Funeral Rites of Police Work
A View of the Occupational Culture of Police Work through their Funeral Rites
Kenneth Carlson
Submitted to the Faculty in the Sociology and Anthropology Department
University of La Verne
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN SOCIOLOGY
Advisor: Monica Argandoña
May, 2012
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Funeral Rites of Police Work
Abstract
Funeral rituals are performances with a functional purpose of liturgical substance containing palpable
emotion and latent declarations of the values of a social group. The occupational culture of Police Work,
although public, is difficult to view and understand, as it is enigmatic and complex. However, it is my
opinion that the law enforcement community can be effectively viewed through their funeral rites. This
research attempts to verify this hypothesis by delving into this subculture to determine the most
commonly practiced traditions of police funerals and comparing these findings to the common practices
of contemporary American memorials. This research revealed the distinct identity and unique culture of
Police Work with an intricate and complicated socialization process, and its own unique set of funeral
rituals. It appears that there is a hierarchy of police funerals. The magnitude of a law enforcement
member’s funeral was directly correlated to the manner of their death.
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Officer Simmons was a 27 year veteran of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD)
Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) team. On February 7, 2008, his life was ended by an
assailant who shot a bullet through his neck as he heroically attempted to shield Officer
Veenstra, his long-time partner and fellow SWAT team member, with his own body. Officer
Simmons and his partners had been searching for a suspect and potential victims, who were
ultimately found dead, within a single family residence (Hayes, 2008).
Officer Simons was a deeply religious man who was devoted to his family and dedicated
to his community. His life impacted and influenced many persons as evidenced by the enormity
of his funeral. More than 10,000 persons, including hundreds of uniformed members of law
enforcement agencies from across the nation, attended this officer’s three hour long funeral. It
was preceded by a lengthy procession that included bagpipes, and nearly innumerable marked
police units, which seized traffic in a notable portion of the city. It was a momentous event that
affected an entire region. The governor and numerous other public figures attended but the most
notable and representative of the police work subculture was Officer James Veenstra. His face
was still swollen from the serious bullet wound to his jaw that he received during the attack that
killed his partner (Rubin, 2008). The reaction of the anonymous officers in attendance, the mere
presence of Officer Veenstra, the incorporated mourning of the broader community, and the
details of the funeral rite itself, provides a glimpse into the collective soul of the law enforcement
officer.
Ritual
Rituals converge a broad spectrum of human socialization processes. They are
ceremonial, representational, and functional. They give clues as to what is valued by a
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community. More directly, rituals are regularly recurrent performances established by biological
and social rhythms of a given society or culture that are often presented in special settings or
places. Additionally, rituals are meant to transmit messages to audiences both externally and
internally (Rappoport, 1999).
Rituals have common features. With that being said, it must be emphasized that rituals
are performances of liturgical substance and not emotionally arid recitations of beliefs and
values. Latent and overt messages are woven into their typically elaborate and rich activity
which is set in a formal and predetermined framework. Their punctiliousness implies invariance
but it is understood that all things are subject to missteps and are susceptible to change. Lastly,
rituals are functional and efficacious. They provide qualitative benefits to the members of a
culture as exampled in the pride-filled transitional rites of manhood or the facilitation of
mourning through funeral rites (Rappoport, 1999).
Organizational Rituals
Rituals are the milieu of religious life and religion interconnects the individual to the
mass social conscience. Their performances convey accepted ideals and mores while mediating
between the potentially conflicting desires of the individual and the broader culture (Allen,
1998). Religious rituals are the most visible, easily recognizable, and historically connected,
aspect of societal behavior.
As previously stated, the process of message dissemination during the performance of
ceremonial rites is simultaneously direct and indirect. As a part of the symbolic realm, the
participants subconsciously and instinctually communicate collective values via subtle details.
Rituals can be affected through nearly indiscernible movements or unintended nonverbal cues
Funeral Rites of Police Work
such as the disapproving glance of a person of significance (Piette, 2010). Subconscious
psychosocial influences are undeniably a weighty factor of societal and organizational
communication. The liturgy found within a ritual, being the primary direct component and an
array of often religiously laden accouterments providing the symbolic messages. The effect of
this element of societal interaction diffuses into segmented social domains of culture such as the
work place (Schultz, 1991).
Organizational rituals are enactments of established organizational values and serve as a
means to develop occupational culture. All organizational rituals are preplanned and
repetitiously performed events that are aimed at the collective. They are intentionally grand and
highly ceremonial in nature in order to emphasize the importance of the message given and set
them apart from day to day activity. Organizational rituals are highly ordered despite the
difficulty in managing a variety of disconnected logistical elements related to these types of
events. The performance should be of such a quality as to draw all involved into the experience
(Islam, 2009). This experience strengthens, deepens solidarity, and provides a visual
representation of an occupational work group’s culture (Piette, 2010).
A specific type of organizational performance is Rites of Integration (Islam, 2009).
Integration rites differ from other styles of public expression in that they are not meant to
transmit values. Their purpose is to create and enhance communal bonds. The wearing of
uniforms builds a sense of unity, masks individuality and lessens the social effect of
stratification. The end product of these rituals is an increased personal and organizational
commitment to established ideologies (Islam, 2009). The funeral of Officer Simmons was an
example of a Rite of Integration.
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Funeral Rituals
Funeral rites have the purpose of marking the transition of an individual from a living and
integral member of a community to another state of being as defined by religious or other
sociocultural means. Beyond the functionality of processing the body, funeral rites provide a
means for collective and personal expression of sorrow (Hockings, 2010). Funerals are elaborate
and emotional events thick with symbolism and stated meanings (Giblin, 2006).
From a community perspective, funeral rituals can be seen as a counter-cultural event.
Members of modern societies are typically acculturated into the mindset that death is a taboo
subject. Euphemistic language is used to refer to the deceased and discomfort is minimized
though the expectation that those involved will rapidly manage their grief. The structure of
funeral rites aids in this process by creating a sense of order (Giblin, 2006).
In an actual or constructed familial sense, such as in the occupational culture of police
work, the effect of death is more volatile. The loss of a close associate or loved one evokes an
“emotional shockwave,” (Bowen, 1991) and the funeral rite provides an opportunity for those
affected to cope with their loss and find peace. Additionally, the grieving family is made aware
that they a part of an interconnected and extended societal household composed of their
immediate relatives, their church in whatever form that may be, and their community (Giblin,
2006).
Modern American Memorial
Modern Americans are living in an environment of ever increasing isolation. This
isolation is the combined effect of our rapid pace of existence, mobility, and electronically
facilitated means of communication, which primarily creates impersonal, shallow, and ephemeral
Funeral Rites of Police Work
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associations. These factors also weaken traditional relationships as socioeconomic forces draw
individuals away from their extended family in search of employment and affordable lining
conditions. All of this fosters an environment where immediate neighbors are near strangers and
the connection to religious institutions is nearly nonexistent. As a result the persons close to
death are hidden away in sterile hospital rooms and impersonal nursing homes. In the aftermath,
of death, the survivors are less likely to have the necessary support to effectively cope with their
loss (Rando, 1991).
A backlash to the previously described effects of the post-modern life style caused a shift
in social norms. American lifestyle and demographic changes shifted the emphasis of memorials
from a communal grieving process marked by mutual support, emotional transitions, and
religious rites, to a focus on the deceased individual’s life. Liturgies have been shortened in
order to facilitate longer soliloquies extoling the virtues and characteristics of departed
(Ramshaw, 2010).
This seems to have enhanced a prior existing phenomenon. While decreasing the
communal content of memorials modern American society seems to have increased their level of
anxiety related to death (Rando, 1991). This individualist effect seems to have manifested itself
in various ways but in the context of this study it appears that the sense of loss related to the
deceased vacating their given role in the community appears to be proportionally related to their
perceived importance (Ramshaw, 2010). As a part of this, the survivors have to find a way to fill
the void caused by death. This can be evidenced by the following comment made by the Mayor
of Los Angeles, Antonio Villaraigosa, during the memorial service of Officer Simmons.
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It touches a particular nerve way deep in our souls, and it hurts. I've thought a lot over the
last few days about why that is, and I think it has something to do with the fact that the
entire city community loses when we lose a police officer (Rubin, 2008).
Organizational Identity
As human civilization has evolved there have been many transitions from one
configuration of social or economic control to another. In the relatively recent past, American
culture has formulated updated versions of each of the previously stated segments of human
behavior or interaction methods and formed them into a single entity, an organization. This is a
broader term that can be utilized as a label for public, private, including non-profit, and
government associations. Organizations have become the absolute and all encompassing sum of
our modern society. As any other social construct an organization has an identity or distinctness
that differentiates it from another of its kind (Whetten, 2006).
In order to be considered an organization an entity or group must have an articulable or
definable set of durable institutionalized attributes. These attributes do not necessarily need to be
wholly unique. A net analysis of the sum of an organization’s practices and mores should set it
apart. Its stated ideals and functions should create a clear separation of purpose and establish
distinctive identity (Whetten, 2006).
In reference to the occupational police work culture, there is a clear line between itself
and other entities, even those that serve a similar or connected purpose. This research is focused
upon the law enforcement work group most directly linked to the lives of the everyday citizen:
the beat officer in a neighborhood, a patrolman on the freeway, the deputy in the courtroom, the
detective following up on a reported burglary. These are the individuals whom our society comes
in contact with on a day-to-day basis.
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Organizational Climate of Police Work
This occupational work group of police culture is composed of interconnected yet distinct
organizations. Each law enforcement organization of this type has its own name and is
responsible for a clearly definable jurisdiction. These jurisdictions are related to municipalities,
counties, and at times state governments. Contemporary police agencies have their own mission
statements, departmental goals, lists of values, and representative slogans. Along with this,
although there are commonalities, each police organization has its own written policies outlining
procedures and required conduct both on and off duty. Additionally, police organizations are
identified visually by uniforms that are composed of various paraphernalia such as badges,
patches, and possibly representations of awards such as ribbons that are uniquely designed. Their
members typically wear various types of use of force equipment to include firearms and batons
and most commonly drive clearly identifiable police units adorned with their agency’s symbol.
