Historical-Cultural Context
Ruiz (1998) stated in her book From Out of the Shadows, “[a]lthough many scholars
recognize the 1960s and 1970s as the era for the modern feminist movement, they have left
Chicanas out of their stories” (p. 100). History rarely speaks of the efforts and strides made by
Chicana women during their feminist movement as their own cause; instead, all women are
seemingly represented in the modern feminist movement. However, although Chicanas were
inspired by the modern feminist movement and did take part in their efforts, they ultimately felt
that their stories, their suffrage, their oppression was not the same. Instead, Chicanas felt they
had suffered a double discrimination: one for being Mexican, and two for being a woman. As a
result of this sentiment, Chicanas banded together and created a feminist movement of their own,
the Chicana feminist movement.
The Chicana feminist movement was highly influenced by both the Chicano movement
and second wave feminism. The Chicano movement “called for an end to the oppression of
Chicanos – discrimination, racism, poverty – goals which Chicanas supported unequivocally, but
it did not propose basic changes in male-female relations or in the overall status of women”
(Mirandé & Enríquez, 1979, p.234). Therefore, the Chicana feminist movement was also highly
influenced by second wave feminists who sought “for women the same opportunities and
privileges [that] society g[a]ve to men” (Evans, 1995, p. 2). Consequently, in order to fully
understand the historical context that surrounded the article written by Mirta Vidal (1971)
entitled Women: New Voice of La Raza, which addressed the Chicana feminist movement, it is
also essential to discuss the two movements that highly influenced and shaped their movement:
the Chicano movement and second wave feminism.
2
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement was a continuation of the Mexican-American Civil Rights
Movement that took place in the 1940s, which sought educational, social, and political equality
in the United States for Mexican-Americans (Blea, 1977). Additionally, according to Escobar
(1993), the black civil rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s reignited the 1940’s MexicanAmerican Civil Rights efforts as they refocused public attention on the issue of racial
discrimination. Moreover, the black power movement developed the concept of nationalism,
which utilized racial identity as a source of pride. Chicanos borrowed this concept and “created
the concept of cultural nationalism, which became the ideological underpinning for the Chicano
movement” (p. 1486).
According to Asunclow-Lande (1976), a large portion of the Chicano Movement focused
on the rhetoric of identity and integration. Chicanos wanted to be identified as equal to their
Anglo counterparts without sacrificing their pride in their language, history, culture, and race.
More specifically, the Chicano movement, emulating the goals of black civil rights efforts,
developed four general goals for their movement, according to Escobar:
[Chicanos sought] to maintain pride in Mexican Americans’ cultural identity; to foster a
political understanding that Mexican Americans were an oppressed and exploited
minority group; to use the [sic] ethnic pride and the sense of exploitation to forge a
political movement through which Chicanos would empower themselves; and finally, to
force white society to end the discriminatory practices that restricted Chicanos’ lives.
(p.1492)
In order to obtain these goals, many important organizations were developed to focus on
the oppression and inequality experienced by Chicanos throughout the United States. Some of
3
the most important organizations that developed were the Educational Issues Coordinating
Committee, which focused on the reformation of public schools, the United Mexican American
Students and the Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán, which focused on Mexican
American access to higher education, the Brown Berets, who were often compared to the Black
Panthers, which focused on issues of education, health care, and police brutality. Additionally,
La Raza Unida party was formed, which attempted to form a third political party to address
Chicano concerns (Escobar, 1993), and civil rights leader Cesar Chavez’s efforts were aimed at
creating a Farm Workers Labor union, which would secure safer working conditions and higher
wages for farm workers (Chicano!, 2000).
These organizations worked together to “influence the social systems that ha[d]
perpetuated social injustices” (Aguirre, 1972, p. 2). Demonstrations to pursue the above
mentioned goals ranged from quiet protest to violent demonstrations. Regardless, all efforts
sought to free the Chicano from a discriminating society, and to recreate a Chicano identity that
was free from the margins of society, and treated equally in all spheres of life.
Second Wave Feminism
As the ‘first wave’ of the feminist movement “succeeded in achieving a significant
victory – that of enfranchising women within the political and legal system” (Whelehan, 1995, p.
4), which ultimately secured women the right to vote, the ‘second wave’ of the feminist
movement sought “for women the same opportunities and privileges [that] society g[a]ve to
men” (Evans, 1995, p. 2). In essence, ‘second wave’ feminist women “believed that men and
women are equal and [that women] should have equal respect and opportunities in all spheres of
life – personal, social, work, and public” (Wood, 2008, p. 323). Additionally, second wave
feminists evaluated the effects of a patriarchal organization, which inheritably embedded
4
inequality into their private lives. Due to this inequality, second wave feminists fought to
incorporate change in this sphere of their lives, as well (Whelehan, 1995).
