narsimha Rao and the liberator of Jharkhandis -Sibu Soren
were not spared by the media in reporting about them and the very reporting led to the
proceedings for punitive measures. A word or two must be mentioned about the
NANDIGRAM EPISODE of 14th March, 2007 carried and enacted with meticulous care
and communistic precision had been exposed nakedly to the world by the media. The
smuggling of women and children by the stature of the Member of Parliament Mr.
Babubhai Katara on 17th April, 2007 was exposed to the public by the print and
electronic media. It is very often seen as the use of steamroller at their whims by the
power hungry government, its machinery, the influential and privileged persons against
the rights, wishes, aspiration and the voices of individual and also the general people. In
some of the cases the people have become helpless in making a protest against the
plight thrust upon them. But in such case the media is always found to be taking the side
of the victim. Hence, it is generally accepted and also believed that the media always
takes up the cause of the people, and not the authority. But in respect of the issues
related to Darjeeling and its people, the roles of the media, the fourth estate of the
largest democracy of the world, in no case is encouraging and appreciative. As regards
the plan, policy and the contemplation of the governments on Darjeeling and its people
have remained as an exclusive business to be known by them only. The Right to
Information Act is nothing for Darjeeling. For instance Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the
Chief Minister of West Bengal and Subash Ghisingh, the Chairman of DGHC held many
a one to one closed door meetings as and when they met and the contents and subjects
of the discussions have been kept confined to themselves. On one the occasion, Chief
Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharjee came to Darjeeling in a convoy of government
vehicles by covering the number plates of the vehicles and held talks with Subash
Ghising. In the same manner the public meetings, rallies, demonstrations etc. organised
by different parties and organisations for the formation of separate State of Gorkhaland
has not been carried by the national and state level dailies since the formation of
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and its functioning in the age of Right to Information of
twenty first century. The leader of Gorkha Liberation Army Mr. Chhatray Subba and
some of his associates were making statements to the media for the formation of a
separate State of Gorkhaland from the beginning of 2000. But subsequently, he was
arrested in an alleged attempt on the life of Subash Ghisingh and was put into
confinement. The case on the attack of Indian Parliament has been disposed off within
three to four years. As "Mr. SAR Geelani, a lecturer in Arabic at the Zakir Hussain
College, Delhi, was arrested in connection with the 13th December, 2003 attack on the
Indian Parliament and was charged with conspiring the attack along with others. The
lecturer was booked under the erstwhile draconian law, the Prevention of Terrorist
Activities Act and following investigation by the Delhi police, the designated court
awarded Mr. Geelani with death sentence. However, following an appeal, the Delhi High
Court acquitted Mr. Geelani on 29th October, 2003, citing the lack of evidence to link the
college lecturer with the terror strike. The acquittal of Mr. Geelani was later ratified by the
Supreme Court of India on 4th August, 2005." And the same Geelani was invited by the
Association for Protection of Democratic Rights, Siliguri Unit for delivering lecture
against capital punishment on 6 October 2007 in Mitra Sammilani Auditorium, Siliguri.
{The Statesman dated Thursday, 4th October, 2007}. But the case of the reported attack
on Subash Ghisingh has had been kept lingering for keeping Chhatray Subba and
others in Jail exclusively for creating a sort of fear psychosis in the minds of the people
who dare to raise the demand of Separate State of Gorkhaland. Murder, robbery, arson
have been taking place even after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh in Darjeeling
Hill. Three Councilors of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and few others are seen to have
been murdered before and after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh. But in these
cases no one has been detained and the suspected criminals were set free on bail by
the District or Lower Courts. But on the attack of Subash Ghisingh, the reported
attackers having an identity as a true protagonist for the demand of a separate State of
Gorkhaland, the government seemed to have stood against granting the bail, as a prewarning to the common people. And it is also a fact that the bail petition moved in the
Supreme Court of India by the reported accused was vehemently opposed by West
Bengal Government through its lawyers and advocates. Thus, out of fourteen reported
attackers arrested by Police six persons are in custody for eight years and some time
they are resorting to hunger strike in jail for early disposal of the case. The leaders and
cadres making demand of separate State for Kamtapuris are also seen languishing in
Jail along with their Nepali speaking compatriots in the state of West Bengal ruled by a
party that professed Marxism and Leninism as their basic tenets of governance. Thus
the Government of West Bengal, being guided and led by the ideals of Marxism and
Leninism as professed by them, are of late suffering from a strong grip of phobia caused
by the constant demand of Separate State made by distinct and different linguistic
groups residing within compact areas with discernible socio-politico activities entirely
different to that of the ruling class. Being unable to hide the apprehension of their
mindset and guilty psychological feelings, they are found to have been taking the
dictatorial course of action, against the party and person for making demand of
SEPARATE STATE. As the West Bengal government led by CPM has become a victim
of their own suspicion and being over suspicious, they feel uneasy on the movement of
Maoist in Nepal, Tamils in Srilanka and establishment of Democracy in Bhutan. The
CPM seems to have been suffering from a syndrome of suspicion on the people, who
are making the demands of a Separate State. The syndrome has inculcated a feeling in
them for treating the demand for separate state not as an aspiration of people but a
result of the influence and impact of insurgencies from the North Eastern India and
Naxalite movement of the country on the people of West Bengal. And in the rule of CPM
in West Bengal, extending more than thirty years in an interrupted manner, it is only the
arch enemy of the party and the leaders and cadres who had been making demand for
separate state are destined to be in judicial custody, being dragged in proceedings on
different pretext. But the plight suffered by them also goes un-noticed from the eyes of
the Human Right Bodies.

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
FINANCE AND DEVELOPMENTAL PROPOSAL
Sikkim is the immediate neighbour of the Darjeeling Hill areas comprising of three
subdivisions namely, Sadar, Kurseong and Kalimpong. Sikkim has a population of near
about five lakh and Darjeeling hills a little more than eight lakhs as per the census report
of 2001. Sikkim, in spite of having less population than Darjeeling hill but being a
separate state and also the youngest member of North Eastern Council, passed the
annual budget of Rupees 5221.11 crore for the financial year 2007-2008, in the
Assembly. Further, Sikkim enjoys exemption in income tax, production cess and
subsidy of thirty percent for the purchase of machines and other accessories as declared
by the Government of India in the month of March 2007 for encouraging industrialization
in the hill state. While addressing the "Assembly of Sikkim state the Governor Mr. V.
Rama Rao said that the budget proposals have been formulated keeping in mind the
objectives and policy prescriptions envisaged in the 11th Five Year Plan. A number of
new policies and thrust areas have been identified in the 11th Plan document. These
have been incorporated in our budget proposals for the year 2007-08".
Siliguri is a subdivision of Darjeeling district created out of Kurseong sub-division
and it is smaller in area than Kalimpong sub-division. But Siliguri subdivision has a
population near about fourteen lakhs as per the census of 2001. And, for the
development of Siliguri sub-division, Siliguri-Mahkuma Parisad, Siliguri-Jalpaiguri
Development Authority and Siliguri Municipal Corporation, the three statutory bodies are
operating in unison. The budget of "Siliguri Municipal Corporation for 2007-08 fiscal year
was approved today without any amendment. The whopping Rs. 104.33 crore budgets
was passed by a majority vote this afternoon" {The Statesman dated 29th March, 2007}.
During the corresponding period the three subdivisions namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong
and Kalimpong had Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as their agency for development. But
it had no power and authority for making the budget and mobilization of the resources.
Hence, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, since its inception, is dependent on the
magnanimity of the Central and State Governments. But the magnanimity was seen to
be confined with Rupees Twenty Two Crore grant to the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council
per annum from the Government of India. Thus the meagre amount received/given to
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in comparison to the amount secured by Siliguri, a subdivision of Darjeeling District, has not been regarded by the Government as neglect of
the three sub-divisions of Darjeeling District inhabited by Nepali Speaking population.
In order to expedite the pace of development in Independent India the PLANNING
COMMISSION was constituted. Many Five Year Plans were formulated and
implemented in independent India. But it seemed that Darjeeling Hill is neglected in
every successive Five Year Plan. As of today, that is the first decade of twenty first
century, there is not a single work worth showing executed under the Five Year Plan for
the socio-economic development of the place and people.
The seventh Left Front Government of West Bengal {2006-2010} has been making
an utmost endeavour for the industrialization of the state for the socio-economic
development. Despite the stiff opposition for the acquisition lands by the farmers, the
Government of West Bengal under the Chief-Ministership of Buddhadev Bhattacharya
took all-out measures for acquiring the agricultural land for industrial purposes. As it was
change of heart of the Left Front Government and more precisely of the CPM from their
earlier established and declared perception on the capitalists and their role in the socioeconomic development. Thus, the change of heart was a clear signal and indication of a
farewell to their rigid and dogmatic attitude towards the capitalists and bourgeoisies. The
national and international capitalists and bourgeoisies also did not take much time to
understand the change of heart as an appeal of the government with folded hands for
investment in the state. Hence, many of them being encouraged on the initiatives of the
government that were in conformity with the globalization of the day seem to be rushing
to West Bengal with plans, proposals and assurances for investments. The effort of the
government and willingness of the industrialists for making a new developed Bengal is
really heartening. And in order to translate the vision into a reality several lakhs acres of
Land has been earmarked for the establishment of various types of industries. In the
process a little more than twenty five thousand acres of land has been identified and
earmarked for offering to the industrialists in the district of Darjeeling. But in that
identified and earmarked land not a decimal of land has been reserved for
industrialization in the hill areas of Darjeeling. The proposals for setting up of different
kinds of industries are suggested only for Siliguri and its surroundings. Not a single
industry has been proposed for the Hill Areas of Darjeeling. Thus, it has become the
habit and part of their nature to claim Darjeeling, as the crown of Bengal. When it comes
to Darjeeling's development not a word is whispered, either in the cabinet or within the
state Assembly. Again, Darjeeling is too insignificant a name to be heard within the
raucous proceedings of the house. Darjeeling only matters to the West Bengal state, so
long as it can; collect fat revenue from its world famous tea, indiscriminately hack the
rare old trees from the forest region. A recorded fact that the WBFDC made a record
profit during the 1980’s agitation on the pretext that the GNLF cadres were involved in
illegal logging (Dr. TB Subba).The way the logs were being transported by the Forest
department had made people in Kalimpong come out with a variation of an old proverb,
“na rahega bas na fukayga sootay”(sic) apt albeit funny. Jonathan Bate, the British
eco-critic couldn’t have been more correct when he says, “…imperialism…colonialism
has always brought with it deforestation and the consuming of natural resources…”
Darjeeling has always been wantonly exploited be it by the British Raj or by Bengal
Raj.The area still remains a cheap holiday destination to the merriment of tourists with
shoe-string budget. For sure it matters to the gaudy state civil servants, to be groomed
and rule the docile looking naive hill folks. And of course it matters most to the potbellied; city based political heavy weights, when they enter the election fray. It is at times
like this, heaps of lies and fake promises are made to woo the voters. Other than these
facts Darjeeling as such has no relevance in any other context.




POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER GHISINGH'S TERMINATION
TILL THE ABORTED ATTEMPT OF THE LEFT FRONT TO
DEPOSE THE PRIME MINISTER,
MR. MANMOHAN SINGH
There were three members elected on tickets of Gorkha National Liberation Front
(GNLF) to the 14th West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Darjeeling Hills. But, out of
three Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha resigned from the primary membership of GNLF
and started raising the demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in the West Bengal
Assembly soon after Subash Ghisingh was deposed from the post of Care-taker
Administrator of DGHC. They submitted a memorandum to the chief minister of West
Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharjee in support of the demand. Thus, the two legislators
namely Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha succeeded to occupy a premier place in the
history of the Legislative Assembly of West Bengal by exhibiting their courage and
commitment to the cause of a Homeland for the Indian Gorkha. The voicing of the
demand for Gorkhaland, was the first of its kind in the annals of the history West Bengal
Assembly. The feeling within the public was that the two Legislators would join Gorkha
Jana Mukti Morcha {GJMM} which had been formed for spearheading a movement to
realise the demand of Gorkhaland within India, by joining the Darjeeling district and
Dooars region. But in a surprising press statement of Bimal Gurung, the President of
GJMM had asked Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha to resign from the membership of
West Bengal Assembly and prove their sincerity and commitment towards the cause of a
Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. The informed layer of Nepali speaking Gorkha community
of India became stunned on hearing Bimal Gurung as they had thought the movement
for Homeland will get a fillip by the persistent political and diplomatic foray by the duo in
the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and the same would prove a powerful shot in the
hand of Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM. But contrary to people's expectation Bimal
Gurung again disheartened them by asking the removal of Dilkumari Bhandari from the
presidentship of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisang which had been working for enlisting the
support of Nepali Speaking Gorkha and other socio-political bodies of the different states
from India for achieving a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. The need of the hour then was
unity and solidarity of the aspirants of a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. But it seemed that
Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM acting as catalyst was more into breaking the unity
and solidarity without which the achievement of Homeland for the Indian Gorkha could
be nothing save a day dream. In the corresponding period Madan Tamang, the president
of All India Gorkha League {ABGL} had also asked Dawa Narbula, the member of Lok
Sabha from Darjeeling, to resign from membership of Parliament, for his act of not
submitting a written objection against the imposition of Sixth Schedule Status for
Darjeeling. On seeing the movement of pro-Gorkhaland parties moving in a centrifugal
direction, R.B. Rai, the general secretary of Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists
(CPRM) had issued a press statement, with an appeal for not interfering into the political
and organizational affairs of one party by another in the larger interest and aspirations of
the people.
The political parties intending to lead the people for separation of the region from
West Bengal have seen engaged in acrimony would be taken in poor taste. It was
common knowledge that the knot of separation of Darjeeling and the Dooars had to be
disentangled from the West Bengal Assembly and the Parliament. But some of the
parties that had been making promises for working to separate the region from the
political and administrative clutches of West Bengal had asked the legislators and
Members of Parliament to quit their respective posts was a reason best known to those
concerned. Some of the political parties operating in Siliguri were against the demand of
a separate state of Grokhaland. They were very tactful in manipulating the Siliguri
Municipal Corporation to pass a unanimous resolution against the demand in the last
week of March ‘08. Thus, it was seen that the separation was to be made from the
clutches of the people who were united after settling their political and social differences.
But the parties operating in Darjeeling hills, those wanting to form a separate state of
Gorkhaland by separating Darjeeling district and Dooars region from West Bengal had
not been able to bind themselves together despite pursuing the same demand.
Comparatively the political parties of Siliguri dissatisfied by the UNANIMOUS
RESOLUTION against the demand alone had also decided to organize people's
convention on 10th April 08 at Kanchanjunga Stadium, Siliguri, in which all the social
and cultural unions functioning in Siliguri were asked to make their presence obligatory
for ADOPTION OF A RESULOTION AGAINST THE SEPARATION OF SILIGURI FROM
WEST BENGAL. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha as a counter measure was supposed
to organize a Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha and a hunger strike on 9th
and 10th April 08 in Siliguri. Rather most appropriately on 3rd.April 08 explosion of Rdx
took place at Champasari, Siliguri in which three people killed and one sustained an
injury. The operators were supposedly working on a timed device in a closed room,
where they were staying on rent, seemed to have mishandled the explosive. The CPM
minister from Siliguri, Asok Bhattacharjee was at Coimbatore at the time of explosion
and while ringing from there he didn't hesitate to inform the press at Siliguri that
"intelligence officials had precise information that some seditious forces were attempting
to spread unrest in Siliguri. I had said this earlier and today my apprehension came
true". (The Telegraph dated 4th April 08) But "the inspector general of police (North
Bengal), R.J.S. Nalwa, however said nothing could be said till the investigation was
completed. We need to check out whether they were making IEDs ever since they were
staying there."{The Telegraph, 4th April 08}. The local daily published from Siliguri had
also carried the statement of CPM leaders Mukul Sengupta and Ramasankar Prasad in
the same line to that of their leader and Minister Asok Bhattacherjee. But the Statesman
English daily published from Siliguri had carried on 4th April 08 as "I am a common man.