When viewing the climate or contemporary state of affairs within a given police
organization it is crucial that it is done so within a temporal context (King, 2009). Policing
organization can and must react quickly and adjust its course when confronted with sudden and
distressing events such as natural disasters or riots. However, law enforcement agencies tend to
change their organizational style or adjust to broader societal issues over a period of years to
decades. Detroit (Michigan) Police Department, focused on hiring additional street officers three
years after an identifiable and disturbing upturn in the homicide rate occurred in the late 1970s.
Newark (New Jersey) Police Department employed almost no civilian employees in the 1930s
but by 1984 twenty-two percent of the department were non-sworn personnel. Law enforcement
as a whole, held onto a crime control policies during unprecedented increases in crime from the
1950s until the early 1990s when it shifted to a community based and/or problem solving
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strategy (Maguire, 2004). Based upon this backdrop, one can discern that a contemporary or
cross-sectional view of the organizational climate of police work is lacking in perspective.
Another aspect of perspective in relation to policing organizations is the environment it
finds itself in. Police organizations can be influenced by and influence the societal elements
around and within them. These sources of influence include; adoption of innovation, adoption of
new technologies, the use of civilian employees, the impact of lawsuits and citizen complaints,
detracting media coverage, changes in the local political climate, new governmental regulations,
and broader population issues that create turbulence and strife. Along with this, crime trends and
issues related to the previously described factors can cause department managers to reallocate
resources and revise existing police tactics (King, 2009). Examples of this would be the
formation of a gang unit and the allocation of military style rifles for every police vehicle.
Police organizations are susceptible to outside influences and trends. The mere fact that a
well-known policing agency utilizes a certain piece of equipment such as a firearm will cause
other agencies to follow their lead. Departments have created special units, developed outreach
programs, and indirectly financially supported community groups only as a means to garner
support from key political figures or entities (King, 2009).
Despite these influences, a policing organization can maintain its own course and hold to
its stated beliefs through effective leadership and well-grounded practices. Leadership not only
refers to the administrative staff but the crucial and indispensible influences of effective veteran
officers (Van Maanen, 1984). Departmental values and internal forces of positive influences
enable agencies to weather the storm of either unplanned rapid growth or a decline during times
of economic downturns. (King, 2009).
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Apart from all the discernable and tangible aspects of the environment of a policing
organization there are non-rational elements. These are aspects of the symbolism, mythology and
tradition found within any societal group. These internal influences create situations where
decisions are made based upon the desire to maintain these aspects of its culture. A police
department may retain a rank structure or position despite its inefficiency. Even office space can
be kept at a certain configuration for no other reason than it has been set in that manner for an
extended period of time. Obsolete or out of date vernacular can be kept in use to the extent that
there is no context or collective recollecting as to why a term was used (King, 2009). In the case
of a particular agency the term “B/O” is used to refer to equipment in need of repair, which is an
acronym for “bad order.” Not one of the one hundred plus employees can explain why this term
is used or its source. A more positive aspect of this phenomenon is that these influences create a
sense of collective unity and are some of the key aspects of a policing organization’s identity.
This can be exampled by an agency maintaining a place of honor for its memorabilia, its
continuation of a “yearbook” celebrating its members, or an annual formal ceremony for the
purposes of extoling the accomplishments of its employees.
If viewed in the context provided above, the law enforcement organizational climate and
its culture can be understood with greater clarity. The temporal factor provides a clearer lens to
view a given policing agency’s reasons for restructuring, its reaction to a crisis or even a shift in
its paradigm. Influences from within and without can (Stouffer, 1949) create an inertia that his
hard to over come if it sets the department down an inefficient or unintended path. Yet the core
values of nature of an agency can be held true by quality leadership and proper mentorship from
veterans.
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Socialization
Within modern society it has been purposed that persons are socialized through various
means. A theory that seems to most appropriately fit the occupational culture of police work is a
form of Rational-Choice Theory as proposed by Kazuo Yamaguchi in the academic journal
Rationality and Society in 1998. In this theory he purposes a binary approach to this version of
rational choice.
This version of rational choice theory holds that a person chooses to accept a role or
social structure of a subculture or group and don an identity. They make a purposeful
commitment to their role based on an expectation of positive outcomes despite the knowledge
that their role may not always be beneficial to them. The actual outcome is contingent upon a
variety of random and self-designed circumstances contained within macro and micro levels of
society. This can be seen in a college educated female with a limitless future choosing to enter
into the law enforcement arena knowing the potential roadblocks and stigmas she will have to
contend with or an established young officer who chooses to go along with more senior officers
that routinely utilize excessive force. This differs from the concept of total free choice which
states that each individual will constantly chooses whatever maximizes the benefit to them in any
given circumstance.
Yamaguchi presented a related theory known as relative deprivation. This is a societal
phenomenon discovered by Stouffer et al (1949) during a study of military personnel in 1949.
Through this study it was found that persons who perceive that they are less likely to obtain a
promotion, due to factors such as limited positions or strong competition, will have more job
satisfaction than those that perceive that there is a high likelihood of promotion. This also
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translated to job opportunities. It appears that if it is represented that a given civil service job
necessitates that an individual fulfill a number of requirements and there are a small number of
potential positions there will be an increased interest in this employment opportunity.
It appears that this theory would apply to the law enforcement career field as well. At any
given testing sight for any size or quality of policing agency there will be hundreds if not a
thousand candidates attending. Additionally, there are innumerable private and public colleges,
trade schools, internet schools, and the like that offer courses, certificates, or degrees in criminal
justice and other related subjects. Once a position is obtained, at the entry level and beyond,
there is in fact thriving and active competition for nearly any open assignment and every
promotional opportunity. Relative deprivation appears to have a strong correlation to the
socialization process of the occupational culture of police work (Gomez, 2009).
Other factors associated with this research are related to newcomer socialization. The
private sector has discovered that newcomers have a much greater chance of success and will be
retained at a higher rate if there is a clear understanding of their role and their path towards
future advancement. A key-supporting factor to this end is early and meaningful interaction with
management (Gomez, 2009). This is further buttressed by support and mentorship of senior
employees. Positive peer influence is likely the single strongest factor in the near term success of
a new employee (Lam, 2003).
Regarding the training of newcomers, it appears that there has been a shift. A thorough
and methodical training regime was once required for most complex jobs but the perception of
the scarcity of time and necessity to achieve maximum productivity has changed this priority.
There is now an emphasis on moving a new employee into a reasonably productive and intendant
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state as soon as possible. However, if an organization has a long term point of view and broader
prospective, which police departments often do, then it tends to develop a formalized and
structured training and socialization process regardless of the factor of time (Gomez, 2009).
The structured socialization of new and incumbent employees includes collective social
activities. Employees will have a greater commitment to an organization if they have mutually
benefiting relationships with colleagues, are given satisfactory benefits, and are satisfied with the
job itself. Some of the contributing factors to this type of productive interpersonal environment
are departmental meetings, small group discussions, pre-shift briefings, team projects, lunch
gatherings, company-wide or departmental gatherings and social interaction after office (Lam,
2003). Although these light and generally positive interactions are crucial to the successful
integration of new employees it is submitted that personal, emotional, ceremonial interactions
laden with symbolic content and rhetoric are another method of this socialization process.
Police Work Socialization
Organizations with a long-term view, as stated, will have a more structured socialization
process. As such the occupational culture of police work has an exceptionally structured process
both formal and informal. Potential candidates willingly subject themselves to this arduous and
stressful set of practices. It begins with the completion of a detailed application and a resume,
which is subject to a review and selection process. This initial stage is becoming evermore
difficult as candidates are amassing an increasing level of skills and education prior to seeking
employment with a law enforcement agency, i.e. formal degrees, foreign language speaking,
athletic training, related practical skills, or notable military experience (Koper, 2004). If selected
there is an invitation to a written exam, agility test, and weighted interview. If the candidate
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receives a score in the upper percentile they move on to a highly intrusive background
investigation. If the candidate survives this process and is selected to move forward they are
ranked and invited to a senior manager or “chief’s” interview. If selected from among the few
candidates remaining at this point they must complete psychological and polygraph
examinations. Upon completion the candidate is ranked again and waits.
Once a police department hires a candidate the there are still several stages that must be
conquered. The first, where the socialization really begins, is a twenty-one week police
academy. An academy is a mentally taxing and physically challenging rite of passage. A cadet or
recruit, as they are now called, moves into an odd status of not being considered a “civilian” but
they are not qualified or designated as peace officer. They must successfully navigate through
extensive formal instruction, adhere to a detailed set of militaristic formalities and traditions,
conform to a style of dress, complete writing exercises and pass numerous written exams, will
being subjected to “corrective action” for any transgression. The whole of the academy is laden
with tradition and ceremony all meant to elevate the recruit to the social status of a peace officer
(Conti, 2009).
The underlying tactic utilized by the academy training staff is a process of shaming,
rebuilding, and reward. The recruits are held to an incredibly high standard within and outside
the academy. Any infraction is a sign of potential weakness of character and must be probed by
the staff. Falling behind or being unable to meet physical fitness standards is not accepted.
Injuries may render a recruit unfit to continue. The inability to obtain minimum scores of eighty
percent will cause the recruit to be academically disqualified. Self-control, maturity,
psychological stability are paramount as these are the base line traits of a peace officer and an
integral component of personal and fellow officer safety. Certain skills have an absolute
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minimum qualification score such as firearms training and emergency vehicle operation. If these
scores are not achieved the recruit will not graduate. Those that are unable to adjust either resign
or are asked to leave. All the while, the academy staff is evaluating each recruit and documenting
their strengths and areas of improvement for review by the recruit’s agency (Conti, 2009).
Recruits begin this process with a state of mind and set of expectations. They entered the
academy with a varied set of motivations. Marianne Hopper (1977) outlined in a study that some
recruits have an idealistic view of police work where they desire to help the citizenry. Others
have a mixed set of motivations. They enjoy working outdoors or the fact that they know there
workday will be unpredictable and potentially exciting. Others covet the stability and
employment benefits. Some share some or all of these expectations but believe that police work
is a calling, as the rewards do not meet the risks. At the end of the academy Hopper noted that
the recruits that managed to graduate had conformed to a group mindset. Each of the recruits
found a mean state of mind and settled into a version of the later opinion. It was clear when
examining these results that the academy is an intense socialization process (Hopper, 1977).
