SBL 2009 Paper. Vadim S. Jigoulov. Page 1 of 10
“Greeks Bearing Gifts: Issues of Cultural Exchange in the Persian-Period Eastern
Mediterranean”
by Vadim Jigoulov
Abstract
Several recent publications have intimated that the introduction of the Greek material-culture
artifacts and language into the Levant commenced well before the actual arrival of Alexander the
Great there. This paper will explore a possibility of broader Greek cultural penetration into the
Levant that involved additionally a literary aspect.
SBL 2009 Paper. Vadim S. Jigoulov. Page 2 of 10
Much has been said in recent years regarding the presence of Greek cultural artifacts in the
Persian-period Levant. Most of them belong to the area of material culture and epigraphy. After
surveying several reports, I could not help asking a question: if material-culture and epigraphic
remains point to the import of foreign objects en masse into the Levant, could we hypothesize that
the scope of exchange went beyond the ubiquitous materials such as pots and kitchen utensils, and
sporadic trading invoices? Could it be possible that this commerce and trade facilitated cultural
exchange as well and allowed for cherished Greek tales and stories, memorized or otherwise written
down, to make their way into the Persian-period Levant? Using the sources of the Hebrew Bible, I
will propose that this indeed was the case and that we can speak tentatively of the introduction of
Greek literary traditions into the Persia-era Levant thus strengthening the existing case for the
Persian-period provenance of ancient Jewish literature.
Let’s first turn to the material-culture evidence. One of the first and most obvious
connections between the Aegean and the Levant is evident in the archaeology. Scholars have long
noted numerous archaeological remains found in the Levant that originated in the Greek world. In a
recent article (2008), Einat Ambar-Armon and Amos Kloner contend that although the date of 332
BCE is frequently cited as the time when the thorough relationships between Greece and the “Land
of Israel” were established, the relationships between the two regions thrived during the Persian
period as well.
One example is the significant amount of pottery imports from the Mediterranean basin. In
Palestine, the steady flow of Eastern Greek ware in the sixth and seventh centuries was almost
completely replaced from the fifth century forward by Athenian imports (Ambar-Armon and Kloner
2008:6). Large quantities of black-figure and later red-figure and black polished vessels made their
way into the coastal and inland Levant. Although it is conceivable that some Greek settlements in the
SBL 2009 Paper. Vadim S. Jigoulov. Page 3 of 10
Levant were responsible for the production of large quantities of Attic vessels, the strong economic
and cultural ties between the two regions are most likely responsible for the phenomenon.
Numismatic finds also serve as evidence of Greek-Levant connections in the Persian period.
Dozens of Athenian coins, mostly tetradrachms, the earliest of them dating to the second half of the
fifth century BCE, have been found near Jerusalem and Nablus (see Cahn 1984). In fact, scholars
have long established that Athenian tetradrachms and their imitations bearing the image of an owl
were widely used in the Persian-period Levant (Kraay 1976, Milne 1937, Nicolet-Pierre 2000).
Iconography characterized by artistic borrowings and innovations by coin mints in Yehud point to
close economic ties between Greece and Yehud.
Elsewhere in the Levant, the cultural connections with the Aegean were even more
pronounced. In Samaria, for example, the numismatic repertoire was dominated by the images from
Greek mythological tradition (including Zeus and Heracles) and Greek inscriptions of coins, as
studies by Meshorer and Qedar demonstrate (1991, 1999). Even in the Samarian glyptic, a precursor
to the coinage, the Greek iconography was prevalent.
In Phoenicia, the connections with the Aegean are most prominently seen in the iconography
of Tyrian coinage and the distribution of Greek coins. The processes of cultural borrowing and
exchange taking place in Tyre are well illustrated by the Athenian owl, a prominent feature of Tyrian
coins. Greek coins themselves, especially Athenian tetradrachms, have been found throughout
Phoenician city-states. Coinage from other Greek cities has been discovered at Byblos (Lycian
currency), Beirut, and Massyaf (coinage from Aegina and other Greek cities).