I am a paanwala" 'is what the IG of the state Intelligence Branch (IB), Mr. Gaurav Dutta
told reporters to avoid queries related to the bomb blasts at Champasari in Siliguri
today'. Thus it could be presumed from the versions of the two authorities, that the
responsible minister of Left Front government belonging to CPM and his party had
surprisingly outwitted the concerned authorities by being more knowledgeable in the
occurences of the bomb blasts at Champasari, Siliguri than the officials meant for the
job. By twisting the facts, the design was to oppose the demand of a separate state of
Gorkhaland. The minister Asok Bhattacherjee on his return from Coimbator had
immediately held a joint meeting with the police and civil authorities in Siliguri on 5th
April 08 and next day, the Telegraph carried two columned news of the said meeting
captioned as Asok sounds terror alarm in Siliguri in which it was written "the police also
suspect that the blasts were planned for execution in the next five-six days, going by the
timer indicators. One of the devices was set for detonation after three days and 44
minutes, another after six days, one police official said. There was a convention as
arranged by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation on April 10 at Kunchanjunga Stadium. So
the probability (of blast) could not be ruled out, he said". Thus, after the meeting the
police officials also seemed to have changed their mind for pursuing the matter in
tandem with the minister's version. But the general secretary Rosan Giri of GJMM had
stated that "the state government at the behest of Asok Bhattacharjee is conspiring to
stop the Morcha from carrying out its programmes in Siliguri and Dooars by alleging that
the party had links with the blasts. We demand that the investigation be handed over to
a central agency to expose the truth" (The Telegraph dated 7th April 08). However,
unearthing the truth of the blasts the ruling Left Front was seen engaged in mustering
support from the political parties, socio-cultural organization and individuals by arranging
citizens' convention scheduled to be held on 10th April 08 at Kunchanjunga Stadium to
adopt a Resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland and inclusion of Siliguri in it. But
the Revolutionary Socialist Party {RSP} one of the major constituents of the ruling Left
Front informs "the decision to stay away was taken keeping in mind the sensitive nature
of the convention and the possible rift it might create between the plains and hills. The
district CPM insisted that the two RSP councilors had earlier consented to the
convention. The meeting has not been called by any political party but by the civic body.
All political parties that have representative in the corporation had agreed to it, said
Jibitesh Sarkar, a state committee member of CPM". (The Telegraph dated 8th April 08).
But a day before the proposed convention, the All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha was
reported to have obtained permission for organizing a Rally in Siliguri, for which a
meeting of GJMM leaders and the district Magistrate was held the previous day. Hence,
the rally was arranged as scheduled, but the Ex-servicemen from Kalimpong were not
allowed to proceed further from Sevok by the deployment of heavy police contingent.
And, the Rally from Darjeeling, Kurseong, Sukna and its surrounding were also
obstructed at Sukna and released "between 10.30 A.M, 11.10 A.M around 1000
marchers starting for Siliguri were told not to go beyond Pintail village. Around 11.40 A.M
the DM, Rajesh Pandey and SP Rahul Srivastav meet the marchers and asked them to
stop. At 12.05 marchers negotiate with the officials to allow them to proceed till
Darjeeling More. Accordingly Police barricades were withdrawn. Between 12.55- 1-35
pms around 300 policemen stop the marchers; DM and SP refused to allow them to
move upto Air View More. All of a sudden a stone hits a police constable, and the police
charge with batons and fire tear gas shells. The crowd disperses. More than 25 people,
including 14 policemen injured." (The Telegraph dated 10th April 08) (Emphasis mine). It
was apparently felt by the CPM that the different communities residing in Siliguri were
inconspicuously favouring to be in the proposed state of Gorkhaland for speedy socioeconomic upliftment and all-round development. Hence, the CPM was seen determined
in not allowing the political party, organization and individuals to set their foot in Siliguri,
with any kind of activities related to the demand of Gorkhaland. But in absence of
support from the masses the CPM seemed to have taken a course of repressive
measures with the use of police force and administrative machinary against the Rally of
All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha on 9th April 08. It was begun by vandalizing the office
of the GJMM by CPM cadres with impunity, at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. Further, the
Siliguri Municipal Corporation took all preparations for holding the convention on 10th
April 08 explicitly with a plea for maintaining communal harmony, but implicitly to adopt
the resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland. On realizing the intention and motive
of the corporation which was at the behest of CPM "the Congress and the Trinmul
Congress have decided to follow the RSP in pulling out of the tomorrow's all-party
convention organized by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation (SMC) to show hills -plain
unity. The meet has been called mainly to garner support against the Gorkha Janamukti
Morcha's decision to include Siliguri subdivision in the new state that it is demanding"
(The Telegraph dated 10th April 08, Emphasis mine).The north Bengal convener of
Trinmul was seen to have told the press as "we are pulling out because we do not
believe in the parochial politics of the CPM" {IBID}. Thus the convention organized by
SMC at the behest of CPM turned out to be a parochial endeavour of its mentor.
The GJMM as a reprisal to the Lathicharge, bursting of tear gas shells, pelting of
stones etc. by the police on the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, ransacking
of their office at Darjeeling More by the CPM and the convention of SMC against
Gorkhaland, decided to call a twenty four hours Darjeeling district bandh along with
Rallies, public meetings, observance of one day token hunger strike in the different
places on 10th April 08. The programme of GJMM went peacefully as decided but "the
police arrested Kamtapur Progressive Party Leader Atul Roy and over 150 followers of
the KPP and the Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha from the venue of a token hunger strike at
Matigarah BDO office premises at Shivamandir in Siliguri today. They were later
released on bail from the Matigara police station" Italicization mine {The Statesman,
North Bengal & Sikkim plus dated 11th April 08. Thus, it seems that the government of
West Bengal was determined for not allowing any sort of activity on the demand of
Gorkhaland in Siliguri which historically, legally, ethnically, emotionally and
psychologically do not form a part of the state of West Bengal. The GJMM being
frustrated by the move of the government at the behest of the CPM had announced its
programme of not allowing the district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey to enter the Darjeeling
hills. They later made amends of recruiting their own force named as Gorkhaland
Personnel and made an appeal of non-cooperation with the government by not paying
taxes and declared the closure of government offices from 14th April 08. A mob
allegedly ransacked the office of CPM at Kurseong. The district magistrate, Rajesh
Pandey being a blue-eyed boy of the CPM and more precisely of the minister from
Siliguri, was in Darjeeling district for more than twelve years from the post of ADM,
Executive officer Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority, D.M Jalpaiguri and D.M
Darjeeling. Thus his prolonged tenure in the region was due to a close proximity with the
political leadership of the ruling party.
Following the Champasari blasts on 3rd. April 08, "the Pradhannagar police
recovered 2.5 kg explosive from a Mallaguri household on 8 April and ten live bombs
with six timers from a Gurung Busty household on 12 April". (The Statesman, 16th April
08 North Bengal &Sikkim). The findings of explosives and timers by the police seemed
to have born out and corroborated the claim and statement of Minister, Asok
Bhattacharjee and his party as they were targeting the party and individuals that were
making the demand for Gorkhaland by stating that Siliguri has become vulnerable on
account of the presence of subversive elements. But informed layers were seemed not
ready to accept the version of the minister, his party and the findings of the police
revealed as they were of the view and opinion that the explosives and timers if it was
really found, could have been collected for use either in Nepal or Bhutan or North East of
India and not absolutely in Siliguri. As the persons arrested by the police in connection
with the blasts were to be from Nepal, Bhutan and Darjeeling Hills. But the persons
arrested and claimed to be from Darjeeling Hills were least known and could not be
identified in Darjeeling hills. Further they were not associated with any political party and
organization operating in Darjeeling Hills. Another possible angle as discussed in the
public was that some agency might have been involved to execute the deed at the
behest of some powerful lobby, solely with a purpose to create fear-psychosis in the
general public so as to libel the people, organization and individual, who were making
and supporting the demand for a separate state for a Gorkhaland. As the West Bengal
government and parties operating in Siliguri and more precisely the CPM were dead
against the demand of separate state for a Gorkhaland and had taken all sorts of
measures to discourage the activities of Gotkhaland demand in Siliguri. It would have
been better had the West Bengal Government banned the parties that demanded
Gorkhaland. But being unable to do so, it was seen that they were engaged in intrigues
and conspiracy in connivance with the admininstration to restrain the activities of the
parties making demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in Siliguri. As it was seen
that there was a naked demonstration of their design on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More,
Siliguri wherein the police personnel some astonishingly in mere slipplers pelted stones,
burst teargas shells and mercilessly beat those who were participating in the Rally of All
Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, and prevented them from entering Siliguri town in
procession for highlighting the demand of Gorkhaland. As a result was several ex-army
personnel sustained injury, many of them were hospitalized with severe injury, four of
them were missing for several days, some of them were arrested and charged. These
retired army personnel who had fought for the liberation of Bangladesh, India-China and
Indo-pak wars with valour and had won gallantry awards. But the same ex-army
personnel decorated with medals, badges, ribbons and citation that were received as
mark of dedicated service to the nation were mercilessly beaten and humiliated by the
West Bengal Police. The battered ex-army personnel were from the rank of Lt.col to the
ordinary soldiers and the thrashing had caused the medals, badges and ribbon to be
littered all over and some of it was deliberately trampled by the angry men in uniform.
Thus, the Rally of unarmed war heroes was crushed by the politically surcharged staff,
with their stick and riffle butts. The khaki clad police unionized and affiliated to the ruling
party of West Bengal were far more efficient than the CPM cadres in carrying out the
high command's order. But the incident was not a matter of shame for the cultured and
civilized Government of West Bengal led by Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, who is also a
politburo member of the Communist Party of India (Marxists). Meanwhile, the Governor
of West Bengal, Gopal Krishna Gandhi was reported to have written a letter to Bimal
Gurung, the president of GJMM with a request to allow the district magistrate, Rajesh
Pandey to return to the district head quarter, Darjeeling. On his return to Darjeeling the
district magistrate held a meeting with the leaders of GJMM and the result of the meeting
was the constitution of one-man inquiry committee on the happenings headed by M.L
Meena, the principal secretary of environment department of the government of West
Bengal. This was a cover up exercise to hush up the unconstitutional act of the police
and to secure their protection. As such the result of the one-man inquiry committee has
remained as stated above.
The GJMM after making sway and establishing command and control over
Darjeeling hills was expanding its organizational and political activities in Siliguri and the
Dooars, so as to highlight the demand of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling district and
the Dooars region. But the West Bengal Government at the behest of CPM in Siliguri
and more precisely on the reported discreet advice of the M.L.A and minister Ashok
Bhattacherjee representing Siliguri seemed determined to stall the GJMM in carrying any
sort of political or organizational activities in Siliguri. The GJMM grew tired of making
persistent requests to the district administration to secure permission to hold public
meeting in Siliguri. When such requests were refused the GJMM in response had
declared the closure of state and central offices from 14th April 08 while keeping the
essential and emergent departments out of its purview. Thus, Darjeeling hills came
under a grip of stagnation that implied non-existence of government machinery. All
Gorkha Students Union associated with GJMM started on 14th April 08 a PADA YATRA
(travel on foot) from Darjeeling Hill via Siliguri to Sunkosh the extreme boundary of
proposed state of Gorkhaland that separates from Assam. This was to highlight the area
for which the GJMM WAS MAKIING IT'S CLAIM FOR THE FORMATION OF
SEPARATE STATE OF GORKHALAND.The participants in the Padayatra on reaching
Darjeeling More, Siliguri on 16th April 08 had found the road leading to Siliguri town
barricaded by the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI), a youth wing of the
CPM, with administrative protection. They were persuaded and forced to follow the route
leading to Dooars via the Highway and even that route was barricaded at three places
which were the entry points to Siliguri town.
The obstruction to enter into Siliguri led to a meeting by a visiting delegation with
the chief-secretary, A.K. Deb, Government of West Bengal on 23rd. April 08 and it was
understood that the delegation had requested him for holding a public meeting in Siliguri
on 27th April 08. But the chief-secretary, Government of West Bengal, "A.K. Deb today
told a visiting delegation of Gorkha Janamukti Morcha that the situation in Siliguri was
tense and it would not be proper for the government to allow them to hold a meeting
there on 27th April. On September 28 last year, there was large scale violence in Siliguri
and the army had to be deployed. Since then, things have not been in right shape in
Siliguri"…The Telegraph 24th April 08. (Emphasis mine). It is understandable that the
plea for not giving permission for public meeting as stated by the chief-secretary was the
tense situation in Siliguri. But in that tense situation the CPM and its youth wing, DYFI
were seen holding public meetings and rallies at different places in and around Siliguri
so as to oppose the demand and the movement carried out by GJMM. The cause of
tense situation has been attributed to the ugly incident of 28th September 07 by the
chief-secretary. The details of the 28th September 07 incident have been dealt in
succinctly under the chapter Prashanta Phenomenon. Hence, if the incident of 28th
September 08 was the real and sole cause of Siliguri becoming tense, then it could be
easily termed as the failure of the government of West Bengal to defuse the situation
and restore normalcy even after a year. As the same government and its administration
was able to restore normalcy and maintain law and order in Kolkata, where a violence of
communal nature had taken place after the incident on 28th September 08 in Siliguri on
the issue of allowing or disallowing Talisma's sojourn in Kolkata. A similar situation had
developed in Kolkata due to the suicide of Rizwanur in failing to bring his beloved
consort from the captivity of her parents. The situation could very well have given an
opportunity to the communal elements to exploit and extract benefit for their parochial
and narrow selfish end. But the alarming situation was nipped in the bud on account of
the alacrity and judicious administrative intervention at Kolkata. A grave situation with
wide ramification was built up in Nandigram, West Bengal on account of killing of
fourteen people reportedly by CPM cadres dressed up in police uniform. The killings
were protested and highlighted by the Governor of state, intellectuals, political parties
and other luminaries from different fields. The explosive and volatile situation and
circumstances were seen to have been kept under grip by not allowing it to take the
shape of conflagration of political and administrative failures. But the same government
and its administration denied permission to hold public meeting to GJMM with a plea that
there was no improvement of situation after several months of 28th September 08
incidents in Siliguri. The reason and grounds of tense situation in Siliguri as stated by the
chief-secretary, if it is to be accepted is clear that the government and its administrative
machinery was to be held responsible for their failure of defusing and normalising the
situation even after a lapse of several months. The failure of the government in
maintaining law and order in a normal course has automatically led it to forfeit its right to
be in power. The denial of permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri was nothing but
a discreet and diplomatic endeavour to subside and subdue the simmering urge, surge
and emotion of the people residing there, so that the inclusion of Siliguri in the proposed
new state of Gorkhaland would be stalled forthwith.
The other side of the discreet, diplomatic and administrative endeavour of the
government was to create a sort of fear-psychosis within the minds of the aspirants of
Gorkhaland. As has been seen that Chattray Subba was voraciously advocating for the
formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and at times he had reportedly advocated
the use of arms for its realization. But he was arrested on the alleged attack on the
convoy of Subash Ghising on 10th February 2001 at Saat Ghoomti, below Kurseong and
since then he has been kept in Jail. The inability of Chattray Subba not getting bail on
one or other pretext for eight years was nothing but a superb design of the government
to inform and impress the people to be prepared to face the same fate as that of
Chattray Subba if they wanted Gorkhaland by separating the region from West Bengal.