Graduation is a glorious day filled with pride and grand expectations for the future. Once
the ceremony and celebration is over and the new officer attends his or her first formal work day
at their department they realize there are additional hurdles to overcome. This first is a two to
three week introduction, re-qualification, documentation, and familiarization process. After
completion a new officer is placed in a field-training program that lasts about sixteen to eighteen
weeks. Every step and misstep, decision or lack of, are observed and recorded by a series of
seasoned field training officers. There activity is recorded daily and reviewed by a sergeant and
eventually the administrative staff. Lack of confidence or competence on the part of the new
officer will mean dismissal without cause (Caro, 2011).
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Within this formal framework of the field-training program is another component to this
segment of socialization. Their peers and veteran officers are also informally evaluating the new
officer. These senior officers form their own opinion on whether the new officer will be able to
“handle themselves.” The new officer learns from these officers what is expected of them and
what they can expect from their peers (Yamaguchi, 1998). If the new officer performs at an
acceptable level, shows deference and respect to others, “knows their place,” and shows effort a
bond begins to form. Upon completion of the field-training program the new officer is formally
recognized as a functioning peace officer with indirect supervision and quarterly reviews (ReussIanni, 1983).
The new officer has one last formal step in the process. They are considered probationary
or at-will employees for another twelve months. At any time during this period the department
articulates that the new officer is now fit for duty he or she can be terminated.
This is a long and difficult process. New officers continually are evaluating themselves
and attempting to improve. They are carefully observing those around them and evaluating the
styles and techniques of their more tenured peers while attempting to develop their own policing
style. New officers carefully interact with their fellow officers and learn the “ins and outs” of the
informal segment of the occupational culture of police work. In sum, Kappeler, Sluder, and
Alpert (1998, 84) made a very accurate and viable statement within one of their studies that
succinctly describes this entire process where they suggest that police socialization is “an
ideology and shared culture that breeds unprecedented conformity to the traditional police norms
and values.”
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Occupational Culture
Members of modern work groups identify themselves by their occupation or title. Their
occupational culture is defined by a set of shared experiences. These include a variety of tasks
performed as directed or implied within a changing environment and are often beset by problems
caused by external and internal influences. Common attitudes, beliefs, and generalizations are
formed through these shared associations. These beliefs and attitudes evolve into accepted
practices which are converted into principals of conduct dictated by written regulations
(Manning, 1994).
This new norm is then transmitted and perpetuated creating a sense of sameness that
conceals any gradual transformation caused by new technologies and social change. An
occupational culture, despite the contrary view displayed within the context of a single
generation, is not a homogeneous environment. Variations exist as a result of the integration of
new individuals into a work place. Their effect manifests itself in the form of modified
approaches and adapted values (Boglarsky, 2004).
Police Culture
The modern construct of the occupational culture of law enforcement was originally fixed
within a monolithic theory presented by William A. Westley. He began his study of the police
culture in the 1950’s. Westley’s literature created an enigmatic and complex image of a police
officer. This officer lived within a world full of anxiety accentuated by moments of excitement
that are often accented by terror. Officers are uniformed agents of order, who as a matter of
survival, attempt to bring routine to chaotic and violent situations with mixed success which
fosters disconnected sympathies and feelings of guilt. This causes law enforcers to band together
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while withdrawing from those outside their group. By building this wall of secrecy they create a
mindset of us versus them (Westly, 1970).
The monolithic view was further perpetuated by other researchers who saw these norms
of police work being propagated through the systematic socialization of police recruits (Van
Maanen, 1984). It was stated that new recruits were thrust into this schizophrenic existence of
hostility created by conflict with those described as criminals, an unpredictable citizenry, and the
strain of ever-watching supervisors (Brown, 1988). Officers learned to cope through entrenching
themselves in a mentality of suspicion of others (Kappeler, 1998).
From this, new officers endure a rite of passage that includes a programming of the
customs of police culture and an introduction to the police typologies associated with this theory
(Brown, 1988). A perception that danger is constantly lurking is passed on which creates a
preoccupation with the concepts of officer safety (Kappeler, 1998). A lasting credo is ingrained
into an officer’s work life. It dictates; only those in uniform are capable of understanding their
plight; the majority of society is naive about the nature of crime and police work; remain
steadfastly loyal to a partner first and then the remaining shift members; it is understood that if
an error occurs it is not the responsibility of an individual officer to provide notification to those
above and if discovered the damage must be contained even if it means a self-sacrifice (ReussIanni, 1983).
Organizationally, a uniformed mindset fostered the growth of three styles of policing.
The first style of policing is a legalistic version, where officers are expected to be aggressive
crime fighters who strictly enforce the law. Felony arrests are prized among all activities and a
“Cover Your Ass (CYA)” mentality persists (Kappeler, 1998). The second typology is a
Funeral Rites of Police Work 20
watchman style of selective enforcement where investigative abilities are held in highest regard.
The last, is devoted to serving the public in a functional manner with a focus on security
(Wilson, 1968). Each of these systems continued to be influenced by the unifying sense of
danger and bonds of loyalty (Skolnick, 1994). All three of these environments are segmented
only by rank. Rank structure is constructed of managers and their subordinate first line
supervisors who oversee the street level officers. This stratification represents differences in
pay rates and span of control but the stated organizational values remain intact from top to
bottom (Wilson, 1968).
Social progression ensured that the occupational culture of police work began a process
of integration of members from previous out-groups. Prior to this, officers were primarily white,
from the lower to lower middle class and had a military background. This shift saw the inclusion
of females, members of other ethnicities, and a greater number of those with a college education
(Paoline, 2003).
With integration came change and change in many forms. Initially, the conflicting values
of these new members began to permeate the culture. Thoughts of inclusiveness and community
involvement were injected into the system. The necessity of public accountability and the
concepts of good stewardship of the public trust became a reality. Leaders started to focus on
managerially competence, rational decision-making, and cost efficiency (Reuss-Ianni, 1983).
Departments living within this new paradigm struggled to find ways to better communicate and
interact with those they serve (Van Maanen, 1984).
Further developments manifested in a new and more diverse organizational
configuration. Policing agencies were seen to have three distinct levels of supervision. Each of
Funeral Rites of Police Work 21
these levels created a set of differing ideals. Staff or administrative officers recognized the
importance of the input of the broader community and the realization that preventative measures
meant to eradicate misconduct must be developed. Supervisors came to understand their role as
an intermediary between the staff and the front line officer, while enforcing the standards in a
manner that engendered trust and portrayed even handedness (Van Maanen, 1984).
Beat officers, with the influx of persons from differing communities and experiences,
developed new styles of policing. The persona of the clean-beat crime-fighter who remained
aggressive but was ever mindful of constitutional constraints was formed. An intercultural ideal
of the professional style, whose hallmark was even temperament and thorough follow through,
came to be, alongside the service style of officer that selectively enforced the law in a judicious
and prudent manner (Wilson, 1968). As a whole, officers became more sensitive to the needs and
perspectives of the members of the community (Brown, 1988).
As a part of this, some members of the out-groups became supervisors. They carried
with them a broader understanding of the community and recognition of new officer typologies.
Whole new approaches to crime fighting were developed in conjunction with entities that were
formerly thought to be enemies such as academics and community activists. Among these were
community police techniques which sought to build partnerships at the neighborhood and
individual citizen level. Problem orientated police techniques related to the broken windows
theory where all levels of crime are addressed though innovation and integration of ever
available public resource. In some cases, department culture was stretched and tested through
the incorporation of community oversight boards (Pauline, 2003; Manning, 1994).
Funeral Rites of Police Work 22
Funeral rituals are performances with a functional purpose of liturgical substance
containing palpable emotion and latent declarations of the values of a social group. The
occupational culture of Police Work, although public, is difficult to view and understand as it is
enigmatic and complex. However, it appears that the law enforcement community can be
effectively viewed through their funeral rites.
R1: What are the most commonly practiced traditions of police funerals?
R2: How do they differ from the common practices of contemporary American
memorials?
R3: Can the occupational culture of Police Work be effectively viewed through their
funeral rites?
Methods
In the furtherance of the goal of effectively understanding the Police Work occupational
culture through their funeral rites, I obtained data through qualitative research techniques.
Qualitative research provides a means for a criminologist to submerge themselves within the
milieu of a given culture. While so engaged, a criminologist can receive the knowledge, intent,
and inner thoughts of those they seek to understand through direct communication and
interaction.
The research was gathered over a time period of approximately twenty years, from 1989
to the present. The data was collected through non-structured interviews of law enforcement
officers, support personnel, and their family members, participant observation coupled with
content analysis, and auto-ethnographic techniques.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 23
I am currently employed as and have been a peace officer over the life of the research
project. Additionally, I have worked for several policing agencies within differing regions of the
State of California. Along with this, I am a part-time faculty member of a law enforcement
academy. This has given me the opportunity to develop numerous professional and personal
relationships with members of the occupational culture of Police Work.
These relationships provided me with an opportunity to conduct non-structured
interviews with members of the target group. The subjects of these interviews were evenly
distributed between males and females who are between the ages of twenty-three and fifty-five.
The ethnicity of these individuals was varied but primarily consisted of non-Hispanic whites and
Hispanics. Nearly all of these individuals self-identified as being middle-class. The mean
education level was two years of college.
The interviews occurred during the time period of December 2011 to April 2012. They
were primarily facilitated, through opportunistic interpersonal interaction within formal and
informal social gatherings, the workplace, and at the residences of some of the subjects. Most of
these were face-to-face conversations but several telephone interviews were conducted. One
interview, out of necessity and in deference to the feelings of the subject, was facilitated through
a social networking site. The interviews generally lasted about thirty to forty-five minutes. All of
the subjects but one had an established relationship with the author. This allowed each of the
subjects to speak freely and at ease despite the sensitive nature of the topic. This was aided by
the fact that the author has had decades of experience related to interviewing and has had formal
training in support of this skill set. All of these interviews were related to the personal
experiences associated with the deaths and funerals of eleven peace officers. One of the
interviews was laden with some emotion as the subject had recently learned that he might have
Funeral Rites of Police Work 24
had a potentially dangerous illness himself. A non-law enforcement family member of an officer
that was murdered on duty gave indications of discomfort and seemed to have difficulties with
this issue. The strength of this technique was the ability to obtain seemingly uncensored and/or
candid responses. There were difficulties with this style of interview. Proper recordation of these
interviews was difficult as they were not digitally recorded or videotaped. I also found it
inappropriate to take notes while interacting with the subjects. I therefore had to rely on memory
and notations made after the fact.