According to Evans (1995), early second-wave feminism took on two forms of equality.
The first was more liberal, and began with the Presidential Commission of 1960, and The
Feminine Mystique. The second form was more radical and emerged from the 1960’s New Left,
and the movement for black civil rights. Regardless, it is noted that both sought for an element
of sameness, which asserted that “men and women are and could be the same, and equal or
capable of being equal once stereotypes [of women were] changed or barriers [were] removed”
(p. 14).
In the late 1960’s, according to MacLean (2006), due to the increasing support of the
women’s liberation, “the ranks of women activist surged, their supporters multiplied many times
over, and the pace of the reform accelerated” (p. 19). As a result of the increasing support, many
women’s groups and political forces began to form as they worked actively towards establishing
change. Among the organizations formed was the National Women’s Coordinating Committee,
which was known for encompassing all vying feminist positions and the Women’s Aid
Federation. Both organizations developed platforms that included the following issues: equal
pay, equal education and job opportunities, birth control and abortion, and childcare (Whelehan,
1995).
A few years later, MacLean (2006) notes that women “won protection from employment
discrimination, inclusion in affirmative action, abortion law reform, greater representation in
media, equal school access to athletics, congressional passage of an Equal Rights Amendment,
and much more” (p. 19). Second wave feminism was enjoying its share of success, and continued
to make advances as far into the late 1980’s and early 1990s (Whelehan, 1995).
5
Chicana Feminist Movement
Initially, Chicana women were inspired by the efforts of white feminists. Chicanas also
wanted to fight against gender inequality and the domineering patriarchal system; however, they
soon realized that they must create their own identity as their Anglo counterparts refused to
address racial and class inequalities as part of their movement. As a result of this refusal,
Chicanas began to see the movement as a White middle-class movement only. Being that
Chicanas saw themselves as Chicanos first, and women second, they separated from the
established feminist movement and created their own, which is now known as the Chicana
Feminist Movement (Exploring the Chicana, n.d.).
The Chicana Feminist Movement, also referred to as Xicanism, served as a middle
ground between the Chicano Movement and the Women’s Liberation Movement.
The
Women’s Liberation Movement sought to establish for women a position of equality in a male
driven world. The Chicano movement sought educational, social, and political equality in the
United States for Mexican-Americans (Blea, 1977). The Chicana Feminist Movement sought to
do both. Chicana feminist wanted to establish social, cultural, and political identities for
themselves in America (Blea, 1977), but also sought to establish an identity for themselves in
their own culture, in their own household. Flores (1996) stated that the Chicana feminist often
felt alienated and isolated, and longed for a space and home in which they belonged.
In 1969, the Chicana Feminist Movement began to take form as a result of the 1969
Chicano Youth Liberation Conference, which was held in Denver, CO and was sponsored by the
Crusade for Justice. In attendance were more than 1500 young men and women (Ruiz, 1998). It
was at this conference that Chicano issues first gained a national platform. Moreover, it was at
this conference that women began to participate in male-dominated dialogues. Additionally, this
6
conference provided a venue for women to rally together to address feminist concerns that
consisted of both racism and sexism. As a result of this conference, it is noted that women went
back to their communities as activists; thus, signifying the beginning of the Chicana Feminist
Movement (Exploring the Chicana, n.d.).
By 1971, in Houston, Texas, at La Conferencia de Mujeres Por La Raza (First National
Chicana Conference), Chicana women were speaking out with a distinct feminist platform.
Issues included on the platform included: “free legal abortions and birth control in the Chicano
community be provided and controlled by Chicanas, higher education, for acknowledgement of
the Catholic Church as an instrument of oppression, for companionate equalitarian marriage, and
for child care arrangements to ensure women’s involvement in the movement” (Ruiz, 1998, p.
108).
Being that these issues, as well as the movement, were controversial in nature, it was
evident that the Chicana Feminist Movement was highly scrutinized. The Chicana cause needed
help. In order to help strengthen and advance the Chicana cause, it was necessary for someone
to help legitimize the claims of the movement. This necessity for legitimacy is what prompted
Vidal to write about the cause in her article Women: New Voice of La Raza. However, due to
Vidal’s professional affiliations and personal allegiances to certain political ideologies, her
article could have perhaps done very little for those who either disagreed or dismissed the cause.