In addition to changes in iconography and distribution of coinage, changes in language often
indicate processes of cultural exchange. Even the good old American English has swelled to the
incredible number of 1,000,000 words in large part due to the influx of foreign-based words and
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expressions (Grande Chai Latte, anyone?). Unfortunately, the inanely awkward “Web 2.0” has the
dubious honor of holding the prestigious title of the one millionth word…
We can trace the same process of cultural exchange through the influx of Greek-related
words and terms into the Levant. Among the supporting evidence one may cite bilingual inscriptions,
the use of the Greek name “Hermes” in Phoenician inscriptions, Greek spellings of names, etc. In
Yehud, many ostraca incised in Greek and Greek inscriptions have been found in Persian-period
strata (Stern 2001:399). In Samaria, 39 seal impressions from Wadi ed-Daliyeh bear Greek motifs
compared to 21 in Achaemenian or Near-Eastern style (Eshel 2008:118; Leith 1997). Most of them
either contain Greek names like Herakles or depicting Perseus, Dionysus, Achilles, Gorgon’s head, a
satyr, a naked warrior with a spear or a shield, or some images from Greek mythology, such as a
flying boar. Many inscriptions in Greek come from coastal sites, primarily along the northern coastSidon, Sarepta, Kabri, Acco, and Dor. On one Persian-period cow scapula (bone) found at Dor
there’s a sophisticated maritime scene on one side and a Cypro-syllabic inscription in Greek on the
other.1
In Phoenicia, Greek inscriptions are for the most part limited to graffiti on Greek vases, either
imported or produced locally, which carry trade records. For example, excavations at Beirut yielded
several Greek graffiti incised on fragments of Attic vases, which possibly served as writing materials
for Greek or Greek-speaking merchants visiting or residing in Beirut in the Persian period. Seals in
Phoenicia in general from the latter half of the sixth to the fourth centuries BCE were characterized
by “the distinct preference for seals with Greek motifs” (1993:126). One example is a GrecoPhoenician seal of the Hermes the Shepherd type, which appears to bear the divine name “Baal,” the
first two letters of which were written in Phoenician and the third in Greek. Whether this was a
mistake or a deliberate stylistic preference is unknown. What is clear, however, is the fact that the
Stern proposes that this was “probably a dedicatory inscription to the local temple of the goddess Astarte by a Greekspeaking Cypriot pilgrim visiting Dor” (Stern 2001:486).
1
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engraver of the seal knew Greek writing and the owner of the seal might have possibly ordered it this
way for commercial purposes.
The Persian period in the Levant also saw an introduction of several technological
innovations inspired by Greeks. Among those scholars list closed lamps, figurines (a shift from solid
to hollow ones), metal-working, and wine-presses. 2 I believe there’s truth in an assumption that
technological innovation frequently facilitates cultural change and exchange, and that inventions do,
in fact, follow the cultural need for innovation (Ambar-Ammon and Kloner 2008: 14).
Cultural exchange between the Greek world and the Persian-period Levant can also be traced
though religious artifacts. Many temple repositories (favissae) have been found in the coastal region:
Acco, Tell Abu Hawam, Dor, Apollonia, Tel Michal, Makmish, Ashkelon, and Gaza, and at a few
inland locations: Dan, Beth Shean, Lachish, Tel Erani, Tell Ets-Tsafi, Tel Sippor, Tel Halif, and Beer
Sheba. Many of the favissae contain Ionian and Attic artifacts, including a curious find of fragments
of a Gorgon’s head at Dor (Stern 2002:50-57). This evidence overturns Wenings’ argument (2004)
that the iconographical motifs in Persian-period Palestine bore very few mythological scenes and that
the consumers of articles were not very well-versed in Greek mythology. Apparently, they were, at
least they were familiar with the myth of Gorgon.
Given the extensive list of exchanges that I have just enumerated for you, there’s a question
I’d like to ask-were these various kinds of artifacts accompanied by narratives of history and
mythology when they made their way to the Levant and who might have delivered those narratives to
the Levant?
One factor that must be considered is the possibility that Greeks actually resided in the
Levant. Some of the examples of Greek physical presence in the Levant are as follows:
2
It is of note that technological influences between the Greek world and the Levant were bidirectional, the methods of
manufacturing the oil lamps and the figurines were initially exported from the East to the West and then later were
reintroduced in a more refined form to the Persian Levant (Ambar-Ammon and Kloner 2008: 12 and Boardman 2001:3342).