In spite of the presence of this Damocles' Sword, the CPRM had been spearheading a
movement by organizing meetings, rallies, deputations and correspondences to the
authorities for early disposal of the case of Chattray Subba along with the five others
who are languishing in Jail. Other political parties, organizations and legal professionals
were indifferent on the issue of protracted jail term of those people. But GJMM formed to
ouster of Subash Ghising for his misrule as the care-taker of DGHC, and scraping of
proposed sixth schedule for Darjeeling and achievement of Gorkhaland was also seen to
have raised the issue of early release of Chattray Subba in their public meetings. Thus,
the issues raised and advocated by GJMM and its professed stand for peaceful, nonviolent, non-communal and democratic movement has been considered by CPRM as a
meeting point and synchronisation of political wavelength between the two like minded
parties. Hence, the CPRM had recognised and accepted GJMM as a true friend, ally,
comrade-in-arm and co-marinerto swim over the stormy and systematic politicoadministrative waves of the Bay of Bengal. Taking into consideration the role and the
movement of GJMM an unconditional moral and physical support was extended by
CPRM simultaneously carried and organised independent programme so as to
supplement and compliment the movement launched by GJMM. As a part of
independent programme for providing fillip to the endeavour of GJMM two frontal wings
of CPRM namely Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front and Democratic Revolutionary
Women Front staged 24 hours Hunger Strike on 24/25 April 08 in Darjeeling, Kurseong,
Kalimpong, Gourbathan, Mirik and Bijanbari placing demands for the formation of a
separate state of Gorkhaland, unconditional release of Chattray Subba and others and
reopening of the case file of the victims of 1986-88 movement for adequate
compensation to the bereaved families who were paid Rupees Eight thousand only.
Whereas in contrast each family of the Nandigram killings was paid Rupees Five Lakh
by the same Left Front government. The twenty Four Hours Hunger Strike was being
widely responded from different sections of the people. There was a rush of visitors to
the venues of the hunger strike for lending moral support to the participants, and it was
encouraging to see them write commendations, comments and suggestions in the
Register Kept for public opinion.
Bharatya Gorkha Parisang (BGP) an apex body of Indian Nepalis bearing a nonpolitical character held its National Council Meet and seminar from 29th April to 1st May
08 in Risi Bhawan, Siliguri by extending invitation to political parties operating in
Darjeeling. The meet was attended by the representatives of BGP from twenty two
STATES of the Indian union, celebrated intellectuals of different disciplines, reputed
social activists and leaders who were spearheading movement for the formation of
separate states of Telengana, Bidarva, Bundelkhand and Harit Pradesh in India. But the
absence of GJMM, GNLF, CPM and the Congress from Darjeeling was conspicuous.
However, the meet had appealed and urged for the unity and solidarity of Indian
Gorkhas to achieve a Homeland for them. To achieve such a homeland, the area
comprised of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region. Accordingly, a resolution was adopted
for the same and a request was forwarded to the Government of India for taking
appropriate action. But when the session of the BGP was on the GJMM being unable to
get permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri had decided to sit for hunger strike
before sub-divisional offices of Darjeeling District as well as in parts of Dooars from 1st
May 08. The hunger strike was held in Darjeeling hills but the West Bengal Government
was determined not to allow hunger strike before the sub-divisional office at Siliguri.
Therefore in the early morning of 1st May 08 a large contingent of force was deployed at
Darjeeling More to obstruct the entry of the participants. On reaching Darjeeling More,
the participants and their supporters were arrested indiscriminately. The number of
arrested people exceded two hundred on that day. At this juncture, instead of
normalizing the situation the West Bengal Government indulged in a petty gimmick when
the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee made appeal to the tourists as -"I earnestly
request tourists not to head for Darjeeling this summer. The situation in the hills is too
complicated" (The Telegraph 1st May published from Siliguri) Emphasis added. By
issuing the statement the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee might have thought that
tourist would stop visiting Darjeeling and would serve as a fatal blow to parties and the
representatives of the people of Darjeeling who were persistently demanding a state
within India, and for which they wanted to hold a public meeting and hunger strike in
Siliguri. However, this did little to affect the decline in the number of tourists visiting
Darjeeling hills. But the statement coming from Asok Bhattacharjee could be easily
construed as a failure in handling the situation that lacked the broadness and a clear
vision to guage the situation as expected from the stature of the rank of a Cabinet
Minister. As Kashmir then was turning out to be dangerous and vulnerable for domestic
as well as international tourists due to infliction of Terrorists activities in the entire state.
There was report of kidnapping of tourist by the subversive elements and similar
situation had developed in the North Eastern India where even the NGOs' were not
spared. But, at no time such statement is found to have been made by a minister for
other authorities to dissuade the Tourist from visiting those places. But the two month
old agitation promoted in "GANDHIAN WAY" by GJMM to form a separate state for
Indian Gorkhas within India was found to have compelled the West Bengal Government
to request the Tourists to avoid visiting Darjeeling hills, and the reason given was that
"the situation in Darjeeling hills is too complicated". If the situation was really too
complicated, then no one can deny the fact that it was the responsibility of the
Government of West Bengal to defuse and normalize the situation in the best possible
extent. Hence, the statement of the minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be accepted as
the inability and inefficiency of the Government of West Bengal to restore normalcy in
Darjeeling hills. The inability to restore normalcy by the government which was
democratically elected and constitutionally constituted would mean the collapse of the
law and order. The break down of Law and Order normally invite the dissolution or
dismissal of the Government for its failure to maintain Law and Order as per the
provision of the Country's Constitution. But the national media belonging to big industrial
houses in league with the state of West Bengal seemed to have deliberately ignored that
very statement of Asok Bhattacherjee. Hence, the skipping of the dangerous portent
contained in the statement of a responsible minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be easily
understood that the people making a demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland within
India was on the making of a minority. As the developed and pseudo advanced ruling
majority of the state of West Bengal was totally against the demand and were more into
promoting regionlistic chauvinism. Thus, in this way a war like situation had been drawn
between the homeland aspirant Gorkhas and the advanced and ruling Bengali
community in the state of West Bengal. In this war, the intelligentsia of Darjeeling is
found to have been infested with heavy inertness due to political, diplomatic and
administrative exercise carried by the ultra chauvinistic Bengali nationals who are not
ready even for a moment to accept the incontrovertible facts and figures based on the
solid foundations of historical, legal, geographical, ethnical, political and constitutional
realities favouring the Indian Gorkhas. But, it has been observed that they are unmindful
and pretending to be ignorant on the loyalty of Indian Gorkhas towards mother India by
shedding their blood, tears and sweat. The Indian Gorkhas too have udeniably
contributed in making India the world's largest and vibrant democracy.
It has been mentioned in the preceding Para the decision to observe fast-untodeath but was obstructed in Siliguri by the district administration at Darjeeling More on
1st may 08. However, the next day a good number of participants with a seizable
numbers of supporters were moving on the hill cart road to reach the premises of Subdivisional office were severely beaten and humiliated before the public in an organized
way. The scene was so barbaric that the ladies too were beaten, thrashed and kicked in
a broad day light. But the police instead of apprehending the assailants arrested more
than two thousand people belonging to the Gorkha community for the reason best
known to the ruling CPM. It is being perceived that the role of the administration and
CPM was fermenting communal tension in Siliguri where near about twenty thousand
people from Darjeeling district and Dooars had assembled at Pintail village and were
marching towards Siliguri on 3rd. May 08 by pushing the police cordon and this sounded
an alarm within district administration. Thus, seeing the mood of the people and the
gravity of the situation the district administration found no option but to succumb and
allow the assembled people to go upto Dagapur and accordingly granted permission to
participate in the hunger strike at Darjeeling More in defiance to the diktat of the CPM.
On that day when the assembled people were marching towards Siliguri from Pintail
Village by breaking the police cordon reportedly a stone had hit the sub-divisional officer
Smitha Pandey, at Dagapur. Some of Bengala News Channel immediately had flashed
the report in its footage as the District Magistrate; Smita Pandey sustained brick injury
thrown by one of the marchers. The next day after covering the events the Telegraph
wrote "a police barricade, comprising around 300 personnel guarded the highway
bringing traffic to a standstill for around three hours. The interception triggered a heated
exchange of words. A stone thrown by one of the marchers hit Siliguri sub- divisional
officer Smita Pandey on her shoulder". Thus the electronic media did not know the
diffrence between a brick and the stone, as well as the identity of the stone hit official.
Despite such inciting reportage, the sagacity of the leaders of GJMM could not be
undermined and after the realization of the seriousness of the situation by the
administrative heads called a meeting in Siliguri Circuit House where permission was
granted to GJMM to hold a public meeting AT INDIRA GANDHI MAIDAN ON 7TH MAY
08 FROM 11 TO 4 P.M with the imposition of several conditions that were to be
observed by GJMM FOR THE PUBLIC MEETING. The three days time was far too
inadequate to organize a public meeting by honouring the conditionalities imposed by
the district administration. However, the turnover of the people on the day of the public
meeting at Indira Gandhi Maidan was far from the expectation of the administration and
the organizers, as it was the largest assembly of people in a public meeting as recorded
in the history of Siliguri. On the day of the meeting Amra Bengali and Bengala Bhasa
Bachau Samity, reportedly a brain child of minister Asok Bhattacherjee and backed by a
section of the administrative officials had called twenty four hours strike in Siliguri
against the rally and public meeting of GJMM. But despite the strike in parts of Siliguri
the whole city was weighed down by the convoy, rally and the supporters of GJMM. The
meeting was jointly addressed by leaders of GJMM, KAMTAPURI PEOPLES' FRONT
and GREATER COOCH BEHER MOVEMENT COMMITTEES in a most orderly, well
disciplined and peaceful manner. The meeting explicitly proved the contention and
argument of the administration that the holding of meeting by GJMM would result into
communal violence and tension in Siliguri as a false and concocted propaganda. While
addressing the meeting the GJMM president, Bimal Gurung had issued an ultimatum of
seven days to the district administration for arresting the culprits who had thrashed the
innocent GJMM supporters at Hill Cart Road while on their way to Sub-divisional office
on 2nd May 08. But the ultimatum was seen to have been responded by CPM as "on 9
April, a day after explosives were found in a house in Mallaguri, a resident of the area,
Amal Khawas, lodged an FIR with the Pradhannagar police station. In it, Khawas said
the owner of the house, Ganga Majhi, was an active Morcha worker and its leader
Rosan Giri frequently visited the house, said Jibitesh Sarkar, a senior district leader of
CPM. Khawas also stated that the explosives were brought here by the Morcha
supporters as a part of plot to eliminate local CPM leaders, claimed Sarkar, who is one
of the three CPM leaders whom the Morcha wants arrested". (The Telegraph dated
9thMay 08 published from Siliguri, Emphasis mine). Further, the same Telegraph had
written while unfolding the report as "the CPM dug up three FIRs lodged in the hills and
plains against some Gorkha Janamukti Leaders and urged police to act on them.
Observers said the move was in retaliation to the Morcha's seven-day deadline to the
police for arresting the three CPM leaders involved in the incident of May 2, when
supporters of the hill party were assaulted in Siliguri. The Morcha had set the deadline
yesterday at its public meeting here". Emphasis added. Thus, the blast of explosives in
Siliguri was being seen to have been used after more than a month by the CPM as
bulwark to their heinous act of beating and assaulting the ladies in public. When the
series of blast of explosive had taken place in Siliguri there was apprehension in the
saner and informed circle that the act could be a master design of some of the influential
circle in connivance with a section of government officials, as a ploy to malign the people
and organizations who were demanding a separate state of Gorkhaland in India. The
involvement of Rosan Giri in the blast of explosives and its REVEALATION to the public
after more than a month through media influence could easily be understood as the
concurrence of the civil and police administration for working in tandem with the wishes
of the ruling party in the state of West Bengal ruled by CPM. But, however as a means of
attempted projection of an independent face of the police, they arrested six people on
9th May from periphery of Siliguri in connection to the thrashing of the ladies belonging
to GJMM, ON 2 MAY 08 . The arrest described as "an eye-wash only" by the GJMM as
the police had not dared to arrest the leaders of the CPM whose names were specifically
mentioned in the FIR by the complainant on the shameful incident of 2nd May 08.
The GJMM with the help and support of the people was persistently claiming
Siliguri to be a part of their proposed Gorkhaland and the CPM of Siliguri more rightly the
minister Asok Bhattacherjee adopted a "measure" to counter the claim of GJMM, by
organising this rally after every three days. Externally as a showpiece the rally was to
mention communal harmony in Siliguri between the people of Hills and Plains, but
internally it was to incite the people against GJMM and its demand and that was the
order of the day in Siliguri town. But realizing its ineffectiveness the minister was
engaged in diplomacy, politicking, conspiracy and use of administrative machineries to
suit his design and interests. The glaring example of this endeavour was the beating of
ex-servicemen and ladies at Siliguri with impunity, issuance of statement by his lackeys
and tenderloin in the name of intellectuals of Siliguri and opposing the movement of
GJMM. The CPRM being fully aware of the move of CPM and its minister Asok
Bhattacharjee took a step for dialogue with the saner people and parties of Siliguri. It
also prompted the intellectuals associated with the other political parties to hold a rally
on 3rd May 08 against the assault on ladies in Siliguri on 2nd. May 08. And, one of the
participants "Mr. Bani Prasad Mishra, a retired director, Centre for Himalayan Studies,
North Bengal University, said that a solution to the vexed Darjeeling Hill crisis would
continue to elude so as the administration remained partisan in dealing with a
democratic movement. A political problem must be solved by political means principally
through dialogue based on restraint and understanding. Hooliganism has no role in a
democratic system of politics Mr. Mishra said. Prof Ajit Roy of North Bengal University
also castigated the administration for having remained mute spectators while some
political activists had gone berserk in tyranising over innocent people belonging to
particular ethnic community on 2nd May" (The Statesman, lead news in its Bengal &
Sikkim plus dated 5th May 08, but Emphasis mine). But the intellectuals of Darjeeling
despite having their aspiration and urges for having a separate state of Gorkhaland
seemed to have been cowed down by the subtle move of the minister Asok
Bhattacherjee. As they were being in the know of the undemocratic and dictatorial move
pursued by the district administration, they did not come forward to register their protest.
They uttererly failed in taking a lesson from Bengal's intellectuals and celebrities who
had come to the street against the highhandedness of the police in Nandigram and
elsewhere. In Darjeeling it was only Nanda Hangkhim who dared to revolt and as a mark
of protest had returned the BHANUBHAKTA AWARD given to him in 2004 by the Bangla
Academy for his service to the cause of Nepali Language and literature. But other
recipients of the Awards were seen thunder-struck for they were neither supporting nor
opposing the return of Bhanubhakta Award by Nanda Hangkhim. Rather they seemed
unconcerned on the move of Refunding the Bhanubhakta Award. This was truely a sorry
state of affairs, giving ample scope to the future generation, to debate over the subject.
The story of origin, development and the course followed by the BHANU BHAKTA
AWARD being fuelled by politics could be written in short as follows. THE LEFT FRONT,
A CONGLOMERATION OF DIFFERENT POLITTICAL PARTIES, CONSTITUED
UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA [MARXIST]
ABBRIEVATED CPM INSTALLED ITS GOVERNMENT IN WEST BENGAL IN 1977.