Rhetor/Author
According to Studer (2004), Vidal was born in Argentina in 1949 and migrated to the
United States as a youth. In the late 1960s, Vidal joined the Socialist Workers Party, which
marked the beginning of a lifelong pursuit to educate individuals on socialism, and later
communism.
7
Studer asserts that Vidal’s experiences regarding the following movements influenced her
to join the communist movement:
She was a part of a generation that was deeply affected by the rising tide of revolutionary
struggles throughout the Americas in the wake of the 1959 Cuban Victory, the depth and
tenacity of the national liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people, and the mass
proletarian movement for Black rights in the United States that gave impetus to struggles
by Chicanos and other oppressed nationalities, as well as to the movement for women’s
emancipation exploding onto the political scene at the time. (para. 2)
Vidal’s passion to educate individuals regarding communism lead her to join the
following organizations: United States Committee for Justice to Latin American Political
Prisoners, Young Socialist Alliance where she served as national director of the Chicano and
Latino Work, and the Socialist Workers Party. According to Studer, Vidal was attracted to these
organization’s political perspectives of the revolutionary working-class, therefore dedicating her
life to establishing and advancing their missions.
Professionally, Vidal held many writing assignments with various magazines rooted in
socialist and communist ideologies. Initially, Vidal served on the staff of the Militant where she
wrote on political developments in the United States and Latin America. Additionally, in the
Militant, Vidal wrote a regular column on the Chicano struggle entitled La Raza en acción.
Additionally, in 1971, Pathfinder published a pamphlet by Vidal entitled Chicano Liberation and
Revolutionary Youth. Moreover, Pathfinder also published her pamphlet entitled Chicanas
Speak Out: New Voice of La Raza.
In 1973, Vidal held a writing assignment with Socialist Workers Party leader Ed Shaw.
This assignment took them both to Argentina to cover the presidential campaigns. In 1977,
8
Vidal became the first editor of Perspectiva Mundial, the Militant’s Spanish-language sister
magazine, where she helped to establish high standards for translation and reporting. Studer
(2004) states that Vidal “developed her abilities as an organizer and learned the importance of
accurate translation, the bedrock for learning and sharing political experiences and views among
equals” (p. 6).
Ultimately, Vidal’s chronic health problems led her to drop her memberships in the
Socialist Workers Party in the 1980’s. However, as much as her health would allow, Vidal
continued to support and participate in the party’s political campaigns until her death in 2004.
Because of Vidal’s background, it is evident why she chose to cover the Chicana
Feminist Movement and write Women: New Voice of La Raza. Being a member of both the
communist and socialist movements, Vidal was able to recognize similar plights and struggles
inherent in the Chicana Feminist Movement from others she covered throughout her career.
Additionally, because of Vidal’s assignments as a writer and editor of various socialist and
communist magazines, her name had been well established, which brought a highly level of
credibility to what she wrote, therefore establishing the Chicana movement as a valid cause
among readers who readily accepted Vidal’s opinions as the truth.
However, the very things that established Vidal as a credible writer among the socialist
and communist communities could possibly have been her downfall with the rest of the world.
Communism and socialism were supported only by a loyal few in the United States. Others
feared the implications that these governmental ideologies would bring. Therefore, for Vidal to
be known as a socialist and communist supporter, her credibility and the worth of her writings
could have possibly plummeted among those resistant to socialism and communism.
Additionally, since Vidal’s name was now attached to The Chicana movement, the ability to
9
reach other individuals and persuade them to support this cause could have become problematic
for now the Chicana cause could have been interpreted as left wing or an extension of a socialist
or communistic movement.
Audience
As established through the historical discussion, both the modern feminist movement and
the Chicano movement contained a level of controversy. For both movements, clear supporters
existed; however, there were also many individuals who resisted the platforms that both
organizations established. Therefore, in order to advance the cause of the Chicana feminist
movement, the rhetor, Vidal, was faced with the task of targeting three parts of society. First,
Vidal was tasked with reaching avid supporters in order to encourage them to continue their
allegiance. Secondly, Vidal was tasked with reaching those individuals who opposed the
Chicana cause. Lastly, Vidal was tasked with reaching the segment of the audience that had no
opinion regarding the cause hoping to persuade them to join the ranks of the supporters.