The instances of participant observation were in association with five police funerals that
I have attended from 1997 to 2005. The funerals were held for male peace officers. Two of the
officers were Caucasian, one was Hispanic and the forth had a mixed heritage of Chinese and
other ethnicities. These law enforcement personnel were employed as a custody officer, two
police officers, a police lieutenant, and a retired police supervisor. Each of these law
enforcement members died suddenly during tragic incidents or, in one case, likely was related to
a violent encounter that had occurred some years prior to the officer’s death. All of the funerals
were held at a religious facility and had a graveside component. The religious affiliation for two
of the funerals was Catholic and the remaining ceremonies were Protestant or nondenominational Christian.
Participant observation included the analysis of the liturgy and/or speeches made in
association with the funerals and the review of a police funeral manual. These observations were
also supported through the attendance of a closely related event known as the Annual California
Peace Officers Memorial Ceremony held at the state capitol in Sacramento, California. Although
these techniques had similar difficulties as those mentioned previously, during the description of
the interview techniques, the documentation these events were more easily recalled through the
Funeral Rites of Police Work 25
later review of news articles, periodicals, social networking pages, peace officer memorial
websites, and religious texts related to these experiences.
All of the previously described qualitative research techniques were buttressed by my
twenty-plus year membership of the occupational culture of Police Work. This auto-ethnographic
technique was an integral component of the research as it provided access, knowledge of the
subcultural language and context, a basic understanding of the structure and interactions of this
group, and an applicable set of viable and articulable opinions and conclusions. However, this
research encompasses a lengthy period of time and with this there is the inherent problem of
proper recollection. I have endeavored to provide the most accurate set of information available.
The primary complication with this research was in relation to my struggle to maintain an
objective and scientific mindset. I am deeply engrained and perhaps one might say indoctrinated
into the occupational culture of police work, which made it difficult to, at the very least, remain
emotionally detached from the process. At times, I found that past feelings of morning or
concern for the family members of the deceased law enforcement personnel that I had known
came back upon me. Although this was the case, I continue to be convinced that this research fits
within scientific standards and conforms to prior ethnographic works that I have reviewed.
This research can be improved by expanding the scope of every aspect of its components.
A broader group of participants would likely give new and unique perspectives that are not
documented within this research. In direct associate with this, a greater number of participant
observers attending additional funerals would assist in the same manner. Additionally, the scope
of this research needs to be broadened as it occurred within the Central and Southern California
region which was marginally supported by the funeral manual authored by a police chaplain
Funeral Rites of Police Work 26
within the State of New Mexico. Regardless of the physical limitations of accessing a wider
geographic area, a more expansive analysis of content related to police funerals can be accessed
electronically via the Internet.
Discussion
During my tenure as a member of the occupational culture of Police Work I have
endured loss of persons whom I knew well. I witnessed a military police officer mortally
wounded by explosion, an off-duty officer killed by a drunk driver, one killed in the line of duty
by gunfire, a mentor and supervisor who committed suicide, a leader and well respected staff
officer also through suicide, a fellow officer and infrequent partner who suddenly died of an
aneurism several years after he was shot in the face, a former trainee who fell to temptations and
was killed during an attempt to arrest him for crimes that he had committed, and others. These
losses have weighed upon me and infused themselves into the fabric of who I am today. They
have also acted as a motivation for this research. Another factor that led me in this direction
would be the deadly year of 2011; 173 federal, state, and law enforcement officers were killed in
the line of duty (Cratty, 2011), a fourteen percent increase from the year before. Nine of these
were members of California law enforcement agencies and all but one of these deaths occurred
in the Southern California region, which made these deaths even more impactful. Beyond these
numbers, the level of violence enacted upon officers has appeared to increase (The National Law
Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund, 2012).
These life experiences did provide motivation but they also made this research process
somewhat difficult. The information gathering, observation process, and interviews brought
uncomfortable reactions to the surface. Incidents long suppressed shot forth into my
Funeral Rites of Police Work 27
consciousness and played themselves out again in my mind’s eye. However, I was able to use
this sense of loss and sad remembrances as fuel to finish the process in honor of those whom
have paid the ultimate price.
I correlated all of this to my perceptions of our society’s views of the occupational
culture of Police Work. After conducting the above literature review I formed the opinion that
the true nature of the occupational culture of Police Work can be accurately depicted through its
funeral rites.
It is the intent of this research to provide an insider’s view of this culture through their
funeral rites. I perceived that this emotional and deeply personal component of societal
interaction could be a window for those within the culture to project their beliefs and ideals
outward to the broader community.
Moving forward, I will begin by addressing the common practices and traditions that are
a part of many law enforcement funerals. As I have outlined previously, the occupational culture
of police work is based upon a paramilitary frame of reference (Conti, 2009). As such, law
enforcement agencies and entities throughout the nation perform their duties in a structured
manner according to written policies and other forms of documentation (Van Maanen, 1984,
King, 2009). One policy or procedure that is not typically documented is the required elements
and instructions for the proper performance of police funerals. However, I have found that there
are references that are commonly utilized. Specifically, William Sanders, a law enforcement
chaplain, has provided a manual that is utilized by various law enforcement agencies; the second
edition of the Law Enforcement Funeral Manual: A Practical Guide for Law Enforcement
Agencies When Faced with the Death of a Member of Their Department. This is a
Funeral Rites of Police Work 28
comprehensive text that outlines the basic procedures for and suggested elements of a law
enforcement funeral. This manual is evidence of the occupational culture of Police Work’s
establishment of its organizational identity (Whetten, 2006) through written instructions of one
of its most visible rituals (Allen, 1998).
Within Sanders’s text, he begins by expressing the necessity and importance of
recognizing and giving deference to the religious needs of the families of fallen law enforcement
personnel. This is a strong indication of the importance of this aspect of social behavior that also
correlates to Allen, et. al.’s (1998), concepts of organizational rituals. He provides suggestions in
relation to Buddhist, Hindu, Islamic, Jewish, Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and nondenominational
Christian faiths. Although he gives regard to other religious practices, he primarily focuses on
Christian and non-denominational elements of law enforcement funerals. This corresponds to my
personal experience. All of the previously referenced and below documented law enforcement
funeral services were related to a nondenominational Christian faith and two that were in
accordance with Roman Catholic traditions. This religious aspect of police funerals clearly
corresponds to present (Ramshaw, 2010) and past cultural practices of ritual (Rappoport, 1999).
Additionally, this recognition acknowledges the multifaceted role religion plays in the
facilitation of emotions related to the morning process while marking the transition of a living
member of a group to that of the honored dead (Hockings, 2010).
Sanders suggested that once religious considerations are fulfilled a family liaison
planning team must be designated. This team should be composed of department members and
laypersons that are well versed in organizational planning and some of the key members should
be trained in bereavement and counseling skills. Optimally, the team should be composed of a
chaplain who will lead this group, a public information officer (PIO), a legal advisor, a
Funeral Rites of Police Work 29
ceremonial element leader, and a departmental staff member responsible for the personnel
directly assigned to assist the family. The following is a robust example of the stratified and
identifiable nature of policing organizations (Whetten, 2006) and establishes a basis for the
development for the concept of the existence of the occupational culture of Police Work as it
corresponds with the definition of an occupational culture as provided by Manning (1994).
The chaplain represents the department and coordinates all departmental ceremonial
events. Along with this, the chaplain acts as a spiritual advisor if this is desired by the family of
the deceased officer. After explaining all of these functions, Sanders states that the chaplain’s
primary duty and focus should be the needs of the fallen officer’s family. The PIO conducts
and/or coordinates all external departmental communication and assists the family as necessary.
The legal advisor should provide prosecutorial or legal interpretation of any criminal proceedings
related to the death of the family’s loved one. Additionally, the legal advisor has duties of
negotiating certain specific funeral arrangements and other related topics. As a part of this aspect
of their duties, the legal advisor acts as a buffer between police officials and other family
members who might be in conflict, such as current and ex-spouses of the deceased. The
ceremonial element supervisor is responsible for the performance of personnel involved in the
funeral proceedings such as the honor guard and pallbearers. The duties of the family liaison
planning team may be enhanced by a faith leader, specifically designated by the grieving family.
The chaplain works in conjunction with the faith leader in order to fulfill the family’s spiritual
needs and facilitates the grieving process. The chaplain and faith leader are required to remain
available to the family on a 24-hour basis. Constant contact and face-based meetings should be
conducted by both of these persons.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 30
The public information advisor and/or legal advisor will assist the family with their
contact with the media. It is suggested that a pre-documented statement containing the basic facts
surrounding the death of the law enforcement personnel be utilized. This statement will be read
to and/or given to any media that has immediate contact with the family. The legal advisor will
also act as an intermediary with any attorney or entity that may have the intention of attempting
to make use of the situation to influence the family to become involved in some form of financial
scheme or legal action.
As a representation of one of the previously described theories provided by Ramshaw
(2010), the mere fact that it is necessary to designate a person as a PIO is an indication of how
iconic and culturally significant the personage of a police officer is. It shows that as a whole our
society holds members of this subculture to a high esteem and for whatever reason it sets them
apart from the common member of a given community. The death of a police officer, which has
been evidenced previously and will be documented below, is usually a significant occurrence
within any city or town in the United States.
The chaplain and designated departmental members will work closely with the family
members to provide information in relation to practical matters. These matters include benefits
the family may receive and/or other financial questions they may have. As a part of this, the
chaplain and department staff will assist the family in making funeral arrangements and
contacting a funeral home while ensuring that they follow all of the desires and wishes of the
family.
According to Sanders, other elements of a police funeral should be immediately enacted.
A guard for the family should be provided. This will consist of law enforcement personnel from
Funeral Rites of Police Work 31
the agency of the deceased law enforcement member. This guard will provide a sense of comfort
and security for the family along with keeping media personnel and other onlookers at bay.
These guards should be maintained at the residence of the family on a 24-hour basis until
midnight of the evening of the funeral.