The left front prior coming to power had announced and incorporated in its election
manifesto that they would constitute Academy for different languages, which was
prevalent and use in the state, for their protection and promotion. And, on being elected
to power Urdu Academy was formed for the first time in West Bengal. In Darjeeling, the
formation of the Urdu Academy was followed by the constitution of Nepali Academy, due
to persistent request and appeal made by some of the Nepali writers associated with the
CPM.
But there were wide differences in the Autonomous Character and Fund
Allocation in between the two Academies. In spite of having scant power and fund, the
Nepali Academy had initiated some progressive measures of causing publication of
books written by a number Nepali writers as well as the translation from other languages
into Nepali. The Nepali academy while doing its works of promoting language, literature,
art, culture with limited resources had a short span of life. After working for seven years,
the Nepali Academy was forced to be a defunct body due to the Gorkhaland Movement
under the leadership of Subash Ghisingh, who tried every possible means to brand the
Nepali Academy as a real opposer to the demand of Gorkhaland. After the vitriolic
campaign against the members of Nepali Academy, continued the members took the
option of disassociating themselves from the academy and this lead to an automatic
dissolution of the academy. But during its existence the Nepali Academy had awarded a
sum of Rupees Five Thousand as BHANU AWARD and CITATION to the following
individuals for their outstanding contribution in the field that they were associated with.
The first BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1979 and awardee was the
revolutionary poet AGAMSINGH GIRI who was posthumously honoured. The Second
Bhanu Award recipient were INDRA SUNDAS in literature for his novel JUNELI REKHA,
and in the field of drama was MOHAN THAPA, in arts BIRENDRA SUBBA and in
classical songs MANICK CHANDRA PRADHAN were the recipients.The third
BHANUAWARD was distributed in the year 1981 on the occasion of BHANU JAYANTI in
the following order. In literature M.M GURUNG for his work BIRSEEYEKO SANSKRITI,
for arts B.R. GURUNG, for music INDRA THAPATHALIA and for drama, HARKAMAN
LAMA.
Recipients of the fourth BHANU AWARD 1982 were in literature KAMALA
SANSKRITIYAN for her book VICHAR ANI VIVECHANA, for music ARUNA LAMA, for
drama and dance RANJIT GHISING. But in that year in place of art LALDAS RAI was
awarded the Bhanu award for his exceptional talent in sculpture.
The BHANU AWARD for the year 1983 was awarded in the following manner. In
literature Dr KUMAR PRADHAN for his book PHAILO PAHAR, for music SHANTI
THATAL, for arts BHUTTO PRADHAN and in place of drama D.B.PARIYAR as a
producer of First Nepali Film.
In the year 1984 RAJNARAYAN PRADHAN for his literary work VISHWAKA DASH
MAHAN NATAK, for classical music, the renowned Tabla badak and guitarist
TRIRATNA TULADHAR, for drama Sri P.S. LAMA and for arts Late KRISHNA SUBBA
posthumously were awarded the BHANU AWARD.
Prof. LILABAHADUR CHETTRI of Assam for literature, HIRA KUMAR SINGH of
Bombay for drama, KARMA YONJAN for music and PREM KESHI for arts were
awarded BHANU AWARD for the year 1985.
The last BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1986 in spite of stiff opposition
from GNLF as it had given a call to boycott the Award. The recipients were SARAD
CHHETTRI for literature, HIRADEVI WAIBA for music and JAYANTA BOMJAN for
drama. For arts, TEZU SUBBA was awarded posthumously. But, on the day of the
BHANU AWARD JAYANTA BOMJAN did not turn up for receiving the award on account
of physical threat and had boycotted the award but the other three recipients remained
present and received the awards.
But almost after a gap of sixteen years it was announced that the BHANU AWARD
raised to the tune of RUPEES TWENTYFIVE THOUSAND would be awarded from the
Bhanujayanti 2002. In order to select the awardees a five member committee comprising
Dr.Lakhidevi Sundas, Dr Gokul Sinha, Dr Ghanashyam Nepal, Prof.Haren Ghosh and
CPM leader Tulsi Bhattarai formed the members as per report published in the Weekly
Sagarmatha on Sunday June 23-29, 2002.
The Municipality minister Asok Bhattacharya had made an announcement in the
first week of July 2002 that the award would be given to Sri Indra Bahadur Rai for his
contribution towards the cause of Nepali literature. But on the day of BHANU JAYANTI
2002 the award was not been given as had been announced and had been declared
previously and the same would be given on 15thNovember 2002 after organizing a
programme at the Loreto College Hall. Accordingly on the given date the function was
presided over by Pijus Kanti the vice chancellor of North Bengal University and the
award was handed over by Minister Asok Bhattacharya. But the award, on account of
non-existence of a Nepali Academy, was from Bengla Academy and the citation was
from the chief minister Buddhadeo Bhattacharya.
The Bhanu Award for the year 2003 was granted and awarded on 29th.Nov. 2003
to Sri Himandas Rai for his continued service in the field of Nepali Literature in a
function held in the auditorium of Loreto College. The function was presided over by Sri
Indrabahadur Rai and the award was handed over by Minister Ashok Bhattacharya.
The Bhanu Award for the year 2004 was given to Sri Nanda Hangkhim for his
continuous service to upkeep Nepali Literature.
Sri Badrinarayan Pradhan was given the Bhanu Award for the year 2005 on 4th
November 2006 in the auditorium of Loreto College by Ashok Bhattacharya in a function
presided over by Krishna Singh Moktan. Suraj Pathak, Rajya Sabha Member, the
Secretary, Information and Cultural Department of the government of West Bengal and
Rajesh Pandey the District Magistrate, Darjeeling were the guests of honour of the
function.
Thus there were host of recipients of Bhanu Bhakta Award belonging to different
disciplines and faculties but it is only Nanda Hangkhim who refunded the AWARD in
protest against the brutal treatment faced by the ex-service men in the hands of the
West Bengal police, when they were leading a peaceful, well organized and disciplined
procession on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. It was really a matter of concern
that the other recipients were seen neither supporting nor opposing the stand taken by
Nanda Hangkhim. Thus, it seemed that the intellectuals were not prepared to fight
against the onslaught unleashed by the advanced, developed and ruling community
against the national minority who had held the awardees to be the pivots of their society.
But in Siliguri few educated lackeys of CPM leadership declaring themselves as the
intellectuals of the area had issued a press statement opposing the demand of
Gorkhaland. Further, they were seen organizing a signature campaign on 12th May 08 in
Siliguri against the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland in the name of an
organization called JAN JAGARAN MANCH OF unenlightened INTELLECTUALS OF
SILIGURI. The move was clearly a stigma against the formation of separate state of
Gorkhaland which was advocated on the basis of geo-political, historical, administrative,
ethnical and constitutional provisions as applicable in India. But the intellectuals, legal
professionals, technicians, bureaucrats, academicians, artists and other professionals
who were aspiring to have a separate state of Gorkhaland within India as per the
provision of the Article 1-3 (c) of the Indian constitution were seen to be incipid and
spineless before the might of the draconian move. There were social, cultural and other
organizations functioning for years together in other sub-divisions of the district
purportedly for the wellbeing of Indian Gorkhas. But it was seen that the intellectuals
belonging to Bengali community held a rally against the highhandedness of
administration and CPM in Siliguri but Darjeeling being the epicenter and work field of
the socio-political, musical, educational and literary activities and a cultural Mecca for the
Indian Gorkhas, where Nepali Sahitya Sammelan and Gorkha Dukha Nivarak
Sammelan, the only premier organizations of Indian Nepalis as its conscience keepers,
were seen to be indifferent towards the perverted designs against the Indian Gorkhas by
the educationally, culturally, economically, socially and administratively advanced state
of West Bengal. Similar organizations were seen functioning in Kalimpong and Kurseong
but they too were indifferent towards the undemocratic rather uncivilized happenings in
Siliguri. Besides them, there were mushrooming organizations on the basis of cast and
sub-cast for the socio-economic safeguards of the members belonging to the respective
organizations, that were headed by educated, saner and retired officials. But all of them
had remained mute spectators. Similarly outside Darjeeling, the Indian Gorkhas were
bereft of speech and action when the beating, stoning, thrashing of Indian Gorkha Exservicemen and kicking of Gorkha ladies in Siliguri were shown by the electronic media.
Even Sikkim a neighbouring state of Darjeeling, and the government in the state was
headed by Sikkim Democratic Front that had come to power in Sikkim with a campaign
to restore Democracy, was also dumb when on a broad-day -light Democracy was
slaughtered in the streets of Siliguri. Thus, it was seen that they all looked sheepish
before the might of the advanced community ruling the state of West Bengal. However,
in presence of such horrible socio-political-administrative panorama prevailing before the
majestic Kanchanjunga, it was only the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists
headed by R.B. Rai, ex-member of Parliament that came down heavily through
electronic and print media on CPM and its government for administrative
highhandedness that was backed by Government with the assistance of the CPM cadres
for crushing Democracy under its foot in Siliguri.
But following the successful 7th May 08 Public Meeting in Siliguri, Indira Gandhi
Maidan. The report revealed that due to differences the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha
disbanded AGSU on 10th May 08 despite it being an affiliated student union of the
Morcha. The affiliated student union had completed a successful Padayatra from
Darjeeling to Sunkosh for highlighting the areas for which GJMM was proposing to carve
a separate state of Gorkhaland and the PADAYATRIS were flagged off by GJMM
president Bimal Gurung who had also reached Sunkosh on the day of completion of
successful padayatra and had greeted and felicitated the padayatris, in a ceremony held
on 3rd May 08 for their successful completion of the journey. And, the organization such
as Hill Secondary Teachers' Association,(HOSTA) Hill Employees Association (HEA),
Casual Employees Association(CEA) and several other Trade Union were voluntarily
functioning as associate units of GJMM for strengthening hands of GJMM and push
forward the movement to form a separate state of Gorkhaland. But after a meeting of the
GJMM leaders on 16th May 08 it issued a diktat to change the flag and prefix GJMM to
the nomenclature of Casual Employees Association. In the midst of such development
the All India Gorkha League (ABGL) while observing its sixty five birth anniversary had
held a public meeting on 15th May 08 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. In the said meeting,
the ABGL distributed copies of a letter dated 28th November 2005 sent by the Kamtapur
Progressive Party (KPP) to the home ministry three years ago. The letter read as… "the
domiciled Gorkhas who are presently living in the hill region of Darjeeling actually are not
Indians, nor are they recognized as ST. Historically, during the British rule in India, the
Gorkha were brought to the region by the British Government for extension and
development of tea industry". The Telegraph dated 16th May 08. Thus, it became
understandable that in the name of observing anniversary the ABGL was seen to be
hammering a wedge between the GJMM and Kamtapur Progressive Party who had
recently formed an alliance for extending support to each other, in the struggle for
achieving a separate state for the respective communities for whom they were fighting
and leading the movement. Further with regard to the proposal for review of Indo-Nepal
peace and friendship treaty 1950. The Maoist after its recent victory in the election to the
constituent assembly of Nepal had raised the demand. The CPRM had welcomed the
proposal, Madan Tamang; the ABGL president had stated that no Indian Gorkhas should
speak on the issue, as there were forty thousand Indian Gorkhas who were working in
Nepal. The review of that treaty and introduction of Passport would cause their exodus
to Darjeeling. Here too the ABGL under the leadership of Madan Tamang is seemed to
have ignored and deliberately or accidentally overlooked the intricate and detrimental
augury contained in Clause Seven and Eight of that very treaty would permanently
create confusion between the Indian Gorkhas and domiciled Nepalis. The former
attached to the soil for generations together. While the latter, on the basis of the said
clause had made a fresh entry into the country in search of greener pastures. To
differentiate the two, a distinct line needs to be drawn. As the clause seven of that very
Treaty states "The Government of India and Nepal agree to grant, on a reciprocal basis,
to the nationals of one country in the territories of the another same privileges in the
matter of residence, ownership of properties, participation in trade and commerce,
movement and other privileges of a similar nature." Thus as per the provision mentioned
above the Indian Gorkhas in India having similar facial appearances, physical build up
and other trait has been misconceived as reciprocal citizenship of India, whereas no
other Indian has such reciprocal citizenship. Thus, India being recognised as the largest
Democracy in the world where among the bonafide citizens it is only her Nepali
Speaking Indian Citizens seem to have been made the Reciprocal Citizen by clause
seven of Indo-Nepal Treat 1950. As a result of this skeptical clause the Indian- ness and
their loyalty towards the nation are often being raised. This has in effect become a handy
too for the unscruplous politicians and a band of regional chauvanists, to exploit and
marginalise the Indian Gorkhas with a narrow parochial design. This sinister clause has
become a matter of grave concern for the Indian Gorkhas. The adverse effect of this
clause can be mitigated only by creating the separate state of Gorkhand. Hence, the
people despite being the citizens of India with Mongoloid origin are subjected to
humiliation, torture, extortion and expulsion from different region of India as in NorthEastern India. However, it is not only the people with Mongoloid origin who are facing
expulsion from North-Eastern India but there are other instances too but people
belonging to different linguistic group to have been expelled. But in such expulsion the
state governments of the expelled people are seen to be taking a good care of their
expelled people by raising hue and cry over the matter. But in the case of harassment
and expulsion of Nepali Speaking Indians no voice of protest from any government has
ever been heard. In this manner, when Indian Gorkhas become a victim of politically
designed and administratively maneuvoured apparatus they feel neglected, isolated and
forlorn in India, where Democracy is a way of life. But it remains silent on the plight,
sufferings and oppression imposed on them by their fellow countrymen. In some parts of
India for minor differences on issues, they make mountains out of a mole hill, and
threaten to recede from the Indian Union. However their voice is heard and dealt with
palliative measures from the right level. But in the case of the Indian Gorkhas no such
voices have been raised, ever. And despite being socio-politically emaciated through a
systematic devise for years, they continue to have an unflinching loyalty to India and
unwavering faith on its constitution to have a Homeland of their own in India. This would
serve as a final and ultimate panacea to ride off the sufferings, plights, oppression and a
sense of insecurity by establishing national identity. As the plights, sufferings and
oppression have been further complicated by academic and simple misunderstanding of
the Clause Eight of Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 which reads as "So
far as matters dealt with herein are concerned, the Treaty cancels all previous treaties,
agreements, and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British
Government and the Government of Nepal." The cancellation of all previous treaties,
agreements and engagements made between British Government of India and Nepal
means that near about one third of the land approximately eighteen thousand kilometres
and its people belonging to erstwhile Nepal were made parts of British India through the
Treaty of Segowlee 1815 stands cancelled. As the Article Three of the Segowlee Treaty
1815 by which the lands and people residing there were ceded to the British India by
Nepal reads as "The Rajah of Nipal hereby cedes to the Honourable the East India
Company in perpetuity all the undermentioned territories, viz- First-The whole of the low
lands between the Rivers Kali and Rapti. Secondly- The whole of the low lands (with the
exception of Bootwal Khass) lying between the Rapti and the Gunduck. Thirdly- the
whole of the low lands between the Gunduck and Coosah in which the authority of the
British Government has been introduced, or is in actual course of introduction. FourthlyAll the Low Lands between the Rivers Mitchee and the Teesta. Fifthly- All the territories
within the hills eastward of the River Mitchee including the fort and lands of Nagree and
the Pass of Nagarcote leading from Morung into the hills, together with the territory lying
between that Pass and Nagree. The aforesaid territory shall be evacuated by the troops
within forty days from this date." The independence of India from the British yoke in 1947
had led to the formation India and Pakistan and both the countries had inheritated the
land, people, assets and liabilities of the territories ruled, administered and governed by
the British so as to form the respective two independent countries in the globe. Thus, the
territories and people, brought into the British India by the Segowlee Treaty 1815
seemed to have clearly come under India on its attainment of independence on 15th
August,1947. The territories and people included into the British India as per Segowlee
Treaty 1815 were Darjeeling, Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu and so
on. Presently these areas have been constitutionally recognized by forming a Separate
State of Uttaranchal within the union of India. Similarly the present three sub-divisions
namely Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri were taken by the British as per the Souglee
Treaty 1815 and had restored to Sikkim but subsequently taken over from Sikkim in
1835 and following years. But the independent India while executing a Treaty of Peace
and Friendship 1950 with Nepal is seen to have cancelled the Segowlee Treaty 1815
and the cancellation of that very treaty automatically implies the rejection of the inclusion
of those region and people inhabitating the areas into the union of Independent India.