The initial empirical audience of Vidal’s article Women: The New Voice of La Raza was
made up of readers of the International Socialist Review (ISR). From 1956-1975, the ISR was a
Trotskyite publication produced by the Socialist Worker Party, and also functioned as a
supplement to the organization’s weekly newspaper, The Militant. According to the
International Socialist Organization (ISO) website, the ISR is a publication that many of their
members subscribe to. Additionally, the ISO website indicates that the ISR is a magazine that
has a political allegiance to socialism and Marxism (ISO, n.d.). Therefore, although
demographical data is not available regarding subscribers, inferences can be made based on the
magazine’s political ideologies regarding the characteristics of ISR subscribers. By making these
inferences, it is obvious that the majority of the empirical audience reached by Vidal were
10
socialist and Marxists supporters. Therefore, by publishing in the ISR, Vidal was able to reach
the part of society that may have already been accepting of the Chicana cause, and was also able
to reach readers that had no previous opinion regarding the Chicana feminist movement. Being
that Vidal was a well-known and well-received socialist voice, it was probably easy for her to
persuade these subscribers that the Chicana cause was worthy of their support, or if they were
already supporters, she was able to strengthen their opinions regarding the cause.
A second target audience that Vidal was trying to reach through her article was those that
opposed the Chicana feminist movement. However, although it would have been ideal for Vidal
to reach this audience, the possibility of doing so was rare being that the article was published in
a magazine that more than likely conflicted with their views; therefore, they were not likely
subscribers to the ISR. Therefore, opponents, more than likely, never viewed the article.
A third target audience that Vidal was trying to reach consisted of those individuals with
no opinion. However, a similar problem existed. Unless those individuals read the ISR, it was
not likely that they would be exposed to the article; therefore, they would continue with no
opinion or an opinion would be formed based on alternative data and information offered by an
alternate source.
Ultimately, the analysis of the audience indicates that Vidal may have been preaching to
the choir. Therefore, instead of gaining supporters and converting opponents, Vidal instead was
limited to strengthening the allegiance of current supporters. Although this was an important in
retaining the current state of the movement, it is possible that it did not strengthen nor advance
the Chicana feminist movement. Possible stagnancy could have stemmed from competing
persuasive forces that existed.
Competing Persuasive Forces
11
Competing persuasive forces that worked contradictory to Vidal’s goal, to legitimize the
Chicana cause and gain supporters, can be seen both internally and externally. Internally, the
Chicana cause met resistance from inside the Chicano culture. Externally, the Chicana cause met
resistance from the media, and by opponents outside of the culture that disagreed with the
movements as they were seen as part of or highly influenced by the Chicano movement and
modern feminist movement.
Internally, many Chicana women were discouraged from joining the Chicana feminist
movement as they were told that they were dividing the Chicano movement and were being
selfish in putting themselves before their families. Additionally, many Chicana women were
discouraged to join the movement by other Chicana women as they were told that “there was no
need for a separate movement [because the movement was] Anglo inspired and could only work
to split Chicanos” (Mirandé & Enríquez, 1979, p. 237). Moreover, Chicano men also worked
internally to discourage the joining of the movement. Many Chicano men accused Chicana
feminists as being bra burners or man haters and agabachadas (“Anglocized”) (1979).
Externally, the Chicana movement had to survive its negative portrayal in the media. In
the media, the Chicana movement may not have been individually covered; however, its
connection to the Chicano movement and modern feminist movement made it a logical extension
of the Black Civil Rights movement, which was highly resisted among opponents and skeptics.
Additionally, media also consistently portrayed feminist as man haters.
As a result of the internal and external persuasive forces, Vidal’s goal to legitimize the
Chicana movement was a difficult one. Additionally, being that Vidal was only able to express
her views via a socialist magazine, opponents and undecided individuals were more likely held
captive to the media portrayal of the Chicana cause than to those provided by Vidal.
12
Review of Relevant Literature
Just as the Chicana movement encountered problems trying to establish an identity of its
own, the same has occurred regarding the scholarship devoted by critics to exploring the rhetoric
surrounding the Chicana movement. Aside from a few articles that address Chicana’s rhetoric
independently (e.g., Enoch, 2005), most is seemingly represented in the analysis surrounding
both the Chicano movement and second wave feminist rhetoric.
Rhetoric of the Chicano Movement
Although more literature has been published regarding the Chicano movement than the
Chicana feminist movement, it is still sparse. Many of the articles that do exist analyze the
rhetoric produced by Cesar Chavez and Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales. Both men have been said to
have contributed significantly to the Chicano movement as leaders; therefore, making their
oration worthy of study.
Chavez, founder and president of the United Farm Workers, has been praised as one of
the twentieth century’s greatest orators. Due to his ability to persuade many labor workers to
unite and demand change, his strategies are often analyzed (e.g., Hammerback & Jensen, 1980,
Hammerback & Jensen, 1994, Jensen, Burkholder, & Hammerback, 2003, and Zompetti, 2006,).