As suggested by Sanders’s, the printing and distribution of a remembrance bulletin or
card seems to be a common practice. It should contain a limited account of some of the most
basic details of the events related to the death of the peace officer, a photograph of this officer, a
brief outline of their immediate family unit and their work/personal history. Sanders added that
poems or religious readings, approved or selected by the family, should be included as well.
If it is in accordance with the family’s desires, it is suggested that a wake or mourning
service be conducted prior to the funeral. As a part of this, it is suggested that the casket of the
deceased be ceremonially guarded. These casket guards should stand watch two at a time, one at
the head and one at the foot of the casket at a 45-degree angle. They will stand at attention while
in the view of the visitors and in the immediate area of the deceased. These members should be
in full dress uniform, to include formal headgear and white gloves. The casket guards will
remain at their post until the family members of the deceased officer leave the facility. For
practical reasons, the casket guards are to rotate every 10 to 15 minutes. A formal release
ceremony should be conducted with each new group of guards. This includes a detailed
description of how the members should salute one another and the various military or parade-like
facing movements that they should perform while conducting their duties. These activities are
derived from basic military drill-and-ceremony practices but just as in the military there are
many variations and interpretations built upon this standard.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 32
I have been a member of a ceremonial guard associated with the death of a young child
who had been designated as an honorary police officer prior to succumbing to cancer. This was
an emotional and significant life/career experience. Along with this, it injected me into a behind
the scenes socialization process. Being a member of this type of detail exposed me to a wider
range of personnel within my current agency such as more veteran officers, chaplains, and staff
members. While taking part in this ceremonial and culturally ingraining activity, I noted the
events taking place were an example of and supported the occupational police work socialization
and rational-choice theories of Koper (2004) and Yamaguchi (1998) respectively. These
researchers hold that persons willingly and fervently accept a role within a social subculture by
making a purposeful commitment based on an expectation of positive outcomes, despite the
knowledge that their role may not always be beneficial to them in some manner. It was an honor
to take part in this meaningful event yet I was aware of its duality in that it also contained a
woeful and ill-fated undertone.
Sanders provided insight and information in relation to other ceremonial and traditional
practices. One of these prominent practices is the wearing of Badge Mourning Bands. These
bands symbolize the solidarity of those in law enforcement while acknowledging their collective
sense of loss. They are typically black or royal blue bands that are usually placed across the
middle of these emblems of office. I have noted that some bands are black with a blue stripe in
the middle. These bands are three-eighths to one-half inch wide and are placed horizontally
across the center of the badge. These bands are a further manifestation of the notion that funeral
rituals are a collective expression of loss (Hockings, 2010) and are fraught with symbolism
(Giblin, 2006).
Funeral Rites of Police Work 33
In an emergency or if there is no other choice, it is suggested and I have seen persons use
black electrical tape to mimic these bands. Often family members who are not law enforcement
related are given the opportunity to wear boutonnieres. Typically, these are a single white
carnation tinged with red which are traditionally meant to represent innocence and admiration.
These flowers are used in lieu of bands. There is a note within Sanders’s text that indicates that
flowers should not be used at Jewish funerals because flowers are associated with festivity and
joy. Civilian mourners are also allowed to adorn themselves with looped blue ribbons or even
metal ribbons outlined in yellow.
Department heads authorize the wearing and length of presentation of mourning bands.
Agencies within a given region will adorn these bands. The size of this region seems to be
related to the manner of death and the relative population base of the area the officer died in, a
phenomenon that appears to represent Ramshaw’s (2010) concepts of the modern American
memorial. As a part of this, I noted in my observations that if an officer dies while on duty it will
evoke a wider adornment of these bands, whereas if an officer dies after being retired for some
time, his death is not acknowledged in this manner. And as previously intimated, if a law
enforcement member dies in a metropolitan area, a greater number of policing agencies wear
mourning bands than an in a more rural setting.
Another representation of the cultural ideals of the occupational culture of Police Work is
the United States flag. The United States flag is a strong and prevalent element of any law
enforcement funeral or any other law enforcement ceremony for that matter. The handling, use,
and functions related to the United States flag and the formal rules and regulations associated
with it are documented under Title 4, Section 1, of the United States Code. The rules specifically
relate to common practices of the occupational culture of the police work, such as the draping of
Funeral Rites of Police Work 34
the casket with the American flag, which is dictated by this code. The U.S. Code states that the
American flag is “usually reserved for veterans or highly regarded state or national figures, the
flag code does not prohibit this use for an American citizen.” Based upon this clause, it is
allowable for the American flag to be used during a law enforcement funeral (Title 4, Section 1,
of the United States Code).
When an American flag is used to cover a casket, it is required that the union, or blue
field, is placed at the head and over the left shoulder of the deceased person as they lay within
the casket. Near the end of the ceremony, the flag is folded and handed over to the family in a
manner that is in conformance with military practices. There are no specific rules related to this
procedure, however, it is suggested by Sanders’s text that the personnel designated to fold the
flag practice this process in order to maintain an air of professionalism and ceremony. The flag
should not be lowered into the grave nor ever touch the ground.
Along with this, there are other regulations related to flying a flag at half-staff. If the
American flag is to be flown at half-staff, it is required to first be hoisted to the peak of the pole
and then immediately returned to the halfway position when posted on a flagpole or mast at the
beginning of a business day. When the flag is struck or taken down, it should follow the same
pattern. However, instead of returning to the halfway mark, it is completely lowered and then
folded in a ceremonial fashion. The state flag or any other flag or pennant related to the law
enforcement funeral or mourning agency should be affixed underneath the American flag. The
American flag should remain at half-staff until midnight of the evening of the law enforcement
member’s funeral. The permeation of this practice follows the same patterns as those related to
the adornment of mourning bands. The only exception is that other non-law enforcement
Funeral Rites of Police Work 35
agencies such as city government offices or fire departments will also join in honoring a fallen
officer through the flying of the flag at half-mast within the same regional parameters.
Other elements of funeral rites that are consistently and frequently used by the
occupational culture of Police Work are pallbearers and honor guards. Typically, there are six
pallbearers and one that is designated to be in charge of these persons. They are chosen in
consultation with the family. Being a member of this group is yet another method of socialization
into this subculture.
As a part of their duties, pallbearers are present at the funeral home and at the religious
institutions related to the funeral. At times, these personnel play the dual role of casket guard and
pallbearer. Additionally, these persons typically are the individuals who will perform the
previously described flag-folding task. These persons will also take part in the very emotional
and highly engrained traditional practice of presenting the folded flag to the surviving family
member. Once the pallbearers have folded the flag, it is given to the departmental staff
representative. This is often the highest-ranking member of the deceased officer’s department or
his or her designee. This person will present the flag to the deceased member’s spouse or a
significant family member, such as a parent. Words of condolences will be made as the
presentation is given.
The honor guard performs a variety of functions. Its primary function is to present the
colors or American flag as a part of the ceremonial process. There are usually six to eight
members and includes one person that is responsible for the team. The flag detail consists of two
persons armed with ceremonial rifles standing on either side of these flag bearers. At times, the
Funeral Rites of Police Work 36
person in charge is typically armed with a ceremonial sword. This person usually marches at a
distance behind the flag-bearing honor guard team.
The honor guard may also perform the additional function of a firing detail. This will
consist of seven members with a designated person in charge. They are to fire three-vollies
during the graveside service. This is meant to simulate a 21-gun salute. These persons are
obviously meant to utilize blank ammunition. Although I have only personally witnessed honor
guards utilize rifles, I have seen video of these groups using shotguns. According to Sanders’s
text, it is also acceptable to have subjects use handguns for this type of salute.
Buglers, bagpipes, and drums are often present at law enforcement funerals. Military
style buglers are usually a part of or connected to the honor guard. They are used to perform the
music known as “Taps,” which recognizes or honors the deceased and their passing. “Taps” is to
be played at the graveside service immediately after the benediction. Commonly, this is a single
bugler. However, at times a second bugler is used to echo the first.
Pipe and drum corps are becoming more and more common. The pipe and drum corps are
typically used to accompany the funeral procession from the vehicle parking to the graveside
service, and/or will be a part of the actual procession at some point or another. Additionally, one
bagpiper might be used to play the song “Amazing Grace.” This song is meant to honor the
deceased.
Positions within honor guard and drum and bugle corps are highly specialized and require
a skill set. Members of these units are selected with care and hold these collateral assignments on
nearly a permanent basis. They are therefore a strong vehicle of cultural ideal transmission and
socialization for Police Work.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 37
An extremely common practice of the occupational culture of Police Work funerals is the
presentation of flowers by mourners and guests. There are usually a significant number of
arrangements presented to the family and/or the department. The more predominant or ornate set
of arrangements tend to be displayed. However, a designated vehicle, as instructed by the family
liaison or planning team, typically moves all of the flowers to and from the various locations.
As stated, it is common for a poem or set of scripture to be placed upon a remembrance
bulletin or card. The following is a poem titled “The Monument” and was authored by Sergeant
George Hahn who is a retired Los Angeles Police Department member.
I never dreamed it would be me
My name for all eternity
Recorded here at this hallowed place
Alas, my name, no more my face
“In the line of duty” I hear them say
My family now the price to pay
My folded flag stained with their tears
We only had those few short years
The badge no longer on my chest
I sleep now in eternal rest
My sword I past to those behind
And pray they keep this thought in mind
I never dreamed it would be me
And with heavy heart and bended knee
I ask for all here from the past
Dear God, let my name be the last
In relation to the framework of the funeral service itself, there is a typical and suggested
pattern. There is usually an opening prayer and/or reading and accompanying statement made by
one of the primary officiates. The presiding officiate is usually a senior department member
and/or the chaplain. An example of an opening statement that I felt exemplified the spirit and
Funeral Rites of Police Work 38
mindset of those mourning the loss of department members is represented in the following
portion of a speech given by an unnamed department member of the Miami Dade County,
Florida, police agency in 2011 (Miami Herald, 2011). This mournful and saddened departmental
member read in part:
Today, there are no colors to differentiate uniforms, agencies, or even ranks. For today
we stand as one, united, under one title, one occupation; we are the police; we are the
community; we stand united to honor two who made the ultimate sacrifice.
An example of scriptural readings or one that is very commonly utilized is known as the
Policeman’s Psalm, or the 23rd Psalm of the Bible (Anonymous, 1982), which is usually read in
its standard fashion.
The Lord is my shepherd:
I shall not want.