Thus, it is seen that uncertainty is looming large over the region and its people.
However, in case of Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu so on the politicoadministrative uncertainty seemed to have settled for ever by the formation of a separate
state of Uttaranchal as a unit of Indian Union. Whereas the uncertainty emanated from
the cancellation of the Segowlee Treaty 1815 and the same being over ruled by the
Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 with Nepal, the region of Darjeeling, Kurseong
alongwith Siliguri and its people have been kept in a limbo. Moreover, Kalimpong
presently a sub-division of Darjeeling district and the Dooars region now forming a part
of Jalpaiguri District were also brought into the British India by way of Sinchula Treaty
1865 with Bhutan by the British. And, the political issue has been further complicated by
unnecessarily joining Darjeeling District and the Dooars region and its people to form the
administrative unit of West Bengal in Independent India, as against the wishes of the
people in residing in the areas. The whole region is historically, geographically,
ethnically, culturally and politically different from the rest of West Bengal. Further, it is a
naked fact that the people residing in the region had been struggling against British ruled
Bengal as well as independent India's West Bengal since 1907. But the higher
diplomacy and politico-administrative manuveouring supplemented by conspiracy of
advanced nationality, the people and the region are forced to be under the subjugation
of an advanced community. It is also an irony for the Indian Gorkhas that inspite of
taking parts with all their resources at their disposal for the independent struggle and
contributing in their own way in making modern India. The most commendable of the lot
being the Gorkhas guarding and defending the nations's formidable and sensitive
International borders. Yet their political fate dangles in uncertainty. The uncertainty in no
case could be regarded good for the nation as the region comprising Darjeeling Hills,
Terai and Dooars is a distinct spot that separates Indian Union from Bhutan, China,
Bangladesh and Nepal in its periphery. Thus, the region situated within the proximity of
borders of four independent countries bears a significant logistic and strategic
importance, and the people inhabitating such vital areas are struggling to be a part and
parcel of Indian Union for several decades, by forming a separate state as per the
provision of Indian Constitution. But the rulers of the nation seem least interested to fulfill
the aspiration of the people and place solely on account of the irrational obstruction put
forward by the state of West Bengal. The argument and logic against the demand for
formation of separate state comprising Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars as put forward
by West Bengal is weak and untenable. The region as usurped by the West Bengal
Government was historically, politically, ethnically, culturally and geographically never a
part of British Bengal and independent India's West Bengal. But West Bengal in
ndependent India is taking all the diplomatic and conspiratorial measures to keep the
region under their administrative-political rule. Every half-hearted step and measure
taken to woo the people of the region has only alienated them from the rule of West
Bengal. The psychological, mental, emotional and political alienation started in 1907 and
has been building into a Big Cauldron for the rulers who seemed callous, unmindful and
indifferent to the wishes and aspiration of the people. However, it is said that there is
always a Silver Lining in the dark clouds, and with respect to the regions century old
issue there are several saner, wise, sagacious intellectuals in Bengali community who
are lending support for a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas in Indian. A group of students
from Presidency College, Kolkata visited Darjeeling and they have made video-films
depicting justification of the demand for the formation of separate for Indian Gorkhas
comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars and the administrative highhandedness against
the people making the demand. Many of the intellectuals belonging to different academic
disciplines, from amongst the Bengali community are also found to have been
discussing problems faced by Indian Gorkhas in India, on account of not having a
designated place as their Homeland. Thus, a good number of intellectuals and
celebrities and also some political parties operating in the plains of West Bengal who are
being acquainted and informed of the history, geography, culture, ethnology of the place
and people of late have started lending their support, by criticizing the role of the Left
Front Government of West Bengal. But some of them namely a reputed writer and
historian Soumen Nag, Abijit Majumdar political leader of Siliguri and renowned
correspondent Jaidep Majumdar have had to face the brunt of the parochial, chauvinistic
and bigoted communalists of West Bengal. However, their courage to oppose the
deceit and reveal the truth will occupy an important place in the history of the Indian
Gorkhas.
The Gorkha Janamukti Morcha in its nascent stage was seen to be very keen for
maintaining the unity among of the different political parties operating in Darjeeling Hills
for which it had held a meeting with the leaders and representatives of other political
parties in Darjeeling. But the relation between All India Gorkha League (ABGL) led by
Madan Tamang and GJMM gradually deteriorated due to inherent arrogance of Madan
Tamang who was unable to tolerate the latters progress, in uniting the people from
different walks of life for the greater and just cause. Amidst the differences, they were
seen charging, scolding and leveling allegation against each other in public. In choosing
a comrade in arms for isolating one by another, Madan Tamang was seen to have taken
in some occasion the president of Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) Darjeeling Hill Unit, Dr.
G.S. Yonjan to his side. But Dr. G. S. Yonjan was a new entrant in politics as he had
joined BJP after an unceremonious exit from the post of Chairman, School Service
Commission, Darjeeling Hill Unit, it was appointment that had been made by the Left
Front government of West Bengal, after his superannuation from the post of the Principal
of Kalimpong College. Thus, he being a leader from Darjeeling Hills associated with the
national Party, which had its governments with allies in more than half of the states of
India, was not astute enough to play an effective role in the cause of a Homeland for
Indian Gorkhas. In such problematic and unpredictable situation the role of Congress
and its member of parliament from Darjeeling, Dawanarbula was seen to be inadequate
as a result of his party's bridle on him for working as a bridge for rapprochement. Thus,
the situation proved to be a boon for the CPM to exploit gains only from the role of
deliberate or by an accident as played by the different parties as if it was at the discreet
command from elsewhere. The CPRM being composed of saner, dedicated and
experienced leaders, but in the absence of the educated and informed layers of society
who are seen to have been inflicted by a sort of anathema against Communists, had
been maintaining a fairly cordial relation with all the parties. As a result of fairplay, the
CPRM had good relations with GJMM. But after an unexpected support from the people
and by opening a dialogue with the chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee,
Government of West Bengal and having succeeded to oust Subash Ghisingh from the
care-taker-ship of DGHC by stalling the proposed Sixth Schedule Bill for Darjeeling,
there was a noticeable change of attitude in GJMM and its leaders towards the CPRM.
However, it is seen from the print-media reports that CPRM was committed to lending
unconditional support to the Democratic, Peaceful, Non-communal and Non-violent
Movement of GJMM, for the achievement of a Separate State of Gorkhaland comprising
of Darjeeling, Terai and the Dooars. But instead of appreciating the facts the GJMM
through print media have issued threat and intimidation to other parties, who were also
pursuing the demand of Gorkhaland. The Government of West Bengal was adverse and
spiteful towards the activities of other parties too, but were more intent towards the
CPRM, as it had become an eyesore in the eyes of the Government on account of
commitment and sincerity that the CPRM had delivered for the cause of Gorkhaland.
In the prevailing scenario of political uncertainty, the GJMM and the administrator
DGHC, B.L. Meena held meetings that produced and circulated gossip; talks and news
of allotment of contracts to many of the hardcore GJMM activists, and the same had the
bearing of some truth. The allotment of contract works on the recommendation of GJMM
had many interpretations in political circles, as some had attributed it a compulsion of
GJMM for keeping the hardcore loyal together through the allotment of some works. And
others were of the view that the assignment of works to the hardcore GJMM as a subtle
weapon used by the administration at the behest of government. A few were of the belief
that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland for GJMM was nothing but like external
ivory of an elephant for exposition. In the flow and circulation of such varied rumours, the
West Bengal government invited for talks on 22nd. May 08, in Kolkata. Accordingly a
four member delegation comprising Amar Lama, Rosan Giri, Pradip Pradhan and
Dr.Harkabahadur Chhettri all Central Committee Members of GJMM held an hour long
meeting with the Chief -minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee in his chamber at the Writers'
Building. While reporting the outcome of the meeting the Statesman wrote-"In an
apparent warning to the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJMM), the state government today
asked the party to sever ties with other separatist groups while catagocally stating that
any demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars in the proposed Gorkha state would not
be considered. The GJMM leaders today met the chief minister and handed over a map
of the proposed Gorkhaland which included, apart from Siliguri, the entire Dooars area."
(The Statesman, 23rd. May 08). (Italicization mine). Further, the Home secretary, Asok
Mohan Chakrabarti told the press that "Buddhadev Bhattacharjee asked the Morcha to
steer clear of organizations like Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater Cooch Behar
Democratic Party. Both want Cooch Behar district to be declared a state and are
supporting the Morcha in its Gorkhaland demand" (The Telegraph, dated 23 May
2008).Thus, it is clear from the reportage carried by the Statesman and the Telegraph
that the chief minister out rightly rejected the demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars
in the proposed state of Gorkhaland without giving any valid reason but further warned
not to be associated with the parties that is not liked by him. Had it been under his
capacity he would have banned the parties that was not liked by him but being unable to
ban the parties not liked by him in a democratic set-up of India, he seemed to have
warned the GJMM to sever its ties with the Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater
Cooch Behar Democratic Party and others. India being a country having a continental
geo-political dimension the existence and functioning of innumerable big and small
political parties is the hallmark of its political credibility, which had been growing even
prior to the country attaining its independence. The existence and functioning of multiparty democracy is the singular achievement and supreme political paragon of India that
stands as an example before the world. Hence, it is the political liberty of any party that
is not banned by the government to choose its allies for moving along to realize the goal.
But in the case of Darjeeling Hills, the chief minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee and his
government is seemed to be dictating the choice of an ally. By the logical conclusion, it
seems that their guidance was to sever ties with other parties that are branded and
identified as Separatists. Thus, it could be nothing but bullying and bulldozing the
national minority inhabitating the state of West Bengal that is ruled by big and
chauvinistic nationals. Further the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland is based
on the historical, geographical, cultural, ethnical and political facts and realities that
attracts the article 1-3 of the Indian Constitution. The ultimate authority for granting or
rejecting the separate state of Gorkhaland as a Homeland to Indian Gorkhas is the
Parliament of India and not Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, the Chief-Minister of West
Bengal. Thus, instead of being diplomatic and tactful in dealing with the sensitive issue
related to the aspiration of the people who are overwhelmingly favouring a separate
state of Gorkhaland, he seemed to be allergic and adamant. The dialogue with the
GJMM delegation could have been taken as a chance for assuaging the feelings and
sentiment that were severely hurt on account of unmindful and callous administrative
measures in Siliguri in the preceding days. But the government of West Bengal and its
administrative layer which is manned by different set of community other than the one
that is making the demand of Gorkhaland seems to have taken a rigid stand against the
demand. Despite knowing that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland could only be
resolved by the Parliament which is the supreme law making body of the country and its
function being determined by its citizens. As in the case of the demand of constitutional
recognition of Nepali Language the Prime-minister of India, Morarji Desai had rejected
the demand terming the Nepali Language as a Foreign Language. But, later on
Language got the Constitutional Recognition through the will of the Parliament of India.
Similarly, Laluprasad Yadav, the chief-minister of Bihar while opposing the demand of
separate state for Jharkhandis had stated that the division of Bihar for the formation of
separate state of Jharkhand would only be possible over his dead body. But the
Parliament of India formed the separate state of Jharkhand by dividing Bihar and
Laluprasad Yadav is still alive despite losing his chief-minister-ship and holding the
portfolio as a successful Indian Railway minister in the 14th Lok Sabha. It is not only that
but the same Laluprasad Yadav was seen in the election held for the Assembly of newly
formed Jharkhand state begging for votes in favour of candidates fielded by his party.
Thus, in spite of having such glorious records of the supremacy and paramountacy of
Indian Parliament as well as democratic system and culture of great India, the
government of West Bengal led by the Marxist chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee
and his party seemed to be bent upon to oppose the demand of separate state of
Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas in a most unrealistic, unreasonable and uncompromising
manner which is also against the established and declared Marxian philosophical stand
and practice. But still they are to be regarded as Marxist whereas the true and dedicated
Marxists may be ashamed to witness the bad presidium set by a coterie of semi-fascists
in Marxist cloaks.
The threatened indefinite strike announced by GJMM was scheduled to be
resumed from 7th July 08 after the expiry of the relaxation period that was to be followed
by replacing the WB Registration Numbers to GL for Vehicles plying within Darjeeling
District and Dooars region. But on 5th July 08 the GJMM made announcement of the
postponement of the indefinite general strike till 7th August 08. However, they called for
observance of strikes in the DGHC, Municipalities, Central and State Governments
Offices. Further the replacement of the Registration number of vehicles from WB to GL
was made obligatory for the vehicles owned and used by the Central Committee
Members of GJMM only. The strike in offices and the use of GL number plates by GJMM
leadership were mentioned as a pressure to the government of West Bengal for
organizing Tripartite Meeting in Delhi on the issue of Gorkhaland in which the GJMM
was seemed to have intended of taking the All Party Delegation for Talk to press the
creation of a Separate State of Gorkhaland, comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars
region. But on 7th July 08 Priminister, Dr. Manmohan Singh was scheduled to leave for
Japan to attend G-8 Summit comprising Japan, Germany, Italy, England, France,
Canada, Russia and America. In the Summit India and China were also invited as India
had given the Draft Safeguard Agreement to the board of Governors of
INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY and it meant the finalization of Nuclear
Deal with America, for which there were wrangles and squabbles for several months
between the UPA Government led by Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Left Front that was
supporting the government from outside with its 59 members of the Lok Sabha. The core
issue of the dispute was that the Left Front was of the view that the Nuclear Deal with
America would be detrimental to the national interest of India, whereas the UPA
government had been claiming that the Nuclear Deal would be signed in the larger
interest of India. The Left Front issued an ultimatum to the UPA government to clarify its
stand by 7th July 08; it implied that the presence of Prime-minister in the G-8 Summit
would make the left withdraw its support to the UPA government. But undermining the
threat of Left Front the Prime-minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh proceeded with
determination, stating that there was no danger to his government. In the earlier
occasion the government was seen to have succumbed and back-tracked, instead of
proceeding ahead with the Nuclear Deal as and when the threat of withdrawal of support
had come from the secretary of CPM, Prakash Karat. But this time the Congress
seemed to have been well prepared so as to enlist the support of the members of
Parliament belonging to different parties other than its ever pestering ally, for the survival
of UPA government, in the event of the withdrawal of support by the Left Front. After the
withdrawal of Support by the Left Front, the sworn political enemies BJP and CPM
started demanding confidence vote in Parliament to the UPA Government in unison. In
compliance to the democratic norms, the UPA Government convened two days session
of Parliament on 21st-22nd July 08, inspite of beginning a scheduled session of
Parliament from 11th August 08. Thereafter the result was known to the country.