Similarly, author of Yo Soy Joaquin, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales, was also known to have
significantly contributed to the Chicano movement through the use of his rhetoric, which also
united La Raza. Jensen and Hammerback (1982) examined Gonzales’ public addresses as he
sought to improve the lives of Chicanos. Analysis found that Gonzales’ substantive themes,
primary audience, and rhetorical techniques separated him from other, less influential, Chicano
leaders.
13
More generally speaking, Powers (1973) sought to establish presuppositions pertinent to
the understanding of the Chicano movement. Powers, recognizing that the Chicano movement
was significant in its persuasive efforts to unite, established five axioms that were inherent in
unification rhetoric established in the Chicano movement: the feeling of oppression, La Raza, the
robbery of conquered people, Huelga, and Aztlán. Additionally, Delgado (1995) surveyed
Chicano movement rhetoric and argued that the unification of Chicanos was established through
key documents that created and rooted their political ideologies as presented in El Plan
Espiritual de Aztlán and El Plan de Santa Barbara.
Although the above literature addresses unification rhetoric that appears to have
surrounded the Chicano movement, and that unification was also a key factor in the Chicana
movement, it does not address the rhetoric that surrounded the Chicana movement regarding
their rights as women. Therefore, I will turn to a review of second wave feminist rhetoric to
address this portion of their movement.
Rhetoric of Second Wave Feminism
Dow (2005) asserts that in rhetorical studies, the second wave has received less attention
than that received by the first wave. She attributes this fact to the notion that the first wave fit so
well into the traditional public address paradigm; whereas, the second wave does not. Due to
this fact, Dow notes that second wave is a “messier movement, and the rhetorical scholarship
devoted to it is smaller and less cohesive” (p. 90). Additionally, Dow notes that the
“fragmentation and general absence of second wave scholarship in rhetorical studies reflects the
elusive nature of the movement itself” (p. 90). However, some scholars have attempted to
“incorporate women into the rhetorical tradition and to develop critical perspectives and theory
14
better suited to understand women’s discourse during the second wave of feminism” (Campbell,
2001, p. 9).
According to Campbell (2001), initial efforts were established through the recovery of
women’s texts, which provided the material for anthologies of speeches by women (e.g.,
Anderson, 1984; Kennedy & O’Shields, 1983), social-movement analysis of women’s rights
(e.g., Campbell, 1989), and documents that evaluate women’s petitioning activities (University
of Wisconsin, 1997).
Furthermore, Campbell (2005) also noted that some scholars contributed their time to
establishing critical perspectives and theories to enlarge the understanding of women’s rhetoric.
As an example, Campbell discusses how Lynne Derbyshire’s (University of Maryland, 1997)
dissertation explored the “prior discourse that created an alternative subject position for women
that allowed the constitutive rhetoric of the Seneca Falls Convention to succeed” (p.10).
Furthermore she noted how Browne (2000) analyzed women’s discourse to show how an identity
or signature was symbolically channeled into moral reform.
Aside from critical perspectives and theories, Campbell introduces a wealth of literature
published in articles that deal with second wave feminism:
Carol Blair alone has written incisive critiques of traditional rhetorical theory. Carol
Jablonski has written about the efforts of Catholic women; Suzanne Daughton is the new
editor of Women’s Studies in Communication; she has written on Angelina Grimké and
generally on women’s political rhetoric. Helen Shark has authored and edited works on
the construction of gender . . . Celeste M. Condit has published books on abortion
rhetoric . . . Mari Boor Tonn has written extensively on the rhetoric of women in the
labor movement. (p. 11)
15
Although providing a list of published journal articles, Campbell (2005) again notes that
although a handful of articles can be found regarding women’s rhetoric from the second wave of
feminism, “feminist rhetorical theory is in its infancy in communication studies” (p. 11). This
infancy can be exhibited through the lack of scholarship devoted to rhetoric surrounding the
Chicana feminist movement. Although, as time passes, efforts are being made to include the
rhetoric of subgroups, such as Blacks and Chicanas as established in Roth (2003) book entitled
Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America’s
Second Wave.
Conclusion
Although in rhetorical studies Chicana movement rhetoric is sparse, one attempts to
understand its context through the scholarship devoted to both the Chicano and second wave
feminist movements. However, it remains equally important for scholars to devote their time
and efforts to studying the rhetoric surrounding the Chicana feminist movement, for it is through
this scholarship that the Chicana feminist rhetoric can gain its own identity and begin to stand on
its own.
16
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