He makes me lie down in green pastures;
He leads me beside still waters.
He restores my soul;
He leads me in the paths of righteousness
For His name’s sake
Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death,
I will fear no evil;
For You are with me;
Your rod and your staff, they comfort me.
You prepare a table before me in the presence of mine enemies;
You anoint my head with oil;
My cup runs over.
Surely goodness and mercy shall follow me
All the days of my life;
And I will dwell in the house of the Lord
Forever
Funeral Rites of Police Work 39
However, there are at times alterations made to conform to the law enforcement career
field. Some of these alterations are something similar to: “His comforting hand reduces fear to
naught; he makes me walk through streets of crime, but he gives me courage and peace of mind,”
(Miami Herald, 2011).
Following this initial portion of the event is an invocation of prayer. Subsequent activity
tends to be enacted in a differing order but often includes musical performances and additional
spiritually based readings. These readings are directly related to the religious affiliation of the
deceased department member.
An extremely emotional component of the occupational culture of police work funeral
practices is the eulogy. It is not always an added component of a police funeral, however, it is
very common. The eulogy is typically initiated and concluded with a skilled public speaker that
is a senior department member. He or she is usually a staff or administrative leader, but this
person is not necessarily the highest-ranking member of the agency.
In support of the statements made by this senior department member, there are usually
coworkers and/or family members who provide a portion of the eulogy. These family members
are usually the children of the deceased member. However, at times it is a spouse or a parent of
the deceased member. Anecdotal stories and/or emotional outpourings are common. There are
good-byes made and often-humorous stories told. Although this is a common practice, the actual
words and/or statements made are very individual and unique. Most statements seem to be
generally organized and prewritten but many include other spontaneous additions. In general,
there are always references to the heroic behavior and superior performance of the deceased
Funeral Rites of Police Work 40
member. Almost always, the speakers extol their fellow law enforcement officers to perform
their duties safely, consciously, and to the best of their abilities in remembrance of the fallen
department member.
Based upon my interviews and conversations with law enforcement personnel, I have not
found any specific requirements in relation to these eulogies. It appears that there is a cultural
practice or understanding that these funerals are meant to honor the member, the member’s
department, and law enforcement personnel as a whole, and act as a platform to present to others
that they should attempt to remain as safe as possible. Like the eulogies of any other member of
the modern American culture, speakers present only positive aspects of the personage of the
deceased.
The chaplain and/or religious leader of the family conduct the remainder of the funeral.
Pastoral prayers are stated and then various religious hymns or songs of remembrance as
designated by the family are performed. The music is often a combination of live and recorded
musical presentations. These presentations vary widely from old spirituals such as, “Amazing
Grace” to the traditional, “Danny Boy,” to contemporary music such as Brian Adams’ song
“Never Let Go” (Adams, Never Let Go, 2006)
After the music, there are segments such as a meditation or designated moments of
silence. Subsequent to this, there is a short closing poem or reading and then the presiding
religious leader gives the benediction. The ceremony is then declared closed and persons are
directed to the graveside service.
A significant public display of the presence, solidarity, and significance of the
occupational culture of Police Work is the funeral procession. This procession or motorcade
Funeral Rites of Police Work 41
moves the parties involved in the funeral from the religious service area to the graveside. Sanders
outlined certain suggestions and standards for this activity within his text that are directly in
accordance with what I have personally observed. This includes the suggestion that the family
should be chauffeur driven by uniformed personnel of the deceased member’s department or
agency. The order of vehicles within the procession should typically include the deceased
member’s department escort vehicles, generally police motorcycles; other designated agency
vehicles meant to transport higher ranking department members and key personnel such as the
funeral director, chaplain, and religious officiate, that is, if they are not accompanying the family
in their vehicle. Next, there is a police vehicle for the pallbearers; the hearse containing the
deceased; a designated flower laden vehicle; and the vehicle containing the deceased’s family
members and friends. Another element of traffic control vehicles will conclude the designated
motorcade.
All of the police or emergency vehicles activate their emergency lights, headlights, and
flashers. A tow truck is often made available and left on standby in the event that any of the
motorcade vehicles breakdown. The procession is further supported by a command post that
monitors and directs all the events related to the funeral as well as security personnel who will be
posted at the deceased member’s family home, the graveside area, the funeral service area, and
the department itself.
The route utilized by the motorcade should be predetermined. This route should include,
when feasible, a path that includes the passing of the deceased member’s department and other
government buildings such as schools and the city hall in order to give members of the
community an opportunity to pay their respects to the fallen officers.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 42
Once the motorcade arrives at the graveside, the pallbearers conduct their duty of moving
the deceased member’s casket to the graveside. The graveside service usually follows a pattern
of opening prayer or remarks by the religious officiate once “Taps” has subsided. At the
conclusion of these statements, there are further comments, which vary widely. Generally, they
are religiously orientated and are meant to provide some information related to the deceased
member in an attempt to provide condolence to the family. The graveside service, although it
appears structured, is not conducted in a consistent manner. It typically is performed in
accordance with the practice of the religion associated with the deceased member and/or his or
her family. As previously indicated some components of this service are the honor guard
procession, a 21-gun salute, a bugler(s), pipes and drums, and the flag presentation or folding.
The flag folding is one of the most poignant aspects of a police funeral. As indicated
previously, a designated department member hands over the flag that had been draped on the
casket to a surviving member of the deceased law enforcement member. He or she does this in in
a semi-militaristic fashion and states a preplanned, brief, and meaningful expression of
sympathies on behalf of the department. This segment is laden with unexpressed emotion and
controlled expressions of sadness. This portion of a police funeral seems to be a symbolic gesture
that represents shared condolences from the deceased member’s agency, the community they
served, and the entire organizational structure and culture of law enforcement.
All of the afore mentioned components of the funerals of the occupational culture of
Police Work show that this culture has a rich and elaborate set of funeral rituals. These rituals are
an example of the views of Piette (2010) as they are a visual representation of this culture. The
mourning bands, flowers, United States flag rituals, poems, uniforms, weapons, honor guards,
and other ceremonial elements are examples of the many unique and distinct aspects of this
Funeral Rites of Police Work 43
culture which clearly establishes it as its own occupational culture. All of this is in accordance
with the concepts outlined by King (2009), which states that police organizations are identified
and established, in part, visually by uniforms that are composed of various paraphernalia.
Moving from the documentation of the prescribed manner and practices of police
funerals, I will now describe the actual observations, interviews, and experiences related to these
events. First, I will provide some details of the funerals and background material. I will follow
this with comments from involved persons and additional information.
The first occupational culture of police work funeral that I was associated with during my
career was the funeral of Officer Patrick O’Brian, which occurred in the mid 1990’s. Officer
O’Brian was a member of a medium-sized department within the northern portion of the
Southern California area. Officer O’Brian was a member of a tactical team that had been
attempting to serve an arrest warrant. While doing so, he was shot by the perpetrator and died at
the scene. A subsequent gun battle resulted in the death of the person who had killed Officer
O’Brian.
Officer O’Brian’s funeral was held in a Catholic church a few days after the incident. His
funeral contained many details, elements, and aspects of tradition and ceremony. The funeral was
contained within a full traditional Catholic mass. The funeral was officiated by the Police Chief
and other senior department members. The liturgical aspects of the funeral were conducted and
presided over by the Catholic monsignor or senior priest.
As a part of the religious services, the aforementioned religious leader read from the
Bible and made references to it throughout the statements he made. He told of virtues of law
enforcement officers in general and specifically those of Officer O’Brian. He recognized him
Funeral Rites of Police Work 44
as a hero and compared him to biblical religious figures. Psalms 23 and other biblical verses
were sung or recited.
The Chief of Police provided the eulogy. He provided eloquent words and testament of
the bravery of O’Brian and his comrades. He referenced the other surviving departmental
members who were close to the subject and were a part of the incident. He maintained his
composure; however, it was obvious that he had internal emotions that he was attempting to
control. One other departmental member addressed those attending. He too was emotional and
came to tears at various points. He also extolled the virtues and admirable attributes possessed by
Officer O’Brian. He referred to family members and made comments on their behalf; however,
none of them spoke.
Once the funeral had ended, all those in attendance filed out in an orderly fashion toward
the procession vehicles. Uniformed motor officers led the procession. There were other police
vehicles and trailing fire department apparatus, which were a part of this procession. The family
members were in dark-colored limousines, and the hearse was set within the latter third of the
motorcade. The route was direct and led to the graveside service. There did not appear to be any
ceremonial or unintended deviations from the most direct route. Allied agency motor-officers
and the California Highway Patrol cleared commuter traffic for the funeral procession.
At the gravesite, persons seemed to be dismounting their vehicles in what appeared to be
a preordered fashion; however, due to the significant number of persons in attendance, possibly
over 2,000, it was difficult to manage their movements. In both the funeral service and graveside
service, there were numerous uniformed officers in attendance. It was difficult to determine the
number of agencies present; however, it appeared that they represented law enforcement
Funeral Rites of Police Work 45
organizations from throughout the state of California. There were also uniformed military
personnel in attendance. This might have been related to the fact that the agency of the deceased
policed a municipality situated near a military base. This mass response to the death of a single
member of this occupational work group indicates both the sense of collective identity and
emotional investment each member has made towards the culture as a whole and to their fellow
members of this group.
As a part of the graveside service, there was a bagpipe and drum corps. A member of the
group played the song “Amazing Grace” with their bagpipe. There was also an honor guard and
a group of pallbearers. There was a 21-gun salute, and the members of the honor guard were
involved in this ceremonial activity.
The graveside service was presided over by the same official and religious leader. The
senior administrator, and not the Chief of Police, made a flag presentation to the wife of Officer
O’Brian once the flag was folded at the conclusion of the graveside ceremony. The immediate
family members and several of Officer O’Brian’s departmental members were allowed to leave
the graveside service prior to any other movement. Some of the family members remained. At
this point, those in attendance were dismissed.
I spoke with a person who had attended this funeral. The funeral had occurred within an
agency that was within the same region where I first began my career as a police officer. I have
known this person for over twenty years. He is still an active and employed law enforcement
member and has achieved a staff level rank.