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THE GREAT KOLKATA DHARNA
Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it. As for us who have
decided to break the back of colonialism, our historic mission is to sanction all revolts, all desperate actions,
all those abortive attempts…
Frantz Fanon
The CPRM not only had its fight with the cloaked Marxists, but in a very discreet
way it was to confront with an ally and co-partner in the fight for separate state of
Gorkhaland. However, the CPRM as a seasoned and mature political party succeeded
to avert the inevitable confrontation. As CPRM had decided two month earlier to stage
Dharna at Writers' Building that was the power centre of West Bengal Government, on
12th and 13th June 08 on the demand of formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland. In
addition the also demanded adequate compensation for the victims of 1986-88 agitation
and a speedy trial in the case of the alleged attempt on Subash Ghisingh at Saat Ghumti
on 10th Feb.2001. After the Dharna they were scheduled to address their grievances
before the Governor, Chief-minister, Chief-secretary, Home secretary and Human Right
Commission of West Bengal.But the GJMM started hunger strike from the first week of
June- 08 at Naxalbari against the denial of permission of holding public meeting at
Naxalbari and subsequently the hunger strike was extended to Matigara, Bagdogra,
Salugarah. And on 8th June 08, the GJMM declared the blockade of the national
Highway that lead to Kolkata and Bihar as a counter measure against the denial of
permission for holding public meeting at Naxalbari and despite organizing hunger strike
for the same. On the same day an organization named as Janachetna Mancha
reportedly to have been formed about a month back at the behest of CPM Siliguri
entered to the site of the road blockade with an intention to pressurize and lift the road
blockade. Thus, it was natural for an altercation that led to skirmish and pelting of
stones. The police entered the fray by bursting tear gas shell and Lathi charged as a
result near about forty people sustained injury and hospitalization. The immediate
reaction of GJMM was to call for twenty four hours strike from 9th June 08. The strike
was total in Darjeeling hills and on the preceding day of the strike, the GJMM president,
Bimal Gurung was addressing a meeting of contractual employees of DGHC at
Kalimpong where he had said that an agitation would be launched from 7th July 08 and
suggested the people to make collection and arrangement of necessary provision, to
sustain the movement. But when the twenty four hour strike was on and at about noon
message started flowing in Darjeeling town that an indefinite strike would be called by
GJMM from 10th June 08. At that moment CPRM was making last preparation and
giving a final touch to their Kolkata trip to send two thousand people for the
prescheduled programe of Dharna at Writers, Building. The message was like a bolt
from the blue. However the leadership was optimistic that passage of vehicles for
carrying the participants of Dharna would be allowed to reach Siliguri by the GJMM as
they had intimated THE SCHEDULED PROGRAMME IN WRITING TO GJMM prior to
the call of twenty four hours strike by them. And accordingly, the organizer chief of Youth
wing of CPRM and the leader of the Kolkata Writers' Dharna, Sekhar Chhetrri contacted
over the phone Bimal Gurung to allow them to reach Siliguri in the hired vehicles. He
however, refused to comply the request and stated that even the military vehicles were
not allowed to ply. Prior to it I.K Sharma, the Central committee member of CPRM had
contacted through mobile to his lawyer colleague, Amar Lama who was also the Central
Committee member of GJMM, in regard to their decision of calling the indefinite strike,
but the reply was that, he was not aware of the decision of the strike. In such a situation
within the CPRM OFFICE, Darjeeling K.B. Subba, T.M. Rai, Ganesh Rai and Sekhar
Chhetrri held a meeting with some of the participants of the Writers' Dharna, namely
Nabin Tamang, Sudhan Dahal, Asok Gajmer, Usha Thapa, Preeti Rai, Ramesh Khati,
Kumar Subba, Suman Thami, Birendra Giri, Bhanu Pradhan and decided to walk from
Darjeeling to Siliguri covering a distance of 90 kilometre so as not to disturb the
indefinite strike of the GJMM. And, accordingly message were sent to the different
areas from where two thousand youth belonging to Democratic Revolutionary youth
Front and Democratic Revolutionary women Front of CPRM were supposed to take part
at Kolkata Dharna. But most of them had not expected a decision to move on foot with a
short notice of twelve hours, which was much ahead of the proposed schedule of
boarding the bus and taxis to Siliguri on while on their way to Kolkata. But the party
directed them to assemble at Ghoom Railway Station, Rungbull, Sonada, Dilaram and
Kurseong from 7 A.M, 8 A.M, 10 A.M, 12 noon and 2.30 P.M respectively on 10th June
08. Thus, as a result of the directive to move within twelve hours, many of them were
startled as they were mentally prepared to take the normal course as per scheduled.
However, near about one hundred fifty male and female participants to Kolkata Dharna
assembled at Ghoom Railway Station on 10th June 08 at 7 A.M and they were flagged
off by the Central Committee Members of CPRM, Balay Dukpa, Narbu Lama, N.B. Rai
by giving vermillion Tika and best wishes for the journey. The marchers were determined
to reach Siliguri by late in the evenining and halt there for a night so as to be able to
board the train to Kolkata the next day. The decision of the marchers was
communicated to the Central Committee Member, Taramoni Rai at Siliguri and for him it
was really an alarming message and directives from Central Committee Office,
Darjeeling. But he took the responsibility with total dedication and sincerity by taking
Kala Tamang, Radhika sinha, Wangdi Dukpa, and other Central Committee members of
the CPRM who were staying at Siliguri, and many others who were active supporters of
Gorkhaland state associated with GJMM around Salbari and Pintail village, Siliguri. R. M
Rai, Milan Chhettri and others of his own party were with him, and they managed to
make arrangements for food, lodging and other requirements for four hundred seventy
marchers, who had reached Siliguri by 11 P.M of 10th June 08. The marchers on their
way to Siliguri were seen at Kurseong by Bimal Gurung in person, as he was returning to
Darjeeling in a convoy of vehicles after attending a public meeting at Monteviet Ground.
And, two responsible leaders of GJMM, namely Amar Lama and D.K.Pradhan who too
were on their way to Siliguri in the vehicle after attending and addressing public meeting
at Monteviet ground came across to anticipate the marchers. But the two responsible
leaders remarked in a jestful manner to the leader of the Marchers, Sekher Chhettri that
as walking is good, they should walk. However, Kalimpong, Teesta, Rambi, Kalijhora
and Gourbathan units of GJMM allowed the participants to attend the Dharna in Kolkata
and were allowed to go to Siliguri in vehicles on their way so as to catch the Train for
Kolkata. The next day while leading the entire delegation, Taramoni Rai left for Kolkata
by Teesta Torsa Train. In Kolkata the Central Committee members of CPRM namely
Gobin Chhettri, Arun Ghatani and Bindya Dukpa had reached a week ahead of the
scheduled programme and they were engaged for fourteen to fifteen hours of hectic
mental, physical and diplomatic exercise in the unbearable summer heat of Bengal. As
they were assigned the responsibility by the party for making arrangement of
accommodation, food, as well as the security of the participants by ensuring support and
help from other political parties, they also had to highlight the programme through media,
for popularizing the demand for which Dharna was scheduled to be organized. It was
seen that they had carried the assignments to the fullest satisfaction of the party and to
the best of their capacity and ability. The situation in Siliguri and Dooars had become
tense and vulnerable on account of the campaign launched by Amra Bengali, Janchetna
Manch and Janjagaran Manch against the demand for the separate state of Gorkhaland.
The three organizations claiming to be apolitical organizations but it was believed that
they were the brain child of the CPM, and more precisely it was alleged that they were
acting at the behest of Minister, Asok Bhattacherjee. The nature of campaign carried out
by them had set communal tension in and around Siliguri and Dooars. Thus, there were
apprehensions that the repercussion of Siliguri happenings would be reflected in Kolkata
where the participants to Kolkata Dharna could be the possible victims. But the saner,
wise, judicious and democratic minded people of Kolkata city from to every walk of life
were seen to have welcomed the participants. There was not a single adverse comment,
sarcasm, seeing with ed eye and to look upon the Dharna Participants landed at
Sealdah Railway Station and moved in procession by carrying Banners, Posters, Play
cards and shouting slogans for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland for
Indian Gorkhas to secure their political safeguard and an Indian identity. The procession
braving the 40 degree Celsius temperature of Kolkata led by Taramoni Rai, Gobin
Chhettri, Kishor Pradhan, Arun Ghatani, Sekhar Chhettri, Wangdi Dukpa, A.D. Rai,
Mohan Poudyal, Bikram Chhettri, Santosh Pradhan, Kailash Khawas, Sanjila Ghising,
Jasuda Tamang, Bindiya Dukpa, Vindiya Gotamay all Central Committee Members of
CPRM with Volunteers detailed by CPI (M-L) Liberation made marching for an hour
round the streets of Kolkata. In this manner the Kolkata Dharna started from the
different villages of Darjeeling in early dawn of 10th June 08, for walking fifteen hours to
cover a distance of ninety kilometres was followed by the Rally from Sealdah Railway
Station turned into Dharna, meeting, discussions, speeches, interaction with different
layers of intellectuals and politicians and briefing the print and electronic media in front of
Writers' Building at Metro-channel simultaneously waiting upon Deputation to the
Governor, Gopal Krishna Gandhi, the Home Secretary, Government of West Bengal and
the Human Right Commission. In support of the Demand for the formation of Separate
State of Gorkhaland, speedy trial of Chattray Subba and others and adequate
compensation to kith and kin of the people who had died in the movement of 1986-88,(1)
Basudev Basu, AICCTU, West Bengal state secretary, (2)Abash Munchi, Central
Secretariat member of MKP, (3)Bibash Basu, state committee member, AICCTU,
(4)Parag, secretary, PDPS, (5)Bablu Das, CPI(ML) Kolkata Office, (6)Prabir Das,
Member Kolkata district, CPI (M L), (7)Rafiul Haque, Workers Party of India, West
Bengal State Committee member, (8)Barnali Mukherjee, Central committee member of
Communist Party of Bharat, (9)Swapan Kumar Roy Chaudhary, Arujee Mitra Smarak
Samity, (10)Bablu Dutta, state secretariat member CPI(ML) Kanu, (11)Pradip Banerjee,
secretary West Bengal State Organizing Committee CPI(ML), (12)Somnath Chatterjee,
secretariat member CPI(ML) SOC, (13)Chotan Das, State secretary Bandhi Mukti
Committee, (14)Raja Sarkar, Ganapratirodh Manch, (15)Daipan Banerjee, AISA, (16)
Prabin Gurung, General Secretary, United Forum for Cinchona and (17)Santosh Rana,
General Secretary, PCC, CPI(ML) spoke in the public meeting and expressed their
solidarity and support to achieve objectives for which Kolkata Dharna was organized.
The successful holding of such kind of effective political activities in Kolkata with the
involvement and participation of such large numbers of organizations from Bengali
community amply proved that the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland was never
a demand against Bengali community of West Bengal. It was for the first time in the
history of century old struggle for separation of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooar from the
unmindful political and administrative clutches of Bengal, was seen to have been
highlighted with historical, geographical, political and administrative records after
supplementing with incontrovertible data, facts and figures by the leaders and
participants of Kolkata Dharna. As a result of the zeal and awareness in the leadership
being armed with different aspects of the demand for Gorkhaland to be taken ahead
successfully had engrossed the attention of saner, liberal, unprejudiced, non-parochial
and principled leaders and parties in Kolkata on 13th & 14th June 08. As the
assemblage and participation of leaders from seventeen different organizations along
with the involvement of their supporters and cadres for the cause of Homeland for Indian
Gorkhas clearly proved and exhibited that it is only the chauvinistic and parochial
Bengalis who are against the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and they do
not represent the entire Bengali population. Some of the print and electronic media in
spite of being owned and run by Bengali nationals were also carried reportage, interview
and panel discussion live telecast without any reluctancy. Hence, the seventeen
organizations, theirs supporters and cadres as well as a large section of people from
different walks of life to form the gentry of Kolkata metropolis, and the media for their
intellectual balance in differentiating the truth from deceit deserve standing ovation from
the heart and soul of every Indian Gorkhas. Further, the Indian Gorkhas will truely
appreciate their endeavour to gauge and draw a distinct line between the historical facts
and ambiguous design sustained by the constant political ouslaught let loose from the
chambers of the Writers Buildings. In the same breath, their sagacity to dissuade from
the narrow regional parochialism will not only foster the movement for a separate
Gorkha Homeland, but would uphold the true Bengali legacy that would in the days to
come stand as a shining example before the nation. Thus, in a sense the Kolkata
Dharna jointly organised by the Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front and Democratic
Revolutionary Nari Morcha of CPRM had been successful in constructing a Bridge over
the Deep Socio-Political Rift made by Chauvinistic and Parochial elements between the
two great nationals of India. The Bridge would certainly give passage to every one for
knowing the history, culture and identity of people residing in Darjeeling, Terai and
Dooars and the rest of Bengal and knowing each other will also lead to respect each
other. The respect and honour of the history, culture and national esteem of one by
another will create a vast and fertile expanse for unhindered socio-politico growth and
development and the simultaneous growth and development of the two communities will
further strengthen the democratic values and its ingredient in the largest democratic
country of the world.
But the 470 participants with their leaders were scheduled to return to their
respective areas on 14th June 08 after the successful completion of the Kolkata Dharna,
Deputation, Public Meetings and interaction and discussion with intellectuals, political
leaders and media in the capitol of West Bengal were confronted with a predicament. As
their safe return to their respective home had become a serious problem as there was
no availability of Transport from Siliguri to the different areas due to the indefinite strike
of GJMM. In such a situation, at the direction of the party K.B.Subba, Narbu Lama,
N.B.Rai, B.M.Rai made a concentrated effort by calling the District Magistrate, Rajesh
Pandey, Additional District Magistrate, P. Zimba and ASP, J.Paul for providing
necessary security to the participants from Siliguri to their respective areas. But in the
evening of 13th June 08 luckily the news flashed that the indefinite strike has been
further relaxed till 6 P.M of Monday, the 16th June 08. And, accordingly on 14th June 08
the participants were given rousing reception on behalf of the CPRM, Central Committee
at NJP Railway Station by Narbu lama, Balay Dukpa, N.B.Rai, B.S.Subba, B.M. Rai,
Sawan Rai, L.M.Lama, D.R.Sharma, Arujun Chhettri. On the same evening a similar
type of reception was organised at the railway station located at the highest altitude in
Asia, the Ghoom Railway Station by K.B.Subba, T.M.Rai, Ganesh Rai, Tshering
Tamang, Sudhan Sharma on behalf of Darjeeling Terai Dooars Chia Kaman Mazdoor
Union and Darjeeling, Terai Dooars Staffs and sub-staffs association for their successful
Kolkata Dharna programme.

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
A HISTORIC SEMINAR ON GORKHALAND
The successful Kolkata Dharna was immediately followed by the holding of
demonstration and hunger strike for twelve hours in Kolkata by the Bandi Mukti
Committee for the release of Chhatry Subba and others and demonstration and hunger
strike for Gorkhaland by CPI(ML) New Democracy in Delhi in the last week of June 08.
The Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) collected signatures of sixty
renowned Celebrities from across India in support for the demand for a homeland for the
Indian Gorkha and submitted the same to the governments of India and West Bengal.
(Please See Annexure). Buddhadev Bhattacherjee being elected as a member of West
Bengal Legislative Assembly from Jadavpur Constituency for years together was leading
the Left Front Government as its chief minister. He was extremely adverse to the issue
of Gorkhaland as a homeland for Indian Gorkha comprising Darjeeling District and
Dooars. But the renowned Jadavpur University falling under his constituency had a
distinction of holding a seminar in Vivekananda Hall of the University on the issue of
Gorkhaland on 9th July 08 joiintly by Indian Institute of Marxist Studies (IIMS), Kolkata
Chapter,21/1/1, Creek Row, Kolkata-700014 and All India Student Association (AISA).