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1. the mercenary contingent at the fortress of Mezad Hashavyahu near Yavneh-Yam mentioned
in a 7th-century ostracon (Stern 2001: 172),
2. at a 7th-century Greek fortress (identified as such by Oren) in the outskirts of the eastern Nile
Delta, in the Sinai region (Stern 2001: 317),
3. the kittiyim frequently identified as Greek soldiers stationed in the garrison at Arad around
the 7th century BCE,
4. 4th-5th centuries Dor, Ashdod, and Ashkelon where Greek helmets were found mostly in
underwater excavations (Stern 2001: 533),
5. an accumulation of Greek mercenaries in Acco under Pharnabazus who by 375 BCE
assembled three hundred ships and about twelve thousand Greek mercenaries there,
6. and the mysterious ludim who served in the Egyptian army (Jer. 46:9).3
The Greek presence in the Levant reflects trading and military activities but I surmise that it probably
went beyond just simple exchange of goods and mercenary activities.
Given the presence of Greek artifacts and the Greeks themselves in the Persian-period
Levant, can we assume that they might have left some cultural impact on the literature there and that
the exchange of myths, folklore, and literatures from their home communities took place?
After all, we can cite examples of such kinds of exchanges taking place in other lands. In
Lycia, for example, cultural exchange can be illustrated by pointing out the mentions of the land
itself and Lycian names in Homeric literature and the appearance of connections with the Greek
world in the Lycian texts, as Payne demonstrated in a recent article (Payne 2008). Bilingualism in
Persian-period Lycia pointed out by Payne is yet another evidence of cultural exchange involving
Greece and Lycia.
3
Scholars speak of the Greek presence in the Eastern Mediterranean in the form of enoikismos, a peaceful coexistence
within an already existing local population (Stern 2001: 222).
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The situation in the Levant is more complex. The only substantial texts that may be suspect
in carrying traces of cultural exchange with the Eastern Mediterranean are the books of the Hebrew
Bible. And although the cultural connections are not too obvious in the Hebrew Bible, I share, with
amendments, Carr’s argument that the Hebrew Bible contains a strong anti-Hellenistic agenda,
although I see this agenda, in light of the above findings, possibly manifesting itself in the Persian
period instead of the Hellenistic period proposed by Carr.
The Hebrew Bible may be a treasure trove of indicators that the writers were familiar with
myths and other narratives originating in Greece. I am particularly convinced by the arguments of
Zlotnick-Sivan (2004), who posed some questions about the similarities between the accounts of the
origins of Cyrus in Herodotus and Moses in the Hebrew Bible. Both are condemned to death by the
ruling monarchs of the day, both are rescued from a sure demise, and both and endowed with
unrestrained temper in their adolescence. However, I would like to point out that the differences
between the accounts may suggest some ideological reasons for presenting one of the central
religious figures of Judaism in a particular light. By placing his birth and adolescence narratives in
Egypt, the writers emphasized the hostility of that land to the ancient Hebrews, perhaps as a sign of
camaraderie and compliance with the defeat of Egypt by Cambyses. Secondly, by eschewing some of
the elements of heroic accounts that might have marked the narrative of Cyrus’ birth as preserved by
Herodotus (such as separation between baby and parents), the biblical writers were able to fashion
the life of Egyptian Moses as someone who combines the qualities of a mythical hero with the
humanness of Moses the servant of Yahweh. The biblical narrative, informed by foreign myths and
narratives, is fashioned to replace fate, the leading factor shaping Cyrus’ life, with Yahweh’s will.
Another manifestation of the anti-Hellenistic agenda may be evident in the episode involving
Jephthah and his daughter, in which Jephthah famously followed through with his vow to offer as a
burnt offering the first person who comes out to meet him (Judges 11). It is an extraordinary passage
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alluding to human sacrifice explicitly prohibited elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. If we consider the
possibility that it was a response to other well-known examples of human sacrifice in Greek myths,
in Homeric literature, for example, then the account would take a different meaning. What comes to
mind is the story of Idomeneus who promised Poseidon that he would sacrifice the first living thing
he saw when he returned home if Poseidon would save his ship and crew. The first living thing was,
as luck would have it, his own son, whom Idomeneus duly sacrificed. Idomeneus was an advisor to
none other than Agamemnon who himself did not hesitate to sacrifice his daughter Iphigenia to
ensure the ability of his ships to sail to Troy. Comparing the Homeric and biblical accounts, I might
suggest that as a literature of ideological response and resistance, the Judges’ account places the
emphasis on the theme of keeping the vow rather than the sacrifice itself. For the biblical writers,
human sacrifice as practiced in other, foreign cultures is not something to placate a deity but rather
an aberration that functions only as a verification of loyalty and as a sign of obedience to Yahweh.