During my interview with this staff officer, he explained that the size and scope of this
funeral was directly related to the fact that the officer had fallen in the line of duty in a violent
Funeral Rites of Police Work 46
manner. Based on his observations of the incident, he felt that it was one of the more distressing
experiences of his career. Although he was not involved in nor had he known the officer
personally, it had occurred early on in his career. This fact caused him to ponder the situation at
times and he used this memory as a reminder to stay focused and safety conscious. The staff
member also took away many practical experiences in association with this incident. He recalled
what he referred to as the overall air of controlled chaos. He recalled the fact that there were
many components and details associated with this incident that needed constant supervision and
monitoring. He was impressed by the department’s attention to detail and their ability to provide
a meaningful experience despite the relatively vast number of persons in attendance and potential
for confusion.
Approximately ten years later, another on-duty death of a law enforcement officer
directly affected my life and those of other officers that I personally knew. Officer Alan Sumner
was killed as he was responding to a disturbance that was occurring at a convenience store within
a small but violent city in the San Francisco Bay Area of California. I had previously worked
with this officer in another agency for a lengthy period of time, and I was personally acquainted
with several of his family members.
This incident occurred within or very near to a major metropolitan area. As a result, it
was a highly covered media event. It took some time for the suspect who had killed Officer
Sumner to be apprehended. This added to the media focus for this incident.
The funeral itself occurred within a week after Officer Sumner’s death. There again were
at least 2,000, if not more, officers in attendance from numerous police agencies. I am certain
that there were officers from many areas and regions in the state of California. The event took
Funeral Rites of Police Work 47
place at a large community event center. It was officiated by a Christian or nondenominational
pastor. The senior department member for Officer Sumner also took part in this ceremony.
Officer Sumner’s immediate family was in attendance. Officer Sumner’s father, who was a
significant part of his life, also made comments.
There were numerous ceremonial aspects to this funeral. There were various Christianbased songs and hymnals. There was a color guard and honor guard for the casket during the
entire ceremony.
The perpetrator for this incident had not been captured at this point. The subject was,
however, known. There were references to the necessity of his arrest and potential legal
proceedings that would follow. The senior official of Officer Sumner’s agency briefly provided
this information and quickly continued on. It seemed as if this information was provided out of
necessity and as a means of bolstering and motivating Officer Sumner’s fellow personnel.
Additionally, it was likely meant as some form of reassurance for the family and the community.
Officer Sumner’s funeral procession was conducted in the same manner as Officer
O’Brian’s. No other specific details were noted other than some activities that occurred at the
entryway to the gravesite area. In this area, there were fire trucks with their ladders raised and a
hoisted American flag that was suspended between these ladders. There appeared to be other
acknowledgments or references to the military as Officer Sumner was a former military member.
He had served briefly during Desert Storm. Representations of this aspect of his life appeared to
be more prevalent during the graveside service and procession.
The graveside service was conducted in a manner that was quite consistent with the
previously described police funeral and typical elements of a Christian burial service. There was
Funeral Rites of Police Work 48
a traditional flag folding prior to the casket being lowered into the grave. Along with this, there
was a presentation of the flag to Officer Sumner’s current wife and their children.
Subsequent to this funeral, I spoke to one of the officers that attended the ceremony and
to Officer Sumner’s previous wife and mother of his oldest child. I was unable to speak to her in
person so the interview had to be facilitated through a social networking site. This was the
primary means of my communication with this person, and I was unable to find a way to
cultivate a more direct and personal conversation. I, however, received some of her personal
thoughts and ideals associated with this incident. She was primarily focused on her concern for
her daughter. She was deeply concerned about how this situation would affect her life. She was
almost exclusively focused on facilitating a healthy and functional grieving process for their
daughter. She described how this incident would affect her daughter’s upbringing and future
goals and achievements. She did mention the trial process, conviction, and pending death
sentence of the suspect. She referred to these circumstances in almost a matter of fact fashion.
Due to the familial situation that she and
Officer Sumner were involved in, I did not move from
beyond this immediate subject. I was unable to obtain any further personal thoughts from her.
The law enforcement member that I spoke to was also a friend of Officer Sumner. He
described the vast number of police vehicles and emergency vehicle apparatus that were a part of
the police procession. He claimed he did not have any specific recollections of feelings
associated with the funeral. He did, however, feel satisfaction related to the subsequent arrest and
prosecution of the person that had killed Officer Sumner. This officer primarily focused on his
concerns over the potential legal issues related to the death sentence of the offender. The officer
revisited the circumstances of Officer Sumner’s death.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 49
The officer seemed to avoid expressing any emotionally related thoughts, however, I was
able to delve somewhat deeper. This officer did acknowledge that the funeral was focused on all
the positive aspects of Officer Sumner’s character. He had personal knowledge that
Officer
Sumner had been disciplined for some transgressions in the past and had previous tumultuous
personal relationships. This officer was aware that I had personal knowledge of some of this
activity. He avoided providing any detailed discussion of this situation and simply referenced it.
The officer indicated that he believed that the reasoning behind only the positive aspects of
Officer Sumner’s character being discussed was that it conformed with the same practices related
to the death of any person within our society. It was his opinion that it was a strong taboo in our
society to speak ill of persons who were recently deceased.
A few years prior to my employment with my current agency, an officer was conducting
DUI enforcement activity. He stopped a vehicle and was conducting a preliminary investigation
in relation to a possible drunk driver. While doing so, he was struck by a separate drunk driver
and killed.
This officer’s funeral deeply affected the community. He was a longtime member of the
department and had many close personal friends within the community. He was a likable and
well thought of person. He was part of very visible units, the Traffic Bureau and mounted
policing units. While in these assignments he would attend many public events and special
details while in uniform.
Based upon the information I received, his funeral was very elaborate and traditional. All
of the above elements described in the first portion of the discussion section were present. A
statue of his image was erected in front of the police department, a section of a local freeway was
Funeral Rites of Police Work 50
named in his honor, and a memorial fund meant to provide monies to youth programs was
created in his name. His locker, to this day, is left unoccupied and has notes and mementos of
remembrance left on it.
An officer that I partnered with several times in a mid-state metropolitan area agency was
shot in the face during a foot pursuit of a dangerous subject. He survived this incident, but bore
the scars. Four years later, he died suddenly of an aneurism in his home. It was never determined
if his death was related to the shooting incident.
This officer, a former college football player, was an active officer prior to the shooting.
By others’ accounts, he seemed to step back and slow down after he recuperated from the
incident and returned to work. At the time of his death he was a patrol officer in what was
perceived to be an area, which was least affected by crime. The officer did work a good amount
of overtime but he seemed to be primarily focused on his family and off-duty time. He seemed to
be a pleasant but very private person.
About 200 to 300 people attended the funeral for this officer but department members
primarily attended the graveside service. Most persons in attendance were not in uniform. The
service had minimal representations of the law enforcement career field.
These first four police funerals had a common and related theme. That is, the concern for
safety and the recognition of danger related to the job. During the first three funerals there were
several direct and overt statements related to the need to be aware of one’s surroundings and
concern for one’s personal wellbeing. The fourth funeral seemed to have an understated tone in
relation to this topic. This activity appears to be a representation of several of the scientific
concepts contained within the literature review. Westly (1970) indicated in his research that
Funeral Rites of Police Work 51
police culture is partially established and influenced by the perception of danger related to the
chaotic and violent nature of their work place. This perception is made more real by the fact that
they have mixed success when confronted by difficult situations and with the unsuccessful
outcomes resulting in discipline, loss of status, physical harm, other negative consequences or
even the loss of their life. More candidly, police funerals are a stark and naked reminder of the
very real dangers of this occupational culture that anchors their fears and concerns to their
conceptions of their own personal safety, which supports Kappeler’s (1998) findings in relation
to how the police culture was developed.
Just prior to Officer Sumner’s funeral, I attended a funeral of a close co-worker of mine.
Officer Chad Kim was a member of a fifteen-person training unit at the time of his death. One
of his closest personal friends and I worked with him on a day-to-day basis. We worked for a
Central California municipal policing agency. It is one of the larger policing agencies in the
state. Officer Chad Kim had numerous positive experiences and accolades related to his
employment as a peace officer. He was also a former military member.
Officer Kim was off duty one weekend while riding his personal motorcycle in the
downtown area of a nearby city. While he was stopped at a red light, a drunk driver struck him
with his vehicle, killing Officer Kim instantly.
Officer Kim’s death deeply affected many members of the police department. He was
known by many persons due to the tactical units he had been involved in and the fact that he
conducted departmental trainings on a daily basis. He was one of the key members of our unit.
Officer Kim had an excellent sense of humor and was quite personable.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 52
Officer Kim’s funeral was held at a Catholic church within his hometown, which is near
the city we worked in. The funeral was conducted more in accordance with a typical modern
American memorial service than a law enforcement funeral. There was no formal procession or
entry into the church. There was a mix of persons who were in and out of uniform. Some of the
persons that spoke as a part of his eulogy were in uniform and some were not. The church, albeit
fairly large, was filled to capacity. I did find it interesting that his immediate family members
seemed to be minimized by the vast number of persons present. Their direct participation in this
service was minimal. I am uncertain whether it was based upon their request or if it simply
occurred in this manner without any preplanning.
This situation deeply affected the previously mentioned mutual friend of Officer Kim and
me. He was saddened and seemed to have personal relationship issues thereafter. He had
difficulty in talking about this situation. When I spoke to him about the incident, he simply made
reference to Officer Kim and his positive personality. He seemed to avoid speaking about any
details or other aspects of this situation. Although, we both worked together frequently and
appeared to have a good relationship it seemed that the subject of Officer Kim became, and is to
this day, a taboo.
I have also attended the funerals of two law enforcement members who committed
suicide. The first occurred very early on in my career. Sergeant James Steele was my first
supervisor. He was an older gentleman who was close to retirement when I met him. He was a
gruff, straight-and-to-the-point person; however, he seemed to care deeply for those that worked
with and around him. He was an excellent leader despite the fact that he utilized somewhat
antiquated leadership tactics. He also appeared to be a very religious person. He took numerous
religiously oriented vacations with his spouse and other family members.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 53
Sergeant Steele retired a few years after I began my law enforcement career. He began
having medical problems and had several surgeries to repair his various joints. After one of the
joint surgeries, it seemed that he was having difficulty healing. I was informed that on the day of
his death, he asked his wife to leave the residence to obtain some medication and other items.