The holding of the very Seminar in the university located within the citadel of chief
minister was like a swoop upon a roaring tiger. But the organizer not only dared the tiger
but also braved to extend a formal invitation to R.B. Rai, the General Secretary, CPRM
as a speaker on the demand of Gorkhaland. On receipt of the invitation letter, CPRM
took up the matter with the organizer for inviting other political parties operating in
Darjeeling who were also pursuing the demand of Gorkhaland. But it was replied that the
Seminar was organized with a view to forge unity among the Leftist who professed
Marxism but baring CPM for establishing unanimity in approach to the issue of
Gorkhaland. In spite of such a reply from the organizer of the seminar, CPRM again tried
their best on which the organizer agreed only to invite Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh on
the criteria of its persuasion of the issue of Gorkhaland in the national level by organizing
support in the different states of Indian Union. Accordingly the General Secretary CPRM,
R.B. Rai, Central Committee Members namely Taramoni Rai, Gobin Chhettri,Arun
Ghatani, Kishor Pradhan along with Youth Leaders viz, Santosh Pradhan, Kamal Rai
and Suren Chamling attended the Seminar. The Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh was
represented by its working President, C.K. Shrestha and General Secretary Sukman
Moktan. The Hall packed gathering was addressed by Durjay Choudhary, Dr. Kunal
Chottapadhya who was a professor of history in Jadavpur University, Dr. Arindam Sen,
C.K Shrestha, Basudev Basu, R.B. Rai, Dr. Partha Ghosh and Taramoni Rai. Besides
discourses there was also an interaction session, in which Debuprasad Bondhopadhya,
Goutam Sen and Swamitra Basu had taken part. The speakers dealt in detail to
enlighten the audience the history, geography, culture of Indian Gorkhas, their
contributions in the Freedom Struggle and continuous input made by them in making
modern India on being subsumed in the country along with a vast terrritory after 1815.
Finally, the five hours session came to the conclusion that, there is no scope and
justification in denying a homeland to the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling District
and Dooars region. In the history of struggle that extended more than a century for
having constitutionally, administratively and politically recognized and designated
homeland for the Indian Gorkha, the Seminar was a first of its kind. As it was for the first
time the intellectuals spoke and supported the cause of a homeland for Indian Gorkhas
through a platform by ignoring and undermining the opposition of their own community
that had been infected by the virus of parochialism. The bigoted parochialists had been
on the job of telling the general people in the plains that the issue of Gorkhaland is an
Anti-Bengali and narrow Gorkha chauvinistic demand. But the seminar in the
Vivekananda Hall of Jadavpur University addressed by leading intellectuals of the
Bengali Community had dispelled the canard spread by ultra-nationalistic individual and
leaders against the case of a homeland for the Indian Gorkhas comprising of Darjeeling
District and Dooars that were never a part of Bengal. The seminar lending its support to
the cause of homeland for the Indian Gorkhas decided to organize Seminars in Jawarlall
Nehru University, Delhi, Kolkata, Siliguri and Darjeeling for enlisting the requisite support
and help from intellectual community of India. And, the Indian Institute of Marxists
Studies assured of creating a Website with their own Fund for which necessary papers,
documents, data and other relevant items pertaining to the demand of Gorkhaland were
requested to CPRM and Bharitya Gorkha Parisang. Thus, the Kolkata Dharna jointly
initiated by the Youth wing and Nari Morcha of CPRM had put the ball in the court of the
intellectuals of India for extending their valued support for making the case for a
separate state of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars for the Indian
Gorkha a reality.
The indefinite strike resumed as announced earlier but on the second day of the
resumption of strike(14th June 08) an All Party Meeting barring the GNLF and CPM was
convened by the GJMM at Gymkhana Club at 10 A.M. The meeting was attended by the
representatives of National, State Level and Regional parties operating in Darjeeling
Hills that stood as thirteen organizations. After more than three hours of deliberation the
meeting unanimously passed a resolution that read as "The meeting unanimously urged
the Government of India to create a separate state of Gorkhaland by carving out the
area of entire Darjeeling District and the contiguous Dooars area of Jalpaiguri district in
the state of West Bengal". The meeting also strongly condemned the atrocities
perpetrated by the Government of West Bengal and CPI (M) cadres against the Nepali
speaking Gorkhas of Siliguri and Dooars area, who were peacefully and democratically
holding a rally and hunger strike in support of their demand for creation of Gorkhaland
within the framework of the Constitution of India. The meeting further condemned the
reign of terror unleashed by the Government of West Bengal, by disallowing the Morcha
supporters to hold democratic activities in Siliguri and Dooars area of Jalpaiguri District.
The meeting therefore requests the Government of India to make an immediate
intervention in this regard to uphold the democratic right of the people". The resolution
was signed by (1) Bimal Gurung, GJMM (2) Nakul Chhettri, Indian National Congress,
(3) Dr. G.S.Yonjan, BJP, (4) Mohan Singh Rai, CPI, (5) Gopal Chhettri, Trinmul
Congress,(6) Shamshul Hoda, Indian union of Muslim League, (7) Laxaman Pradhan, All
India Gorkha League, (8) R.B. Rai, CPRM, (9) D.K.Bomjan, Gorkha Rastriya Congress,
(10) R.Moktan, Sikkim National Front, (11) D.K.Pradhan, GNLF(C), (12) Minority Cell
(Congress), Altaf Hussain and (13) Chabi Rai, Kisan Congress. The meeting arrived at a
consensus of taking one representative from each organization to visit Delhi as and
when invitation is received from Delhi by GJMM for holding talk and discussion. Some
portion of deliberation of the meeting and joint press briefing by the leaders of the
thirteen organizations was live telecast by some of the media channels. But West Bengal
units of BJP, Indian National Congress, CPI and Trinmul Congress immediately reacted,
stating that the person putting signature on the resolution were not their representative
and further added that the names of the persons signing in the resolution were not
known them as their members. On the same day the West Bengal Government had also
called an all party meeting in Kolkata at 4 P.M on Darjeeling affairs and probably with an
intention of adopting a Resolution against the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland.
But the main opposition party of West Bengal, Trinmul Congress and another opposition
party SUCI decided for not attending the all party meeting called by the Government on
the ground that GJMM was leading a movement in Darjeeling with a demand of
Gorkhaland and the concerned party that leading the movement was not invited to that
very All Party Meeting. However, the GJMM was invited on 18th June 08 for holding talk
with the government of West Bengal only, but declining the invitation GJMM insisted for
Tripartite Meeting with involvement of government of India. Thus, being pressed from
different sides the All Party Meeting instead of taking resolution against the demand of
Gorkhaland, the chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee again extended invitation to
GJMM for holding talk with the state government. But GJMM was pressing for Tripartite
Talks on the issue of Gorkhaland for which they had been carrying out indefinite strike in
Darjeeling hills and relay hunger strike in Dooars and at some places in Siliguri with
incessant relaxation for sixty hours.
The demand for holding Tripartite Meeting and the on going indefinite strike and
relay hunger strike was seemed to have created an impasse which got further
complicated due to political crisis in Delhi for finalizing the nuclear deal and its vigorous
opposition from the Left Front that was supporting United Progressive Alliance(UPA)
Government. Thus, the national political scenario and rigid stand taken by the Left Front
Government against the demand for Gorkhaland put the GJMM between deep sea and
devil and in order to get rid of the situation that had fallen on them, an announcement of
suspension of indefinite strike till 5th July 08 was made on 24th June 08, evening before
the expiry of sixty hours relaxation as given to the indefinite strike. The announcement
was followed by sending delegations to Delhi and Kolkata led by Rosan Giri and Amar
Lama respectively. The suspension of the strike and sending of delegations, was not
taken very kindly by the people, as most of them had procured food stuffs for the strike
by taking loan and mortgaging ornaments and other saleable items whatever they had at
scrap throw away price just for buying essential items at an exorbitant rate from traders
and shopkeepers. The delegation to New Delhi had met the Union Home Minister,
Shivaraj Patil who is believed to have advised the delegation that "if any cooperation is
needed the union may help the state and others." The Telegraph dated 25th June 08.
The "cooperation of the union" was clear that the Government of India would not do
anything against the wishes of the government of West Bengal. But the GJMM, despite
being aware of the mind of West Bengal Government was trying to have a Tripartite
Meeting by pursuing the matter with the government of West Bengal for which a meeting
was held at the Writers' Building, Kolkata with Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, the chief
minister. After the meeting the chief minister told the press as "I told the morcha that if
we cannot sit together and work out a political solution to the problem in the hills, talks
with the Centre would not be meaningful. So, I appealed to them to go back to Darjeeling
and think again on my proposals for a bipartite discussion. I told the morcha delegation
that we have been staying united for so long and in a peaceful manner. So, why is the
question of the state's division being raised! What for! I had said this at an earlier
meeting with the morcha too". But the Morcha's delegation leader, Amar Lama briefed
the media that "the chief minister told us about granting more powers to the hill council.
But we turned down his proposal and told him that we want Gorkhaland. So in that way
our meeting was not successful. The chief minister did not say that the Centre would not
agree to our demand for statehood, but we categorically told him that the tripartite
meeting should take first and that it was our responsibility to convince the Centre" The
Telegraph dated 28th June 08.
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DOOARS---GEO-POLITICAL REALITY
The area named as Dooars is a geographical region enclosed by Assam,
Darjeeling district, Bhutan and Darjeeling district and Coochbehar district in its Eastern,
Western, Northern and Southern frontiers respectively. The region is the habitat of
Adivashi, Rajbansi, and Nepali speaking Indian Gorkhas, Hindi Speaking Communities,
few Bengali and others. But the Gorkhas and Adivishi-Ranbansi constitute the majority
of the population in Dooars. Dooars today comprises of one hundred and fifty-six tea
gardens, forests with varied flora and fauna and rich natural resources and also Natural
Tourist Spots. The tea gardens started by the British nurtured and nourished with blood
and sweat of the Gorkhas and Adivashi-Rajbansi is a Live Monument of Friendship
between Adivashi-Rajbansi and the Gorkhas even after of one and the passing of one
century and a half century. During such a long course of time the intermingling of the
great and historic nationals, the Nepali Language has become the Lingua-franca of the
region. Many a writer subscribes the presence and influence of Nepali as an immigrant
stating that they were brought there from Nepal by the British for Tea plantation. But
such attribution to the Gorkhas inhabitants of Dooars is seemed to have been based on
the light and superficial academic exercise only. As the history of any place is found to
have started from pre-historic days and continuously extending to modern age and
further to eternity for which Dooars has no exception. The available text in regard to the
history of Dooars also dates back to the age of the Mahabharata. Suniti Kumar
Chatterjee, who is regarded an authority on Ethnology and Language has written that
the Kirat and Chinese soldiers had fought for Kaurav in Mahabharat War. During the
"period of Mahabharata, the king Bhagdutt belonging to Kirat National had extended his
kingdom upto the slopes of the Himalaya embracing the plains that included Assam in its
east and Nepal in the west, under which present Dooars was also included. The Kirat,
according to Col. Dalton, were the inhabitants of North-Eastern Frontiers of India and a
section of it had reached and settled in Assam. Bal Chandra Sharma, an authority in
Nepali Language and Literature writes that the eastern part- Pallo Kirat of Nepal is the
main habitat of Kirat who are mainly divided into Rai and Limbu and further they are subdivided into several castes and subcastes. But they are united into a solid Kirat by blood
and culture. According to celebrated linguist and professor, Dr. Mohan P. Dahal, Rai and
Limbu belonging to Nepali national and its other caste and sub-caste come under the
name as the primitive Kirat or Kiratee who is regarded a distinct mongoloid family".{Man
Narayan Pradhan} Thus, it is clear that there were settlement of Kirat in Dooars since
the age of Mahabharata for which Suniti Kumar Chatterjee's opinion is par excellence
and beyond an iota of doubt, as he has mentioned the settlement of Nepalis in Dooars
since three thousand years. But the extensive increase of Kirat alias today's Nepali
settlement in Dooars could be traced in short as hereunder.
In the year 1788 Nepal had overrun Sikkim and it is natural that the lands won by
way of war were to be kept with discernible population belonging to the victorious
nationals; otherwise the victory may not bear any significance and meaning. Hence, it is
certain that the pressure for extension of Nepali settlement could not be avoided in
Dooars from that very period. Further the historian "Kshitize Vedaalankar is found to
have stated as that SANAYSI SENA (means army in hermitage dress), some had
termed it as Bairagi Seena, was constituted and formed following the famous battle of
PLASSEY in 1757. The damages inflicted to the East India Company by the Sanaysi
Seena have also been mentioned by Bankim Chottopadhya in his novel Annandamath
and Devi Choudhrani. The same Sanaysi Seena led by Bir Syamsingh Basnet had
reached till Dinajpur, Rangpur and Rajshayee in 1776 and on its return in 1782 from
Rangpur they had reached Dooars and Jalpaiguri. This fact also contains in the history
of Cooch Behar". {ibid} The army dressed as Sanaysi were culled and constituted from
Kirat who is known as Nepali in modern parlance. Bhutan is the immediate neighbour of
Dooars and there are historical records of the settlement of Gorkhas in the west and
southern terai of Bhutan since 1614. In the year 1772 Bhutan had attacked Cooch Behar
and had taken it under Bhutan keeping the king and his brother in confinement. The
victory of Bhutan over Cooch Behar is certainly due to the combined strength of army
that constituted of Nepali and Bhutanese subjects. Thus, it is not only highly probable
but also incontrovertible fact for the increase in settlement of Nepali population in Dooars
from that very period. But later on Bhutan was forced to restore the kingdom to the king
of Cooch Behar by releasing the king and his brother at the intervention of the British
East India Company, who were superior in weaponry and warfare tactics. The British,
despite being able in succumbing Bhutan into restoring the erstwhile Kingdom of Cooch
Behar was not contented as it had declared war against Bhutan in 1864 on the pretext of
violation of some conditions arrived at with the British for the restoration of Cooch Behar.
The war ended through a Treaty which is known as Sinchula Treaty 1865 executed in
between British India and Bhutan and the article II of that very Treaty runs as--"Whereas in consequence of repeated aggressions of the Bhootan Government and of
the refusal of that Government to afford satisfaction for those aggressions, and of their
insulting treatment of the officers sent by His Excellency the Governor-General in
Council for the purpose of procuring an amicable adjustment of differences existing
between the two states, the British Government has been compelled to seize by an
armed force the whole of the Dooars and certain Hill Posts protecting the passes into
Bhootan, and whereas the Bhootan Government has now expressed its regret for past
misconduct and a desire for the establishment of friendly relations with the British
Government, it is hereby agreed that the whole of the tract known as the Eighteen
Dooars, bordering on the districts of Rungpoor, Cooch Beher, and Assam, together with
the Talook of Ambaree Fallacottah and the Hill territory on the left bank of the Teesta
upto such points as may be laid down by the British Commissioner appointed for the
purpose is ceded by the Bhootan Government to the British Government for ever." In this
manner the Dooars of those days comprising "Eighteen Dooars, Talook of Ambaree and
Fallacottah" seized by British with armed force from Bhutan and ceded by the later as
per the Treaty of Sinchula 1865 had formed the Geo-political Map of presdent day
Dooars. Further as mentioned in the same article, "the Hill Territory on the left bank of
Teesta upto such points as may be laid down by the British Commissioner appointed for
the purpose" meant the part and parcel of the then Kalimpong, which was a part of
Bhutan but today it is a sub-division of Darjeeling district. Thus, it is crystal clear that
the Lands named as Dooars and Kalimpong along with its people settled there were
dragged into British India in 1865 by way of Sinchula Treaty. But so called historians,
intellectuals, columnists and politicians with scant study of the place and people claim
the Nepali in Dooars as outsiders, illegal settlers, and immigrants and so on. Thus, West
Bengal is the only state in India where the people who had entered along with lands and
had been amalgamated into India are being called immigrants.In 16th century Salem,
America, people who coveted the land of their neighbours simply ‘cried-out’ that they
were, witches and devil worshippers, immediately these neighbours would be tried and
sentenced usually to death, the land would be left to the neighbours. Bengal does the
same by falsely ‘othering’ the aborigines as immigrants/foreigners/outsiders to
appropriate their lands. As a result of such concocted and misconceived notion, the
Gorkhas in India are facing a deep crisis of their identity of Indianess across the country.