These are just a couple of examples that may suggest that we should look at the Hebrew
Bible as a literature of ideological resistance to Hellenistic ideas that were delivered to the Levant as
a result of cultural exchange. Given this agenda we may want to look into other possible reactions
and connections, such as that one between Solomon and Solon, between Zeus, Jove, and Yahweh,
Odysseus/Achilles and Moses, and the inordinate amount of sea motifs in a hinterland-focused
Judean culture of the Persian period.
The notion that Greek literature and myth reached the Levant, was shared with its population,
and affected the ancient Jewish literature is not that far-fetched-after all, there’s some evidence of the
reverse phenomenon, i.e., of biblical stories affecting culture in Greece. Consider the case of
Pompeii, where a painting was found in the House of the Physician depicting “King Solomon seated
on a raised tribunal and flanked by two counselors” (Feder 2008:32). The scene describes the famous
episode from 1 Kings 3:16-28 where Solomon was able to solve judiciously the case of two mothers
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claiming the motherhood of a child. Although the painting itself is rather late, possibly dating to the
first century CE, another curious connection of Solomon in the painting is with the two famous
Greek philosophers Socrates and Aristotle. The event depicting Solomon is witnessed by the two
philosophers, thus possibly signifying a synthetic combination of the wisdom of two civilizations
(Feder 2008:35). Such a connection is not entirely new since even Clearchus of Soli (ca. 300 BCE), a
disciple of Aristotle, relates the words of his teacher concerning the Jews being descendants of
Indian philosophers (Augustine, Against Apion I, 176-182). The same view of the Jews is expressed
by Theophractus (372-288 BCE) who stated that “being a race of philosophers, they converse with
each other about divinity, and during the night they view the stars, turnings their eyes to them and
invoking their God with prayers” (On Piety, cited by Porphyry in On Abstinence). Given this
information it is possible to assume that cultural exchange did take place and Jewish and Greek ideas
and myths were exchanged in the fourth/third centuries BCE and, possibly, earlier.
In conclusion, I would like to state that existing evidence strongly suggests that the cultural
exchange between the Levant and the Greek world was well underway before the Alexander’s
conquest of the Near East. This cultural exchange was possibly bidirectional where the myths and
stories from both lands were exported through the means of commerce. It would be beneficial to
conduct further archaeological, literary, and historical studies with such an exchange in mind.
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Bibliography
Einat Ambar-Armon and Amos Kloner, 2007, “Arcaheological Evidence of Links between the
Aegean World and the Land of Israel in the Persian Period.” in Time of Change. Judah and its
Neighbours in the Persian and Early Hellenistic Periods, edited by Yigal Levin (London: T & T
Clark International; Library of Second Temple Studies, 65.
Boardman, J. 2001. Aspects of “Colonization.” BASOR 322: 33.42
H. A. Cahn, 'Stagira in Tel Aviv', in A. Houghton, S. Hurter, P E Mottahedeh and
J A. Scott (eds), Studies in Honor of Leo Mildenberg: Numismatics, Art History, Archaeology
(Wetteren: Editions NR, 1984), pp. 43-50.
C. M. Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins (London: Methuen, 1976), pp. 73-5;
J. G. Milne, 'The Origin of Certain Copies of Athenian Tetradrachms', Iraq 4 (1937),
pp. 5+
8; H Nicolet-Pierre, 'Tetradrachmes Ath6niens en Transeuphratdne', Transeuphratdne 20
(2000), pp.l07-19.
Stern, E. 2002. Gorgon Excavated at Dor, BAR 28.6 :50-57.
1
J. Elayi 1988b:11.
J. Elayi and Sayegh 1998:154, n. 7-8, 58-59.
3
See also Bordreuil 1986:29, 31-34 and Lemaire 1986b:no. 1.
4
J. Elayi 1988b:152-53, n. 81; J. Elayi and Sapin 1998:94.
2