When she returned home, she found that he had shot himself and was dead.
My knowledge of the ceremonies related to Sergeant Steele is primarily focused on the
funeral itself. There was no procession, and the graveside service was restricted to personal
family members. The funeral was conducted midweek, only a few days after his death. It was
conducted within a smaller church in the middle of the city where he had worked. Not all
department members attended, and no one was in uniform. The funeral service was conducted in
a standard Christian-based manner. I do not recall the specifics of the eulogy or the religious
readings or songs. Each officer that I knew that was in attendance expressed personal signs of
grief; however, there did not seem to be any form of collective mourning. Once the funeral
service ended, it appeared that many of the persons, including myself, simply left with those that
we had come with.
I recently spoke with an officer that attended the funeral. He expressed to me the fact that
he had great respect for Sergeant Steele. I have a specific recollection that this officer was moved
to tears during the funeral and I broached this subject indirectly. He immediately moved away
from this topic. He began telling many anecdotal stories about Sergeant Steele’s exploits and
astonishing ability to get the job done with very little effort. He then expressed his concern for
Sergeant Steele’s well being during the later part of his life. This officer told me that he had no
way of processing or understanding why Sergeant Steele would kill himself. There was an
assumption made by him that Sergeant Steele may have been the victim of some form of
Funeral Rites of Police Work 54
diminished capacity. He later told me that he felt that the reason why numerous officers attended
his funeral was the fact that Sergeant Steele was thought of as an honorable person and was well
respected within the entire community. This seemed to compensate for the fact that he had
committed the social taboo of suicide. This officer did state that he felt that there was not a
uniform presence for this funeral as Sergeant Steele had been retired and had committed suicide.
This funeral contrasts with the ceremonies associated with the death of the law
enforcement staff member of a larger policing agency that I had worked for in the past.
Lieutenant Rodriguez was an area commander for the precinct of a larger Central California city.
This was the same city that Officer Kim and the officer that died of an aneurism had worked in.
He was heavily associated with the Police Chief and had been a member of numerous specialized
and high profile units in the past. He had been the commander of a highly active and mixed
culturally orientated precinct. He was known as an excellent leader and had a very positive and
likeable demeanor. Lieutenant Rodriguez was known throughout the community and was present
at numerous public events. Anyone within the department felt comfortable in speaking to him at
any given time and about any particular subject.
Despite all of this, he had personal issues. As a result, he remained in uniform one
particular evening and drove to a secluded location near a friend’s home. He then shot himself
and left a note indicating his sorrow and apologies for harming himself and for upsetting those
that cared for him.
Despite the fact that Lieutenant Rodriguez had killed himself, several thousand persons
attended his funeral. A large religious complex was filled to capacity and other venues were
utilized in conjunction with the primary building as they were supplied with closed circuit TVs
Funeral Rites of Police Work 55
in order to view the event. Of the numerous persons present, many of them were in uniform. The
funeral was, however, conducted in a relatively rapid manner. The person that presided over the
service was a religious figure associated with the department. The person was also associated
with the religious facility we were utilizing. A brief eulogy was conducted by one of the sons of
Lieutenant Rodriguez and a close personal friend that was also a member of the department.
Once the funeral services were concluded, a graveside service was held. There was not a
traditional and organized procession that was directly associated with law enforcement. I do not
have personal knowledge of or information about the actual graveside service, as I did not attend
this portion of the event. I was unable to contact anyone who did.
The final funeral associated with the occupational culture of police work that I will refer
to was that of a member who had been set out by the group. This person was a former trainee of
mine. I had numerous conversations with him about various subjects including personal topics. I
had lost touch with him over the last several years.
Officer Jack Colbert had been a police officer for approximately four years at the time of
his death. He had previously been a Police Explorer and was sponsored through the academy by
the policing agency he was employed with at the time of his death. He was known as a positive
and congenial person. His work ethic was initially standard but was later questioned. He seemed
to have certain personal issues, and his wife had committed suicide a year and a half prior to his
death. Despite these personal issues, Officer Colbert seemed to re-bolster himself and had been
recognized as the officer of the year just prior to his death. However, an investigation revealed
that he might have been involved in an inappropriate relationship with an under-aged female
Police Explorer. Subsequent to this, irrefutable evidence was obtained and there an attempt was
made to arrest him. During the arrest, he struggled with the involved officers. As part of the
Funeral Rites of Police Work 56
struggle, he fired his weapon. Shortly thereafter, another officer, who was a close personal friend
of Officer Colbert’s, shot and killed him in order to defend himself and others from Officer
Colbert.
There was a formal and informal understanding by all associated with law enforcement
that there would not be any collective expression of mourning. The understanding was that there
would be no official recognition of Officer Colbert’s death other than an official inquiry. The
department and its officers were not involved in his funeral. It was also understood that his
family members did not want Officer Colbert’s police department to be involved in this
ceremony.
I spoke to an officer who was present at the funeral. This officer was present as a matter
of security and did not attend or approach the funeral with the purpose of participating in the
mourning process. This officer did, however, know the deceased person personally and had even
attended the police academy with him. The reason he was given the task of acting as security for
the funeral was Officer Colbert’s family members were involved in a recognized outlaw
motorcycle gang. Apparently, Officer Colbert had disassociated himself from these family
members at one time but had recently rekindled his relationship with them. No one is certain of
this fact. These family members invited numerous members of this allegedly criminally oriented
organization who came from in and around the area to attend. It was also made known that these
family members were angry with the police department over the outcome of the situation.
The officer monitored the wake the night before the funeral service and the funeral itself
from a position outside and away from the location. The officer did not directly see the activity
of the graveside service; however, he did observe the fact that they conducted a procession to
Funeral Rites of Police Work 57
and from the graveside in an organized manner. The procession consisted of members of the
previously mentioned group wearing clothing and accouterments associated with the outlaw
biker culture who were riding similarly adorned motorcycles.
The officer that was monitoring this incident was gravely saddened by its occurrence. He
felt tremendous empathy for the officer and his family; however, he felt that the officer had
dishonored himself and the profession by possibly being involved in the activity that was
alleged. He felt that the officer who had protected the others acted in an appropriate manner. He
flatly insisted that Officer Colbert did not deserve nor should he be afforded any traditional
police funeral rights or recognition.
Intermittently, throughout the description of the eight police funeral events, the law
enforcement officers and even the family members showed various forms of loyalty to the
deceased officers during their interviews. There was reluctance to speak ill of the fallen officers.
Some of the persons interviewed seemed to want to avoid any reference to potentially
uncomfortable topics altogether. The officer who was close to the disgraced officer showed that
his loyalty to the culture was stronger than his loyalty to the deceased member. All of this
directly and indirectly supports some of Reuss-Inni’s (1983) concepts, documented previously,
which are related to his description of the police culture.
Conclusions
The prior existing research appeared to provide a strong basis of understanding for this
research. It is clear that the occupational culture of Police Work conforms to the scientifically
established definitions of an organization with a distinct identity and unique culture to the extent
that it can be considered an identifiable subculture within our modern American society. Its
Funeral Rites of Police Work 58
intricate and complicated socialization process further defines and establishes this occupational
culture. This is supported by the fact that this occupational culture has its own unique set of
funeral rituals as described in detail within my research.
Within these details there was an unexpected finding. I noted that there are differences in
the use of cultural material and involvement in the funerals of the members of this group. It
appears that there is a hierarchy of police funerals. The magnitude of a law enforcement
member’s funeral was directly correlated to manner of their death. If a law enforcement member
is killed in the line of duty in a violent manner, it appears to affect and/or permeate a wider
region and group of departments and officers. Additionally, members of this culture who have
died in this manner will have a more elaborate and culturally laden funeral that those who did not
die on duty.
The next cultural level of police funeral is associated with an active duty law enforcement
member who is killed in an accident while on duty. Officers that are killed during traffic
accidents are also held in high esteem. Their funerals are held in a manner and fashion that is
nearly identical to that of persons who are killed violently. However, there death seems to effect
officers to a lesser extent, geographically speaking. This was evidenced indirectly by the number
of officers and number of agencies represented at the funeral.
Following on-duty deaths, are those of currently employed law enforcement officers who
die off-duty. Officers who die suddenly or unexpectedly while off-duty, either through accident
or illness, while receive recognition from the occupational culture but to a lesser degree than
those who lost their lives while on-duty.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 59
There is recognition of recently retired members; however, it appears that the longer an
officer has been retired, the less his death is recognized by the occupational culture of police
work. This was indicated through the description of the funeral of Sergeant Steele. However, I
can also add that several other funerals of retired officers that I have known were not
acknowledge to any degree save an email notice or briefing/roll-call announcement.
Officers who commit suicide or who die in a less than acceptable manner are a whole
other matter. It appears that if the officers are perceived to have been effective and productive
members who were “a victim” of their circumstances, the occupational culture of police work
does recognize and mourn their passing. If, however, there are other circumstances or this
member is involved in less than ethical behavior, then there is a formal and informal distancing
from this person. This occurs to the extent that their passing may be completely ignored as far as
ceremony and memorial services are concerned.
The funeral practices of the occupational culture of Police Work have similarities and
differences to those of contemporary American memorials. The attendees of both of these types
of funerals attempt to speak of positive attributes of the deceased and avoid making any negative
statements. Contemporary funerals appear to have a lesser degree of ceremony and ritual.
However, the level of detail of a contemporary funeral appears to be related to socioeconomic
status of the deceased person but this has not been established in my research and may be a topic
for future review.
Despite the fact that I was personally acquainted with each of the persons I interviewed
and the fact that I am fully entrenched within the occupational culture of Police Work, I had
difficulties in obtaining data. Persons of this occupational culture are subjected to the pressures
Funeral Rites of Police Work 60
of contemporary American cultural influences, as previously indicated, and to the influences of
their own group. They are reluctant to delve into the details of the lives of others or to expose the
emotions contained within themselves. The scope of this research prevents me from providing a
scientifically based explanation of this phenomenon and is an indication that this area of study is
in need of further research. All this is to say that it appears that a great many details and valuable
sets of information can be learned through ethnographic analysis of the funeral rites of the
occupational culture of Police Work. However, further and more expansive research must be
conducted in order to obtain a more complete and accurate perspective.
Funeral Rites of Police Work 61
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