Similarly, the Bengali in India would have faced the same situation if there had been no
separate state named as West Bengal with the existence of an Independent country
Bangladesh having free border like that of Nepal with India. In that kind of circumstances
the entire Bengali community of India would not have remained contented and satisfied
with any arrangement other than a Separate State named as West Bengal within India.
This fact could be corroborated that Bengal, Bihar and Orissa were once united as a
single administrative unit Bengal Province but on reasons of national identity and other
related issue they got separated and formed three states of the Indian union. Thus, in
order to safeguard, protect and establish the Indian identity of the Bengali community
they would not have awaited for hundred years with patience and loyalty the rulers of
India as has been done by the Indian Gorkhas. But today Tripura and West Bengal the
two states of Indian union are being ruled by Bengali community and it is an exception
as of today as no other community has a privilege of having two state governments ruled
by people having the same language, culture and ethnic composition in India. Hence, it
is seen that not all but a few chauvinistic Bengalis are fully contented and satisfied to the
brink with those kinds of exceptional political and administrative powers and privileges,
not enjoyed by any other Indian National. This very privileged but unenlightened lot is
unwilling to understand the urges, aspiration about national identity and problems of the
developing compatriots. Hence, the rapacious opposition against the wishes and
sentiments of Indian Gorkhas for having a homeland in India can be termed as the
belching of contentment from political and administrative power as enjoyed by the state
government. Thus, in the manner as stated here above the process of settlement of Kirat
alias today's Gorkhas in Dooars was started from the time of Mahabharata. But with the
march of civilization many twists and turns of the events on the land and its people has
had taken place. The ups and downs course charted by Dooars was the result of the
craving in the minds of the kings who were ruling the countries bordering Dooars for
territorial expansion. But the twist and turn is found to have put at rest by the British due
to their superiority in production, management and arrangement of effective armaments,
ammunition and weapons for warfare against conventional weaponry of the erstwhile
kings bordering the Dooars. However, the British could not enjoy the fruits of their
superiority in armoury, intelligence and diplomacy by embracing all respect in Dooars
after1947 as they were forced to leave India for ever tagging Dooars with West Bengal
against the wishes of the people residing there. Thus, the region on being tagged with
West Bengal after independence of India has been subjected to a sort of a neo-colonial
rule and to get rid of it, the people are seen to be moving from pillar to post in vain. The
suffering of the people and their fight for doing away with the same, if written, it would
compile of voluminous political documents in independent India. Hence, as flashes of the
same, a few lines from the oral submission of Manoj Tigga, president of Dooars Jana
Sangharsa Morcha to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home affairs,
Government of India on 10th January 08 would enable the readers to be abreast of the
gravity of sufferings of the people. As he said "Gorkha and Adivasi are being yoked like
two bulls for ploughing Dooars. We are ploughing land but we have not given rights on
lands and there is no arrangement and system for registration of patta. Hindi is the
medium of learning for us but there is dearth of establishment of primary and secondary
and higher secondary schools. After passing higher secondary stage the students are
not allowed to study in Hindi medium and they are forced either to opt for English or
Bengla as a medium of learning. Further there is no provision of taking Nepali and Hindi
as Elective subjects in Colleges and on making demands for arrangement of the same,
the administration ignoring the demand tell the Adivasis to go to Jharkhand and Nepali to
Nepal. There are ninety eight percent of Nepali and Adivasi in the total work force in the
entire tea gardens of Dooars but in the administration, governance and political level
there is no representation from the two communities. As most of ninety percent of Hindi
and Nepali medium schools are being forcefully converted into Bengala medium and
evidence of it as 5-E is being enclosed with the representation". Further, while making
submission to the same committee on the same date, the general secretary, Manoj
Tamang of Dooars Jana Sangharsa Morcha is found to have deposed as " Madam, the
worker of Dooars is getting fifty rupees as daily wage and if his family consists of four
member then each member will have a share of rupees twelve and fifty paisa and out of
it a member has to afford two Meals and a Tiffin together with the expenses on health,
education and entertainment. Thus, we are living with a sum of rupees twelve and fifty
paisa and it is easy to think how we are surviving in Dooars. In this way the workers of
Dooars are living. There are no other industries except tea garden and the workers do
not have an inch of land on which they could engage for other means of production for
sustenance. At the same time many tea gardens are closed and some of them on being
opened, rations are not given and other benefit and right as mentioned in Plantation
Labour Act are being denied. It is under these conditions that the workers of Tea
gardens in Dooars are made to live. The political parties and Trade unions functioning in
Dooars are seemed to have become a servant of the owners. It is neither the political
parties nor the national parties that could take up the issue of the upliftment of the
exploited as they are being kept suppressed by the ruling party and as a result of it being
forced; we have formed Dooars Jana Sangharsa Morcha. It is our belief through our
experience that until and unless we get political power in our hand in proportion to our
population, our development is not possible, otherwise we would be made to live perforce like animals".
The deprivation, exploitation, suppression and denial of legitimate rights of the
original people of Dooars by the immigrants claiming to be the real inhabitants of the
place has been carrying on in a systematic way, being backed by mechanized politicoadministrative power. As Dooars has five seats to the Legislative Assembly of West
Bengal and one parliamentary constituency to the Lok Sabha of India. All these seats
are reserved for the Tribals but it is only the tribals having total allegiance and dedication
to the plan, programme and policy of the national and state level parties operating in
Dooars are they eligible to get the ticket to be elected as representatives. However,
despite being in the know of plights and sufferings of his kith and kin that form the tribal
community, they were seen to be in no position to raise voices for them due to
inexpressible inhibition. Thus, the representatives from the unit political level to the
Assembly and Parliament seemed to have been fastened by the diktat of the national
and state level political parties, against working and speaking for the communities to
which he/she belongs. However, it is seen externally by the higher ups that they are the
representatives of particular communities for whom they were representing. Thus, the
majority of the people residing in tea gardens and working there have been made a sort
of political machine that produce votes only for ruining their own socio-economic and
political destiny. In this manner democracy has been made into a two edged sword that
but cuts both ways and this is the Janus-face of the Marxist rule of West Bengal. A
Marxist state, where the ill paid and the under-nourished are but substance. The
substance that presses the electronic buttons to ejects the members of the privileged
lobby to the lofty heights of political power. This political power has ensured the stability
of the Left Front Government to create a record of some sorts. Similarly, this is the
sordid tale about the superb technical faculty of the highly advanced and well developed
ruling national over the underdeveloped and socio-educationally backward minority in
the state of West Bengal. Prior to the Emergency rule of Srimati Indira Gandhi,
Darjeeling district together with Mal and Matelli of Dooars comprised one parliamentary
seat to the Lok Sabha. And, it was the only seat in the August House of India's
Parliament having five hundred fifty members in which one Nepali speaking Member of
Parliament was elected by the votes of Nepali speaking electorates. But during
Emergency rule Mal and Matelli of Dooars was chopped off from Darjeeling and the
district was tagged with Islampur and Chopra predominantly inhabitated by Muslim
voters this has been formed as 4-Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency. In this way the
Darjeeling Parliamentary Seat for Lok Sabha has been made into an invincible battle
field for any candidate to get elected, without the support and votes from Nepali and
Muslim majority community, together with the Bengali and Hindi speaking electorates
that form the minority. Thus, in such dispensation, the chances of sending one
representative from amongst Nepali speaking electorates have been sealed for ever.
The crookedly designed and politically innovated dispensation has tactfully ensured the
victory of candidate belonging to the national parties only for representing to the Lok
Sabha. The elected candidate in spite of being from Nepali speaking community would
not be able to take care of the socio-political aspiration of Nepali speaking people in the
parliament of India, on account of the guideline of the national party towards Darjeeling
and its people. In this manner, in the democratic set up of the largest democracy of the
world, the socio-political aspiration of Nepali speaking people of Darjeeling has been
chained in a subtle way but it is seen successful democratic participation from other
corners of India. Similarly, Siliguri and Phasideva the two Assembly segments of 4Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency, from where till late 1960 member to West Bengal
Legislative Assembly were used to be elected from the Nepali speaking community, but
today the naked fact has become like an allegory. And, recently a reportage carried by
Local Daily that in the name of delimitation of constituencies "Siliguri sub-division which
is smaller than Kalimpong and Darjeeling in area has been given one more seat and it
has now three Assembly seats to the West Bengal Assembly. The Delimited
Constituencies are Siliguri, Phansideva and Matigara-Naxalbari with 1, 61575/, 1, 43296/
and 1, 61750 voters respectively", (The Himalaya Darpan dated 22 June 08, published
from Siliguri). But Darjeeling hills comprising three sub-divisions, despite making
representations and waiting upon the Delimitation Commission with memorandum for
increasing the Assembly seats has been kept unaltered and limited with three seats,
namely 22, Kalimpong 23, Darjeeling and 24, Kurseong Assembly segments with
1,60000+,175000+and 170000+ voters respectively, (As per 2005 Electoral Roll). There
are several Assembly Constituencies in different states of India with or less than one
lakh voters. The Himalayan State, Sikkim is the immediate neighbouring state of
Darjeeling and the Himalayan State has Assembly Constituencies with less than twenty
thousand voters, In consideration of Geo-political and ethnical aspects, as well as
logistic and strategic point of view, the allotment of twelve to fifteen Assembly
Constituencies for Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars would have been in the best interest of
the nation. But the ruler of the nation and the bureaucracy ensconced in the ivory tower
seemed to have ignored the Chicken-neck of Eight States of North East India probably
being influenced by the higher diplomacy and manoeuvrings of the chicken-hearted
advanced, developed and erudite chauvinistic national ruling the state of West Bengal.
Further, Siliguri Municipality was formed for the first time in 1950 and it was
headed by a Nepali speaking representative. But it has been converted into Siliguri
Municipal Corporation in 1990 with forty seven councillors, where not a single Nepali
speaking citizen was elected as councillor, as a result of subtle policy and programme of
national party ruling the state of West Bengal. Likewise there is the Zilla Parisad in
Jalpaiguri district for which there are provisions to elect six members from Dooars
region. But in proportion to the Nepali speaking population that constitute thirty eight
percent of the total populace has also not been adequately represented in the Zilla
Parisad since its formation in 1978.
The Nepali speaking community in Dooars is a developing national mostly
concentrated in the Tea Gardens. It is a universal socio-political fact that every
developed and developing national aspire to have their national esteem to be protected
and in so doing they seek their own system of governance, that could be compatible for
social, cultural, educational, economical and political development in an unhindered way.
And, the political parties throughout the world strive and also help people to stand on
their own feet for the ultimate realization of the five objectives as mentioned above. It is
also an accepted fact that the right to pursue, in the social, cultural, educational,
economical fields, and political development in a suitable way, are regarded to be the
Liberty of people as introduced by the French Revolution which was the first of its kind in
the history of human civilization. The French Revolution was followed by the formation of
nation states with the birth of Democracy in the world. Hence, the Rights and Liberties
are found to have been entwined in the Constitutions of Democratic countries, following
the periods of the French Revolution. Another greatest political event was the Russian
Revolution that had also given utmost impetus to the liberation of the exploited and
suppressed nationals in the world. Recently the abolition of two and half century old
monarchy in Nepal is being claimed as the victory of DEMOCRACY. Thus democracy
and institutionalization of democracy has been forming a way of life of developing and
developed nationalities. India, after its independence has also drafted and adopted one
of the most capacious and lengthiest constitutions for the second largest population of
the world. India being armed with the voluminous constitution is in the present day
context recognized as the Largest Democratic Country in the world. Hence, it is natural
for the people living since the dawn of civilization in the region comprising Darjeeling,
Terai and Dooars to have an aspiration to be governed as per the provisions of the
lengthiest constitution of the world by rummaging its pages for deliverance from the
exploitation, suppression, harassment, denial suffered at the hands of compatriots ruling
the state.
The Communist Party of India (Marxists) regards V.I.Lenin as their political deity,
as he was one of the greatest revolutionaries in the history of human civilisation. The
leader of Russian revolution and founder of United Socialist Soviet Republic,(USSR)
Lenin, while founding the USSR by honouring and assuaging the feelings and
sentiments of different nationalities had asserted that the willingness of the national
minorities to remain with the big and advanced nationality will depend on the role and
attitude of the latter towards former. But the followers and worshippers of Lenin in West
Bengal by ignoring the very Assertion of Lenin have formed their own collective belief,
opinion and view that fits in the scheme of their prerogative to rule the national minority
in a way and manner as determined by them without taking care and concern for the
wishes and desires of the minority. Hence, some ministers, bureaucrats and well read
intellectuals but informed with parochialism and belonging to a section of the Bengali
community describe the demand of the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland as
per the provision of the Indian Constitution in force as SECESSION, DIVISION OF
BENGAL, A DESIGN OF GREATER NEPAL, CONSPIRACY OF IMPERIALISTS TO
DESTABLISE INDIA, ACT OF EXTREMISM AND SO ON. They never want to discuss
the historical, geographical, ethnical, political and constitutional aspects of the demand
but rather they express their willingness and readiness by giving money and some
power in the form of autonomy to remain under them instead of forming a separate state
of Gorkhaland, as per the provision of the Indian constitution. Professing to be Marxists
they suffer from the imperialistic ambitions, and sham 'white-man’s burden'. In order to
lord over them, they are even willing and ready to grant and confer a sort of mechanism
which doesn't fall within the scope of the constitution of India for which the Government
of West Bengal was seen to the rigorously persuading to effect a change in the spirit of
the Indian Constitution. And surely, it was the most unfortunate event in the history of
post independent India, when the central government at the behest of West Bengal
State, attempted to extend the provision of the sixth schedule of Indian Constitution to
Darjeeling - where the overwhelming population is that of the non-tribal. On the contrary
as per the constitution of India, it is crystal clear that the said provision is solely meant
for the tribals of the North East.
The Government of West Bengal directly ignoring the established and readymade
provision of the Indian Constitution's Article 1-3C, under which a separate state can be
easily formed has time and again procrastinated the procedure, by offeriing poor
alternatives as options. Such alternatives that tend to further reduce the actual size of
Darjeeling by carving out the Dooars and Siliguri from its original ambit. The same is not
compatible to uphold the spirit of the constitution. In relevance to the resent day context
of the overall situation, the Bengal Government is expected to be, democratic and more
realistic. Hence, the Bengal Government on no account should give the impression that
it is suffering from a serious syndrome of colonial hangover.

Come, then, comrades; it would be as well to decide at once to change our ways.
We must shake off the heavy darkness in which we are plunged, and leave it behind.
The new day which is already at hand must find us firm, prudent and resolute.
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
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ANNEXURE I
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2.
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3.
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5.
6.
7.
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9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
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35.
36.
37.
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